HERODOTUS, HISTORIAI

HERODOTE, HISTORIAI book cover

The History of Herodotus
By Herodotus
Translated by G. C. Macaulay
1890, published by MacMillan and Co., London and New York.

PREFACE

If a new translation of Herodotus does not justify itself, it will hardlybe justified in a preface; therefore the question whether it was neededmay be left here without discussion. The aim of the translator has beenabove all things faithfulness—faithfulness to the manner ofexpression and to the structure of sentences, as well as to the meaning ofthe Author. At the same time it is conceived that the freedom and varietyof Herodotus is not always best reproduced by such severe consistency ofrendering as is perhaps desirable in the case of the Epic writers beforeand the philosophical writers after his time: nor again must hissimplicity of thought and occasional quaintness be reproduced in the formof archaisms of language; and that not only because the affectation of anarchaic style would necessarily be offensive to the reader, but alsobecause in language Herodotus is not archaic. His style is the "best canonof the Ionic speech," marked, however, not so much by primitive purity asby eclectic variety. At the same time it is characterised largely by thepoetic diction of the Epic and Tragic writers; and while the translator isfree to employ all the resources of modern English, so far as he has themat his command, he must carefully retain this poetical colouring and byall means avoid the courtier phrase by which the style of Herodotus hastoo often been made "more noble." 331

As regards the text from which this translation has been made, it is basedupon that of Stein's critical edition (Berlin, 1869-1871), that is to saythe estimate there made of the comparative value of the authorities hasbeen on the whole accepted as a just one, rather than that whichdepreciates the value of the Medicean MS. and of the class to which itbelongs. On the other hand the conjectural emendations proposed by Steinhave very seldom been adopted, and his text has been departed from in alarge number of other instances also, which will for the most part befound recorded in the notes.

As it seemed that even after Stein's re-collation of the Medicean MS.there were doubts felt by some scholars 332 as to the true readingin some places of this MS., which is very generally acknowledged to be themost important, I thought it right to examine it myself in all thosepassages where questions about text arise which concern a translator, thatis in nearly five hundred places altogether; and the results, when theyare worth observing, are recorded in the notes. At the same time, by thesuggestion of Dr. Stein, I re-collated a large part of the third book inthe MS. which is commonly referred to as F (i.e. Florentinus), called byStein C, and I examined this MS. also in a certain number of other places.It should be understood that wherever in the notes I mention the readingof any particular MS. by name, I do so on my own authority.

The notes have been confined to a tolerably small compass. Their purposeis, first, in cases where the text is doubtful, to indicate the readingadopted by the translator and any other which may seem to have reasonableprobability, but without discussion of the authorities; secondly, wherethe rendering is not quite literal (and in other cases where it seemeddesirable), to quote the words of the original or to give a more literalversion; thirdly, to add an alternative version in cases where there seemsto be a doubt as to the true meaning; and lastly, to give occasionally ashort explanation, or a reference from one passage of the author toanother.

For the orthography of proper names reference may be made to the noteprefixed to the index. No consistent system has been adopted, and theresult will therefore be open to criticism in many details; but the aimhas been to avoid on the one hand the pedantry of seriously altering theform of those names which are fairly established in the English languageof literature, as distinguished from that of scholarship, and on the otherhand the absurdity of looking to Latin rather than to Greek for theorthography of the names which are not so established. There is nointention to put forward any theory about pronunciation.

The index of proper names will, it is hoped, be found more complete andaccurate than those hitherto published. The best with which I wasacquainted I found to have so many errors and omissions 333that I was compelled to do the work again from the beginning. In acollection of more than ten thousand references there must in allprobability be mistakes, but I trust they will be found to be few.

My acknowledgments of obligation are due first to Dr. Stein, both for hiscritical work and also for his most excellent commentary, which I have hadalways by me. After this I have made most use of the editions of Krüger,Bähr, Abicht, and (in the first two books) Mr. Woods. As to translations,I have had Rawlinson's before me while revising my own work, and I havereferred also occasionally to the translations of Littlebury (perhaps thebest English version as regards style, but full of gross errors), Taylor,and Larcher. In the second book I have also used the version of B. R.reprinted by Mr. Lang: of the first book of this translation I have accessonly to a fragment written out some years ago, when the British Museum waswithin my reach. Other particular obligations are acknowledged in thenotes.

HERODOTUS, HISTORIES - BOOK I

Clio

This is the Showing forth of the Inquiry of Herodotus of Halicarnassos, tothe end that 1neither the deeds of men may be forgotten by lapse of time, nor the works2 greatand marvellous, which have been produced some by Hellenes and some byBarbarians, may lose their renown; and especially that the causes may beremembered for which these waged war with one another.

1. Those of the Persians who have knowledge of history declare that thePhenicians first began the quarrel. These, they say, came from that whichis called the Erythraian Sea to this of ours; and having settled in theland where they continue even now to dwell, set themselves forthwith tomake long voyages by sea. And conveying merchandise of Egypt and ofAssyria they arrived at other places and also at Argos; now Argos was atthat time in all points the first of the States within that land which isnow called Hellas;—the Phenicians arrived then at this land ofArgos, and began to dispose of their ship's cargo: and on the fifth orsixth day after they had arrived, when their goods had been almost allsold, there came down to the sea a great company of women, and among themthe daughter of the king; and her name, as the Hellenes also agree, was Iothe daughter of Inachos. These standing near to the stern of the ship werebuying of the wares such as pleased them most, when of a sudden thePhenicians, passing the word from one to another, made a rush upon them;and the greater part of the women escaped by flight, but Io and certainothers were carried off. So they put them on board their ship, andforthwith departed, sailing away to Egypt.

2. In this manner the Persians report that Io came to Egypt, not agreeingtherein with the Hellenes, 3 and this they say was the first beginning ofwrongs. Then after this, they say, certain Hellenes (but the name of thepeople they are not able to report) put in to the city of Tyre in Pheniciaand carried off the king's daughter Europa;—these would doubtless beCretans;—and so they were quits for the former injury. After thishowever the Hellenes, they say, were the authors of the second wrong; forthey sailed in to Aia of Colchis and to the river Phasis with a ship ofwar, and from thence, after they had done the other business for whichthey came, they carried off the king's daughter Medea: and the king ofColchis sent a herald to the land of Hellas and demanded satisfaction forthe rape and to have his daughter back; but they answered that, as theBarbarians had given them no satisfaction for the rape of Io the Argive,so neither would they give satisfaction to the Barbarians for this.

3. In the next generation after this, they say, Alexander the son ofPriam, having heard of these things, desired to get a wife for himself byviolence 4from Hellas, being fully assured that he would not be compelled to giveany satisfaction for this wrong, inasmuch as the Hellenes gave none fortheirs. So he carried off Helen, and the Hellenes resolved to sendmessengers first and to demand her back with satisfaction for the rape;and when they put forth this demand, the others alleged to them the rapeof Medea, saying that the Hellenes were now desiring satisfaction to begiven to them by others, though they had given none themselves nor hadsurrendered the person when demand was made.

4. Up to this point, they say, nothing more happened than the carryingaway of women on both sides; but after this the Hellenes were very greatlyto blame; for they set the first example of war, making an expedition intoAsia before the Barbarians made any into Europe. Now they say that intheir judgment, though it is an act of wrong to carry away women by force,it is a folly to set one's heart on taking vengeance for their rape, andthe wise course is to pay no regard when they have been carried away; forit is evident that they would never be carried away if they were notthemselves willing to go. And the Persians say that they, namely thepeople of Asia, when their women were carried away by force, had made it amatter of no account, but the Hellenes on account of a woman of Lacedemongathered together a great armament, and then came to Asia and destroyedthe dominion of Priam; and that from this time forward they had alwaysconsidered the Hellenic race to be their enemy: for Asia and the Barbarianraces which dwell there the Persians claim as belonging to them; butEurope and the Hellenic race they consider to be parted off from them.

5. The Persians for their part say that things happened thus; and theyconclude that the beginning of their quarrel with the Hellenes was onaccount of the taking of Ilion: but as regards Io the Phenicians do notagree with the Persians in telling the tale thus; for they deny that theycarried her off to Egypt by violent means, and they say on the other handthat when they were in Argos she was intimate with the master of theirship, and perceiving that she was with child, she was ashamed to confessit to her parents, and therefore sailed away with the Phenicians of herown will, for fear of being found out. These are the tales told by thePersians and the Phenicians severally: and concerning these things I amnot going to say that they happened thus or thus, 401 but when I havepointed to the man who first within my own knowledge began to commit wrongagainst the Hellenes, I shall go forward further with the story, giving anaccount of the cities of men, small as well as great: for those which inold times were great have for the most part become small, while those thatwere in my own time great used in former times to be small: so then, sinceI know that human prosperity never continues steadfast, I shall makemention of both indifferently.

6. Croesus was Lydian by race, the son of Alyattes and ruler of thenations which dwell on this side of the river Halys; which river, flowingfrom the South between the Syrians 5 and the Paphlagonians, runsout towards the North Wind into that Sea which is called the Euxine. ThisCroesus, first of all the Barbarians of whom we have knowledge, subduedcertain of the Hellenes and forced them to pay tribute, while others hegained over and made them his friends. Those whom he subdued were theIonians, the Aiolians, and the Dorians who dwell in Asia; and those whomhe made his friends were the Lacedemonians. But before the reign ofCroesus all the Hellenes were free; for the expedition of the Kimmerians,which came upon Ionia before the time of Croesus, was not a conquest ofthe cities but a plundering incursion only. 6

7. Now the supremacy which had belonged to the Heracleidai came to thefamily of Croesus, called Mermnadai, in the following manner:—Candaules,whom the Hellenes call Myrsilos, was ruler of Sardis and a descendant ofAlcaios, son of Heracles: for Agron, the son of Ninos, the son of Belos,the son of Alcaios, was the first of the Heracleidai who became king ofSardis, and Candaules the son of Myrsos was the last; but those who werekings over this land before Agrond, were descendants of Lydos the son ofAtys, whence this whole nation was called Lydian, having been beforecalled Meonian. From these the Heracleidai, descended from Heracles andthe slave-girl of Iardanos, obtained the government, being charged with itby reason of an oracle; and they reigned for two-and-twenty generations ofmen, five hundred and five years, handing on the power from father to son,till the time of Clandaules the son of Myrsos.

8. This Candaules then of whom I speak had become passionately in lovewith his own wife; and having become so, he deemed that his wife wasfairer by far than all other women; and thus deeming, to Gyges the son ofDaskylos (for he of all his spearmen was the most pleasing to him), tothis Gyges, I say, he used to impart as well the more weighty of hisaffairs as also the beauty of his wife, praising it above measure: andafter no long time, since it was destined that evil should happen toCandaules, he said to Gyges as follows: "Gyges, I think that thou dost notbelieve me when I tell thee of the beauty of my wife, for it happens thatmen's ears are less apt of belief than their eyes: contrive thereforemeans by which thou mayest look upon her naked." But he cried aloud andsaid: "Master, what word of unwisdom is this which thou dost utter,bidding me look upon my mistress naked? When a woman puts off her tunicshe puts off her modesty also. Moreover of old time those fair sayingshave been found out by men, from which we ought to learn wisdom; and ofthese one is this,—that each man should look on his own: but Ibelieve indeed that she is of all women the fairest and I entreat thee notto ask of me that which it is not lawful for me to do."

9. With such words as these he resisted, fearing lest some evil might cometo him from this; but the king answered him thus: "Be of good courage,Gyges, and have no fear, either of me, that I am saying these words to trythee, or of my wife, lest any harm may happen to thee from her. For I willcontrive it so from the first that she shall not even perceive that shehas been seen by thee. I will place thee in the room where we sleep,behind the open door; 7 and after I have gone in, my wife also will cometo lie down. Now there is a seat near the entrance of the room, and uponthis she will lay her garments as she takes them off one by one; and sothou wilt be able to gaze upon her at full leisure. And when she goes fromthe chair to the bed and thou shalt be behind her back, then let it be thypart to take care that she sees thee not as thou goest through the door."

10. He then, since he might not avoid it, gave consent: and Candaules,when he considered that it was time to rest, led Gyges to the chamber; andstraightway after this the woman also appeared: and Gyges looked upon herafter she came in and as she laid down her garments; and when she had herback turned towards him, as she went to the bed, then he slipped away fromhis hiding-place and was going forth. And as he went out, the woman caughtsight of him, and perceiving that which had been done by her husband shedid not cry out, though struck with shame, 8 but she made as though shehad not perceived the matter, meaning to avenge herself upon Candaules:for among the Lydians as also among most other Barbarians it is a shameeven for a man to be seen naked.

11. At the time then she kept silence, as I say, and made no outward sign;but as soon as day had dawned, and she made ready those of the servantswhom she perceived to be the most attached to herself, and after that shesent to summon Gyges. He then, not supposing that anything of that whichhad been done was known to her, came upon her summons; for he had beenaccustomed before to go 9 whenever the queen summoned him. And when Gygeswas come, the woman said to him these words: "There are now two ways opento thee, Gyges, and I give thee the choice which of the two thou wiltprefer to take. Either thou must slay Candaules and possess both me andthe kingdom of Lydia, or thou must thyself here on the spot be slain, sothat thou mayest not in future, by obeying Candaules in all things, seethat which thou shouldest not. Either he must die who formed this design,or thou who hast looked upon me naked and done that which is not accountedlawful." For a time then Gyges was amazed at these words, and afterwardshe began to entreat her that she would not bind him by necessity to makesuch a choice: then however, as he could not prevail with her, but sawthat necessity was in truth set before him either to slay his master or tobe himself slain by others, he made the choice to live himself; and heinquired further as follows: "Since thou dost compel me to take mymaster's life against my own will, let me hear from thee also what is themanner in which we shall lay hands upon him." And she answering said:"From that same place shall the attempt be, where he displayed me naked;and we will lay hands upon him as he sleeps."

12. So after they had prepared the plot, when night came on, (for Gygeswas not let go nor was there any way of escape for him, but he must eitherbe slain himself or slay Candaules), he followed the woman to thebedchamber; and she gave him a dagger and concealed him behind that verysame door. Then afterwards, while Candaules was sleeping, Gyges cameprivily up to him 10 and slew him, and he obtained both his wife andhis kingdom: of him moreover Archilochos the Parian, who lived about thattime, made mention in a trimeter iambic verse. 11

13. He obtained the kingdom however and was strengthened in it by means ofthe Oracle at Delphi; for when the Lydians were angry because of the fateof Candaules, and had risen in arms, a treaty was made between thefollowers of Gyges and the other Lydians to this effect, that if theOracle should give answer that he was to be king of the Lydians, he shouldbe king, and if not, he should give back the power to the sons ofHeracles. So the Oracle gave answer, and Gyges accordingly became king:yet the Pythian prophetess said this also, that vengeance for theHeracleidai should come upon the descendants of Gyges in the fifthgeneration. Of this oracle the Lydians and their kings made no accountuntil it was in fact fulfilled.

14. Thus the Mermnadai obtained the government having driven out from itthe Heracleidai: and Gyges when he became ruler sent votive offerings toDelphi not a few, for of all the silver offerings at Delphi his are morein number than those of any other man; and besides the silver he offered avast quantity of gold, and especially one offering which is more worthy ofmention than the rest, namely six golden mixing-bowls, which are dedicatedthere as his gift: of these the weight is thirty talents, and they standin the treasury of the Corinthians, (though in truth this treasury doesnot belong to the State of the Corinthians, but is that of Kypselos theson of Aëtion). 12 This Gyges was the first of the Barbarianswithin our knowledge who dedicated votive offerings at Delphi, except onlyMidas the son of Gordias king of Phrygia, who dedicated for an offeringthe royal throne on which he sat before all to decide causes; and thisthrone, a sight worth seeing, stands in the same place with the bowls ofGyges. This gold and silver which Gyges dedicated is called Gygian by thepeople of Delphi, after the name of him who offered it.

Now Gyges also, 13 as soon as he became king, led an army againstMiletos and Smyrna, and he took the lower town of Colophon: 14 butno other great deed did he do in his reign, which lasted eight-and-thirtyyears, therefore we will pass him by with no more mention than has alreadybeen made,

15, and I will speak now of Ardys the son of Gyges, who became king afterGyges. He took Priene and made an invasion against Miletos; and while hewas ruling over Sardis, the Kimmerians driven from their abodes by thenomad Scythians came to Asia and took Sardis except the citadel.

16. Now when Ardys had been king for nine-and-forty years, Sadyattes hisson succeeded to his kingdom, and reigned twelve years; and after himAlyattes. This last made war against Kyaxares the descendant of Deïokesand against the Medes, 15 and he drove the Kimmerians forth out of Asia,and he took Smyrna which had been founded from Colophon, and made aninvasion against Clazomenai. From this he returned not as he desired, butwith great loss: during his reign however he performed other deeds veryworthy of mention as follows:—

17. He made war with those of Miletos, having received this war as aninheritance from his father: for he used to invade their land and besiegeMiletos in the following manner:—whenever there were ripe crops uponthe land, then he led an army into their confines, making his march to thesound of pipes and harps and flutes both of male and female tone: and whenhe came to the Milesian land, he neither pulled down the houses that werein the fields, nor set fire to them nor tore off their doors, but let themstand as they were; the trees however and the crops that were upon theland he destroyed, and then departed by the way he came: for the men ofMiletos had command of the sea, so that it was of no use for his army toblockade them: and he abstained from pulling down the houses to the endthat the Milesians might have places to dwell in while they sowed andtilled the land, and by the means of their labour he might have somewhatto destroy when he made his invasion.

18. Thus he continued to war with them for eleven years; and in the courseof these years the Milesians suffered two great defeats, once when theyfought a battle in the district of Limenion in their own land, and againin the plain of Maiander. Now for six of the eleven years Sadyattes theson of Ardys was still ruler of the Lydians, the same who was wont toinvade the land of Miletos at the times mentioned; 16 for this Sadyattes was hewho first began the war: but for the five years which followed these firstsix the war was carried on by Alyattes the son of Sadyattes, who receivedit as an inheritance from his father (as I have already said) and appliedhimself to it earnestly. And none of the Ionians helped those of Miletosbear the burden of this war except only the men of Chios. These came totheir aid to pay back like with like, for the Milesians had formerlyassisted the Chians throughout their war with the people of Erythrai.

19. Then in the twelfth year of the war, when standing corn was beingburnt by the army of the Lydians, it happened as follows:—as soon asthe corn was kindled, it was driven by a violent wind and set fire to thetemple of Athene surnamed of Assessos; and the temple being set on firewas burnt down to the ground. Of this no account was made then; butafterwards when the army had returned to Sardis, Alyattes fell sick, andas his sickness lasted long, he sent messengers to inquire of the Oracleat Delphi, either being advised to do so by some one, or because hehimself thought it best to send and inquire of the god concerning hissickness. But when these arrived at Delphi, the Pythian prophetess saidthat she would give them no answer, until they should have built up againthe temple of Athene which they had burnt at Assessos in the land ofMiletos.

20. Thus much I know by the report of the people of Delphi; but theMilesians add to this that Periander the son of Kypselos, being a specialguest-friend of Thrasybulos the then despot of Miletos, heard of theoracle which had been given to Alyattes, and sending a messenger toldThrasybulos, in order that he might have knowledge of it beforehand andtake such counsel as the case required. This is the story told by theMilesians.

21. And Alyattes, when this answer was reported to him, sent a heraldforthwith to Miletos, desiring to make a truce with Thrasybulos and theMilesians for so long a time as he should be building the temple. He thenwas being sent as envoy to Miletos; and Thrasybulos in the meantime beinginformed beforehand of the whole matter and knowing what Alyattes wasmeaning to do, contrived this device:—he gathered together in themarket-place all the store of provisions which was found in the city, bothhis own and that which belonged to private persons; and he proclaimed tothe Milesians that on a signal given by him they should all begin to drinkand make merry with one another.

22. This Thrasybulos did and thus proclaimed to the end that the heraldfrom Sardis, seeing a vast quantity of provisions carelessly piled up, andthe people feasting, might report this to Alyattes: and so on fact ithappened; for when the herald returned to Sardis after seeing this anddelivering to Thrasybulos the charge which was given to him by the king ofLydia, the peace which was made, came about, as I am informed, merelybecause of this. For Alyattes, who thought that there was a great faminein Miletos and that the people had been worn down to the extreme ofmisery, heard from the herald, when he returned from Miletos, the oppositeto that which he himself supposed. And after this the peace was madebetween them on condition of being guest-friends and allies to oneanother, and Alyattes built two temples to Athene at Assessos in place ofone, and himself recovered from his sickness. With regard then to the warwaged by Alyattes with the Milesians and Thrasybulos things went thus.

23. As for Periander, the man who gave information about the oracle toThrasybulos, he was the son of Kypselos, and despot of Corinth. In hislife, say the Corinthians, (and with them agree the Lesbians), therehappened to him a very great marvel, namely that Arion of Methymna wascarried ashore at Tainaron upon a dolphin's back. This man was a harpersecond to none of those who then lived, and the first, so far as we know,who composed a dithyramb, naming it so and teaching it to a chorus 17 atCorinth.

24. This Arion, they say, who for the most part of his time stayed withPeriander, conceived a desire to sail to Italy 18 and Sicily; and after hehad there acquired large sums of money, he wished to return again toCorinth. He set forth therefore from Taras, 19 and as he had faith inCorinthians more than in other men, he hired a ship with a crew ofCorinthians. These, the story says, when out in open sea, formed a plot tocast Arion overboard and so possess his wealth; and he having obtainedknowledge of this made entreaties to them, offering them his wealth andasking them to grant him his life. With this however he did not prevailupon them, but the men who were conveying him bade him either slay himselfthere, that he might receive burial on the land, or leap straightway intothe sea. So Arion being driven to a strait entreated them that, since theywere so minded, they would allow him to take his stand in full minstrel'sgarb upon the deck 20 of the ship and sing; and he promised to puthimself to death after he had sung. They then, well pleased to think thatthey should hear the best of all minstrels upon earth, drew back from thestern towards the middle of the ship; and he put on the full minstrel'sgarb and took his lyre, and standing on the deck performed the Orthianmeasure. Then as the measure ended, he threw himself into the sea just ashe was, in his full minstrel's garb; and they went on sailing away toCorinth, but him, they say, a dolphin supported on its back and broughthim to shore at Tainaron: and when he had come to land he proceeded toCorinth with his minstrel's garb. Thither having arrived he related allthat had been done; and Periander doubting of his story kept Arion inguard and would let him go nowhere, while he kept careful watch for thosewho had conveyed him. When these came, he called them and inquired of themif they had any report to make of Arion; and when they said that he wassafe in Italy and that they had left him at Taras faring well, Arionsuddenly appeared before them in the same guise as when he made his leapfrom the ship; and they being struck with amazement were no longer able todeny when they were questioned. This is the tale told by the Corinthiansand Lesbians alike, and there is at Tainaron a votive offering of Arion ofno great size, 21 namely a bronze figure of a man upon adolphin's back.

25. Alyattes the Lydian, when he had thus waged war against the Milesians,afterwards died, having reigned seven-and-fifty years. This king, when herecovered from his sickness, dedicated a votive offering at Delphi (beingthe second of his house who had so done), namely a great mixing-bowl ofsilver with a stand for it of iron welded together, which last is a sightworth seeing above all the offerings at Delphi and the work of Glaucos theChian, who of all men first found out the art of welding iron.

26. After Alyattes was dead Croesus the son of Alyattes received thekingdom in succession, being five-and-thirty years of age. He (as I said)fought against the Hellenes and of them he attacked the Ephesians first.The Ephesians then, being besieged by him, dedicated their city to Artemisand tied a rope from the temple to the wall of the city: now the distancebetween the ancient city, which was then being besieged, and the temple isseven furlongs. 22 These, I say, where the first upon whom Croesuslaid hands, but afterwards he did the same to the other Ionian and Aioliancities one by one, alleging against them various causes of complaint, andmaking serious charges against those in whose cases he could find seriousgrounds, while against others of them he charged merely trifling offences.

27. Then when the Hellenes in Asia had been conquered and forced to paytribute, he designed next to build for himself ships and to lay hands uponthose who dwelt in the islands; and when all was prepared for his buildingof ships, they say that Bias of Priene (or, according to another account,Pittacos of Mytilene) came to Sardis, and being asked by Croesus whetherthere was any new thing doing in Hellas, brought to an end his building ofships by this saying: "O king," said he, "the men of the islands arehiring a troop of ten thousand horse, and with this they mean to march toSardis and fight against thee." And Croesus, supposing that what hereported was true, said: "May the gods put it into the minds of thedwellers of the islands to come with horses against the sons of theLydians!" And he answered and said: "O king, I perceive that thou dostearnestly desire to catch the men of the islands on the mainland ridingupon horses; and it is not unreasonable that thou shouldest wish for this:what else however thinkest thou the men of the islands desire and havebeen praying for ever since the time they heard that thou wert about tobuild ships against them, than that they might catch the Lydians upon thesea, so as to take vengeance upon thee for the Hellenes who dwell upon themainland, whom thou dost hold enslaved?" Croesus, they say, was greatlypleased with this conclusion, 23 and obeying his suggestion, for he judged himto speak suitably, he stopped his building of ships; and upon that heformed a friendship with the Ionians dwelling in the islands.

28. As time went on, when nearly all those dwelling on this side the riverHalys had been subdued, (for except the Kilikians and Lykians Croesussubdued and kept under his rule all the nations, that is to say Lydians,Phrygians, Mysians, Mariandynoi, Chalybians, Paphlagonians, Thracians bothThynian and Bithynian, Carians, Ionians, Dorians, Aiolians, andPamphylians), 24

29, when these, I say, had been subdued, and while he was still adding tohis Lydian dominions, there came to Sardis, then at the height of itswealth, all the wise men 25 of the Hellas who chanced to be alive at thattime, brought thither severally by various occasions; and of them one wasSolon the Athenian, who after he had made laws for the Athenians at theirbidding, left his native country for ten years and sailed away saying thathe desired to visit various lands, in order that he might not be compelledto repeal any of the laws which he had proposed. 26 For of themselves theAthenians were not competent to do this, having bound themselves by solemnoaths to submit for ten years to the laws which Solon should propose forthem.

30. So Solon, having left his native country for this reason and for thesake of seeing various lands, came to Amasis in Egypt, and also to Croesusat Sardis. Having there arrived he was entertained as a guest by Croesusin the king's palace; and afterwards, on the third or fourth day, at thebidding of Croesus his servants led Solon round to see his treasuries; andthey showed him all things, how great and magnificent they were: and afterhe had looked upon them all and examined them as he had occasion, Croesusasked him as follows: "Athenian guest, much report of thee has come to us,both in regard to thy wisdom and thy wanderings, how that in thy searchfor wisdom thou hast traversed many lands to see them; now therefore adesire has come upon me to ask thee whether thou hast seen any whom thoudeemest to be of all men the most happy." 27 This he asked supposingthat he himself was the happiest of men; but Solon, using no flattery butthe truth only, said: "Yes, O king, Tellos the Athenian." And Croesus,marvelling at that which he said, asked him earnestly: "In what respectdost thou judge Tellos to be the most happy?" And he said: "Tellos, in thefirst place, living while his native State was prosperous, had sons fairand good and saw from all of them children begotten and living to grow up;and secondly he had what with us is accounted wealth, and after his life amost glorious end: for when a battle was fought by the Athenians atEleusis against the neighbouring people, he brought up supports and routedthe foe and there died by a most fair death; and the Athenians buried himpublicly where he fell, and honoured him greatly."

31. So when Solon had moved Croesus to inquire further by the story ofTellos, recounting how many points of happiness he had, the king askedagain whom he had seen proper to be placed next after this man, supposingthat he himself would certainly obtain at least the second place; but hereplied: "Cleobis and Biton: for these, who were of Argos by race,possessed a sufficiency of wealth and, in addition to this, strength ofbody such as I shall tell. Both equally had won prizes in the games, andmoreover the following tale is told of them:—There was a feast ofHera among the Argives and it was by all means necessary that their mothershould be borne in a car to the temple. But since their oxen were notbrought up in time from the field, the young men, barred from all else bylack of time, submitted themselves to the yoke and drew the wain, theirmother being borne by them upon it; and so they brought it on forfive-and-forty furlongs, 28 and came to the temple. Then after they haddone this and had been seen by the assembled crowd, there came to theirlife a most excellent ending; and in this the deity declared that it wasbetter for man to die than to continue to live. For the Argive men werestanding round and extolling the strength 29 of the young men, whilethe Argive women were extolling the mother to whose lot it had fallen tohave such sons; and the mother being exceedingly rejoiced both by the deeditself and by the report made of it, took her stand in front of the imageof the goddess and prayed that she would give to Cleobis and Biton hersons, who had honoured her 30 greatly, that gift which is best for man toreceive: and after this prayer, when they had sacrificed and feasted, theyoung men lay down to sleep within the temple itself, and never roseagain, but were held bound in this last end. 31 And the Argives madestatues in the likeness of them and dedicated them as offerings at Delphi,thinking that they had proved themselves most excellent."

32. Thus Solon assigned the second place in respect of happiness to these:and Croesus was moved to anger and said: "Athenian guest, hast thou thenso cast aside our prosperous state as worth nothing, that thou dost preferto us even men of private station?" And he said: "Croesus, thou artinquiring about human fortunes of one who well knows that the Deity isaltogether envious and apt to disturb our lot. For in the course of longtime a man may see many things which he would not desire to see, andsuffer also many things which he would not desire to suffer. The limit oflife for a man I lay down at seventy years: and these seventy years givetwenty-five thousand and two hundred days, not reckoning for anyintercalated month. Then if every other one of these years shall be madelonger by one month, that the seasons may be caused to come round at thedue time of the year, the intercalated months will be in numberfive-and-thirty besides the seventy years; and of these months the dayswill be one thousand and fifty. Of all these days, being in numbertwenty-six thousand two hundred and fifty, which go to the seventy years,one day produces nothing at all which resembles what another brings withit. Thus then, O Croesus, man is altogether a creature of accident. As forthee, I perceive that thou art both great in wealth and king of many men,but that of which thou didst ask me I cannot call thee yet, until I learnthat thou hast brought thy life to a fair ending: for the very rich man isnot at all to be accounted more happy than he who has but his subsistencefrom day to day, unless also the fortune go with him of ending his lifewell in possession of all things fair. For many very wealthy men are nothappy, 32while many who have but a moderate living are fortunate; 33 andin truth the very rich man who is not happy has two advantages only ascompared with the poor man who is fortunate, whereas this latter has manyas compared with the rich man who is not happy. The rich man is ablebetter to fulfil his desire, and also to endure a great calamity if itfall upon him; whereas the other has advantage over him in these thingswhich follow:—he is not indeed able equally with the rich man toendure a calamity or to fulfil his desire, but these his good fortunekeeps away from him, while he is sound of limb, 34 free from disease,untouched by suffering, the father of fair children and himself of comelyform; and if in addition to this he shall end his life well, he is worthyto be called that which thou seekest, namely a happy man; but before hecomes to his end it is well to hold back and not to call him yet happy butonly fortunate. Now to possess all these things together is impossible forone who is mere man, just as no single land suffices to supply all thingsfor itself, but one thing it has and another it lacks, and the land thathas the greatest number of things is the best: so also in the case of aman, no single person is complete in himself, for one thing he has andanother he lacks; but whosoever of men continues to the end in possessionof the greatest number of these things and then has a gracious ending ofhis life, he is by me accounted worthy, O king, to receive this name. Butwe must of every thing examine the end and how it will turn out at thelast, for to many God shows but a glimpse of happiness and then plucksthem up by the roots and overturns them."

33. Thus saying he refused to gratify Croesus, who sent him away from hispresence holding him in no esteem, and thinking him utterly senseless inthat he passed over present good things and bade men look to the end ofevery matter.

34. After Solon had departed, a great retribution from God came uponCroesus, probably because he judged himself to be the happiest of all men.First there came and stood by him a dream, which showed to him the truthof the evils that were about to come to pass in respect of his son. NowCroesus had two sons, of whom one was deficient, seeing that he was deafand dumb, while the other far surpassed his companions of the same age inall things: and the name of this last was Atys. As regards this Atys then,the dream signified to Croesus that he should lose him by the blow of aniron spear-point: 35 and when he rose up from sleep and consideredthe matter with himself, he was struck with fear on account of the dream;and first he took for his son a wife; and whereas his son had been wont tolead the armies of the Lydians, he now no longer sent him forth anywhereon any such business; and the javelins and lances and all such thingswhich men use for fighting he conveyed out of the men's apartments andpiled them up in the inner bed-chambers, for fear lest something hangingup might fall down upon his son.

35. Then while he was engaged about the marriage of his son, there came toSardis a man under a misfortune and with hands not clean, a Phrygian bybirth and of the royal house. This man came to the house of Croesus, andaccording to the customs which prevail in that land made request that hemight have cleansing; and Croesus gave him cleansing: now the manner ofcleansing among the Lydians is the same almost as that which the Hellenesuse. So when Croesus had done that which was customary, he asked of himwhence he came and who he was, saying as follows: "Man, who art thou, andfrom what region of Phrygia didst thou come to sit upon my hearth? Andwhom of men or women didst thou slay?" And he replied: "O king, I am theson of Gordias, the son of Midas, and I am called Adrastos; and I slew myown brother against my will, and therefore am I here, having been drivenforth by my father and deprived of all that I had." And Croesus answeredthus: "Thou art, as it chances, the offshoot of men who are our friendsand thou hast come to friends, among whom thou shalt want of nothing solong as thou shalt remain in our land: and thou wilt find it most for thyprofit to bear this misfortune as lightly as may be." So he had his abodewith Croesus. 36

36. During this time there was produced in the Mysian Olympos a boar ofmonstrous size. This, coming down from the mountain aforesaid, ravaged thefields of the Mysians, and although the Mysians went out against it often,yet they could do it no hurt, but rather received hurt themselves from it;so at length messengers came from the Mysians to Croesus and said: "Oking, there has appeared in our land a boar of monstrous size, which layswaste our fields; and we, desiring eagerly to take it, are not able: nowtherefore we ask of thee to send with us thy son and also a chosen band ofyoung men with dogs, that we may destroy it out of our land." Thus theymade request, and Croesus calling to mind the words of the dream spoke tothem as follows: "As touching my son, make no further mention of him inthis matter; for I will not send him with you, seeing that he is newlymarried and is concerned now with the affairs of his marriage: but I willsend with you chosen men of the Lydians and the whole number of my huntingdogs, and I will give command to those who go, to be as zealous as may bein helping you to destroy the wild beast out of your land."

37. Thus he made reply, and while the Mysians were being contented withthis answer, there came in also the son of Croesus, having heard of therequest made by the Mysians: and when Croesus said that he would not sendhis son with them, the young man spoke as follows: "My father, in timespast the fairest and most noble part was allotted to us, to go outcontinually to wars and to the chase and so have good repute; but now thouhast debarred me from both of these, although thou hast not observed in meany cowardly or faint-hearted spirit. And now with what face must I appearwhen I go to and from the market-place of the city? What kind of a manshall I be esteemed by the citizens, and what kind of a man shall I beesteemed by my newly-married wife? With what kind of a husband will shethink that she is mated? Therefore either let me go to the hunt, orpersuade me by reason that these things are better for me done as now theyare."

38. And Croesus made answer thus: "My son, not because I have observed inthee any spirit of cowardice or any other ungracious thing, do I act thus;but a vision of a dream came and stood by me in my sleep and told me thatthou shouldest be short-lived, and that thou shouldest perish by aspear-point of iron. With thought of this vision therefore I both urged onthis marriage for thee, and I refuse now to send thee upon the matterwhich is being taken in hand, having a care of thee that I may steal theefrom thy fate at least for the period of my own life, if by any meanspossible for me to do so. For thou art, as it chances, my only son: theother I do not reckon as one, seeing that he is deficient in hearing."

39. The young man made answer thus: "It may well be forgiven in thee, O myfather, that thou shouldest have a care of me after having seen such avision; but that which thou dost not understand, and in which the meaningof the dream has escaped thee, it is right that I should expound to thee.Thou sayest the dream declared that I should end my life by means of aspear-point of iron: but what hands has a boar, or what spear-point ofiron, of which thou art afraid? If the dream had told thee that I shouldend my life by a tusk, or any other thing which resembles that, it wouldbe right for thee doubtless to do as thou art doing; but it said 'by aspear-point.' Since therefore our fight will not be with men, let me nowgo."

40. Croesus made answer: "My son, thou dost partly prevail with me bydeclaring thy judgment about the dream; therefore, having been prevailedupon by thee, I change my resolution and allow thee to go to the chase."

41. Having thus said Croesus went to summon Adrastos the Phrygian; andwhen he came, he addressed him thus: "Adrastos, when thou wast struck witha grievous misfortune (with which I reproach thee not), I cleansed thee,and I have received thee into my house supplying all thy costs. Nowtherefore, since having first received kindness from me thou art bound torequite me with kindness, I ask of thee to be the protector of my son whogoes forth to the chase, lest any evil robbers come upon you by the way todo you harm; and besides this thou too oughtest to go where thou mayestbecome famous by thy deeds, for it belongs to thee as an inheritance fromthy fathers so to do, and moreover thou hast strength for it."

42. Adrastos made answer: "O king, but for this I should not have beengoing to any such contest of valour; for first it is not fitting that onewho is suffering such a great misfortune as mine should seek the companyof his fellows who are in prosperity, and secondly I have no desire forit; and for many reasons I should have kept myself away. But now, sincethou art urgent with me, and I ought to gratify thee (for I am bound torequite thee with kindness), I am ready to do this: expect therefore thatthy son, whom thou commandest me to protect, will return home to theeunhurt, so far as his protector may avail to keep him safe."

43. When he had made answer to Croesus in words like these, theyafterwards set forth provided with chosen young men and with dogs. Andwhen they were come to Mount Olympos, they tracked the animal; and havingfound it and taken their stand round in a circle, they were hurlingagainst it their spears. Then the guest, he who had been cleansed ofmanslaughter, whose name was Adrastos, hurling a spear at it missed theboar and struck the son of Croesus. So he being struck by the spear-pointfulfilled the saying of the dream. And one ran to report to Croesus thatwhich had come to pass, and having come to Sardis he signified to him ofthe combat and of the fate of his son. And Croesus was very greatlydisturbed by the death of his son, and was much the more moved tocomplaining by this, namely that his son was slain by the man whom he hadhimself cleansed of manslaughter. And being grievously troubled by themisfortune he called upon Zeus the Cleanser, protesting to him that whichhe had suffered from his guest, and he called moreover upon the Protectorof Suppliants 37 and the Guardian of Friendship, 38naming still the same god, and calling upon him as the Protector ofSuppliants because when he received the guest into his house he had beenfostering ignorantly the slayer of his son, and as the Guardian ofFriendship because having sent him as a protector he had found him theworst of foes.

45. After this the Lydians came bearing the corpse, and behind it followedthe slayer: and he taking his stand before the corpse delivered himself upto Croesus, holding forth his hands and bidding the king slay him over thecorpse, speaking of his former misfortune and saying that in addition tothis he had now been the destroyer of the man who had cleansed him of it;and that life for him was no more worth living. But Croesus hearing thispitied Adrastos, although he was himself suffering so great an evil of hisown, and said to him: "Guest, I have already received from thee all thesatisfaction that is due, seeing that thou dost condemn thyself to sufferdeath; and not thou alone art the cause of this evil, except in so far asthou wert the instrument of it against thine own will, but some one, as Isuppose, of the gods, who also long ago signified to me that which wasabout to be." So Croesus buried his son as was fitting: but Adrastos theson of Gordias, the son of Midas, he who had been the slayer of his ownbrother and the slayer also of the man who had cleansed him, when silencecame of all men round about the tomb, recognising that he was moregrievously burdened by misfortune than all men of whom he knew, slewhimself upon the grave.

46. For two years then Croesus remained quiet in his mourning, because hewas deprived of his son: but after this period of time the overthrowing ofthe rule of Astyages the son of Kyaxares by Cyrus the son of Cambyses, andthe growing greatness of the Persians caused Croesus to cease from hismourning, and led him to a care of cutting short the power of thePersians, if by any means he might, while yet it was in growth and beforethey should have become great.

So having formed this design he began forthwith to make trial of theOracles, both those of the Hellenes and that in Libya, sending messengerssome to one place and some to another, some to go to Delphi, others toAbai of the Phokians, and others to Dodona; and some were sent to theshrine of Amphiaraos and to that of Trophonios, others to Branchidai inthe land of Miletos: these are the Oracles of the Hellenes to whichCroesus sent messengers to seek divination; and others he sent to theshrine of Ammon in Libya to inquire there. Now he was sending themessengers abroad to the end that he might try the Oracles and find outwhat knowledge they had, so that if they should be found to have knowledgeof the truth, he might send and ask them secondly whether he shouldattempt to march against the Persians.

47. And to the Lydians whom he sent to make trial of the Oracles he gavecharge as follows,—that from the day on which they set out fromSardis they should reckon up the number of the days following and on thehundredth day they should consult the Oracles, asking what Croesus the sonof Alyattes king of the Lydians chanced then to be doing: and whatever theOracles severally should prophesy, this they should cause to be writtendown 39and bear it back to him. Now what the other Oracles prophesied is not byany reported, but at Delphi, so soon as the Lydians entered the sanctuaryof the temple 40 to consult the god and asked that which theywere commanded to ask, the Pythian prophetess spoke thus in hexametermeasure:

 "But the number of sand I know, 41 and the measure of drops in the ocean;
  The dumb man I understand, and I hear the speech of the speechless:
  And there hath come to my soul the smell of a strong-shelled tortoise
  Boiling in caldron of bronze, and the flesh of a lamb mingled with it;
  Under it bronze is laid, it hath bronze as a clothing upon it."

48. When the Pythian prophetess had uttered this oracle, the Lydianscaused the prophecy to be written down, and went away at once to Sardis.And when the rest also who had been sent round were there arrived with theanswers of the Oracles, then Croesus unfolded the writings one by one andlooked upon them: and at first none of them pleased him, but when he heardthat from Delphi, forthwith he did worship to the god and accepted theanswer, 42judging that the Oracle at Delphi was the only true one, because it hadfound out what he himself had done. For when he had sent to the severalOracles his messengers to consult the gods, keeping well in mind theappointed day he contrived the following device,—he thought ofsomething which it would be impossible to discover or to conceive of, andcutting up a tortoise and a lamb he boiled them together himself in acaldron of bronze, laying a cover of bronze over them.

49. This then was the answer given to Croesus from Delphi; and as regardsthe answer of Amphiaraos, I cannot tell what he replied to the Lydiansafter they had done the things customary in his temple, 43 forthere is no record of this any more than of the others, except only thatCroesus thought that he also 44 possessed a true Oracle.

50. After this with great sacrifices he endeavoured to win the favour ofthe god at Delphi: for of all the animals that are fit for sacrifice heoffered three thousand of each kind, and he heaped up couches overlaidwith gold and overlaid with silver, and cups of gold, and robes of purple,and tunics, making of them a great pyre, and this he burnt up, hoping bythese means the more to win over the god to the side of the Lydians: andhe proclaimed to all the Lydians that every one of them should makesacrifice with that which each man had. And when he had finished thesacrifice, he melted down a vast quantity of gold, and of it he wroughthalf-plinths 45 making them six palms 46 in length and three inbreadth, and in height one palm; and their number was one hundred andseventeen. Of these four were of pure gold 47 weighing two talents anda half 48each, and others of gold alloyed with silver 49 weighing two talents. Andhe caused to be made also an image of a lion of pure gold weighing tentalents; which lion, when the temple of Delphi was being burnt down, fellfrom off the half-plinths, for upon these it was set, 50 andis placed now in the treasury of the Corinthians, weighing six talents anda half, for three talents and a half were melted away from it.

51. So Croesus having finished all these things sent them to Delphi, andwith them these besides:—two mixing bowls of great size, one of goldand the other of silver, of which the golden bowl was placed on the righthand as one enters the temple, and the silver on the left, but the placesof these also were changed after the temple was burnt down, and the goldenbowl is now placed in the treasury of the people of Clazomenai, weighingeight and a half talents and twelve pounds over, 51 while the silver one isplaced in the corner of the vestibule 52 and holds six hundredamphors 53(being filled with wine by the Delphians on the feast of the Theophania):this the people of Delphi say is the work of Theodoros the Samian, 54 and,as I think, rightly, for it is evident to me that the workmanship is of nocommon kind: moreover Croesus sent four silver wine-jars, which stand inthe treasury of the Corinthians, and two vessels for lustral water, 55 oneof gold and the other of silver, of which the gold one is inscribed "fromthe Lacedemonians," who say that it is their offering: therein howeverthey do not speak rightly; for this also is from Croesus, but one of theDelphians wrote the inscription upon it, desiring to gratify theLacedemonians; and his name I know but will not make mention of it. Theboy through whose hand the water flows is from the Lacedemonians, butneither of the vessels for lustral water. And many other votive offeringsCroesus sent with these, not specially distinguished, among which arecertain castings 56 of silver of a round shape, and also a goldenfigure of a woman three cubits high, which the Delphians say is a statueof the baker of Croesus. Moreover Croesus dedicated the ornaments from hiswife's neck and her girdles.

52. These are the things which he sent to Delphi; and to Amphiaraos,having heard of his valour and of his evil fate, he dedicated a shieldmade altogether of gold throughout, and a spear all of solid gold, theshaft being of gold also as well as the two points, which offerings wereboth remaining even to my time at Thebes in the temple of Ismenian Apollo.

53. To the Lydians who were to carry these gifts to the temples Croesusgave charge that they should ask the Oracles this question also,—whetherCroesus should march against the Persians, and if so, whether he shouldjoin with himself any army of men as his friends. And when the Lydians hadarrived at the places to which they had been sent and had dedicated thevotive offerings, they inquired of the Oracles and said: "Croesus, king ofthe Lydians and of other nations, considering that these are the only trueOracles among men, presents to you 57 gifts such as yourrevelations deserve, and asks you again now whether he shall march againstthe Persians, and if so, whether he shall join with himself any army ofmen as allies." They inquired thus, and the answers of both the Oraclesagreed in one, declaring to Croesus that if he should march against thePersians he should destroy a great empire: and they counselled him to findout the most powerful of the Hellenes and join these with himself asfriends.

54. So when the answers were brought back and Croesus heard them, he wasdelighted with the oracles, and expecting that he would certainly destroythe kingdom of Cyrus, he sent again to Pytho, 58 and presented to the menof Delphi, having ascertained the number of them, two staters of gold foreach man: and in return for this the Delphians gave to Croesus and to theLydians precedence in consulting the Oracle and freedom from all payments,and the right to front seats at the games, with this privilege also forall time, that any one of them who wished should be allowed to become acitizen of Delphi.

55. And having made presents to the men of Delphi, Croesus consulted theOracle the third time; for from the time when he learnt the truth of theOracle, he made abundant use of it. 59 And consulting the Oraclehe inquired whether his monarchy would endure for a long time. And thePythian prophetess answered him thus:

 "But when it cometh to pass that a mule of the Medes shall be monarch
  Then by the pebbly Hermos, O Lydian delicate-footed,
  Flee and stay not, and be not ashamed to be callèd a coward."

56. By these lines when they came to him Croesus was pleased more than byall the rest, for he supposed that a mule would never be ruler of theMedes instead of a man, and accordingly that he himself and his heirswould never cease from their rule. Then after this he gave thought toinquire which people of the Hellenes he should esteem the most powerfuland gain over to himself as friends. And inquiring he found that theLacedemonians and the Athenians had the pre-eminence, the first of theDorian and the others of the Ionian race. For these were the most eminentraces in ancient time, the second being a Pelasgian and the first aHellenic race: and the one never migrated from its place in any direction,while the other was very exceedingly given to wanderings; for in the reignof Deucalion this race dwelt in Pthiotis, and in the time of Doros the sonof Hellen in the land lying below Ossa and Olympos, which is calledHistiaiotis; and when it was driven from Histiaiotis by the sons ofCadmos, it dwelt in Pindos and was called Makednian; and thence it movedafterwards to Dryopis, and from Dryopis it came finally to Peloponnesus,and began to be called Dorian.

57. What language however the Pelasgians used to speak I am not able withcertainty to say. But if one must pronounce judging by those that stillremain of the Pelasgians who dwelt in the city of Creston 60 abovethe Tyrsenians, and who were once neighbours of the race now calledDorian, dwelling then in the land which is now called Thessaliotis, andalso by those that remain of the Pelasgians who settled at Plakia andSkylake in the region of the Hellespont, who before that had been settlerswith the Athenians, 61 and of the natives of the various other townswhich are really Pelasgian, though they have lost the name,—if onemust pronounce judging by these, the Pelasgians used to speak a Barbarianlanguage. If therefore all the Pelasgian race was such as these, then theAttic race, being Pelasgian, at the same time when it changed and becameHellenic, unlearnt also its language. For the people of Creston do notspeak the same language with any of those who dwell about them, nor yet dothe people of Phakia, but they speak the same language one as the other:and by this it is proved that they still keep unchanged the form oflanguage which they brought with them when they migrated to these places.

58. As for the Hellenic race, it has used ever the same language, as Iclearly perceive, since it first took its rise; but since the time when itparted off feeble at first from the Pelasgian race, setting forth from asmall beginning it has increased to that great number of races which wesee, 62and chiefly because many Barbarian races have been added to it besides.Moreover it is true, as I think, 6201 of the Pelasgianrace also, 63that so far as it remained Barbarian it never made any great increase.

59. Of these races then Croesus was informed that the Athenian was heldsubject and torn with faction by Peisistratos 64 the son of Hippocrates,who then was despot of the Athenians. For to Hippocrates, when as aprivate citizen he went to view the Olympic games, a great marvel hadoccurred. After he had offered the sacrifice, the caldrons which werestanding upon the hearth, full of pieces of flesh and of water, boiledwithout fire under them and ran over. And Chilon the Lacedemonian, whochanced to have been present and to have seen the marvel, advisedHippocrates first not to bring into his house a wife to bear him children,and secondly, if he happened to have one already, to dismiss her, and ifhe chanced to have a son, to disown him. When Chilon had thus recommended,Hippocrates, they say, was not willing to be persuaded, and so there wasborn to him afterwards this Peisistratos; who, when the Athenians of theshore 65were at feud with those of the plain, Megacles the son of Alcmaion beingleader of the first faction, and Lycurgos the son of Aristolaïdes of thatof the plain, aimed at the despotism for himself and gathered a thirdparty. So then, after having collected supporters and called himselfleader of the men of the mountain-lands, 66 he contrived a device asfollows:—he inflicted wounds upon himself and upon his mules, andthen drove his car into the market-place, as if he had just escaped fromhis opponents, who, as he alleged, had desired to kill him when he wasdriving into the country: and he asked the commons that he might obtainsome protection from them, for before this he had gained reputation in hiscommand against the Megarians, during which he took Nisaia and performedother signal service. And the commons of the Athenians being deceived gavehim those 67men chosen from the dwellers in the city who became not indeed thespear-men 68of Peisistratos but his club-men; for they followed behind him bearingwooden clubs. And these made insurrection with Peisistratos and obtainedpossession of the Acropolis. Then Peisistratos was ruler of the Athenians,not having disturbed the existing magistrates nor changed the ancientlaws; but he administered the State under that constitution of thingswhich was already established, ordering it fairly and well.

60. However, no long time after this the followers of Megacles and thoseof Lycurgos joined together and drove him forth. Thus Peisistratos hadobtained possession of Athens for the first time, and thus he lost thepower before he had it firmly rooted. But those who had driven outPeisistratos became afterwards at feud with one another again. AndMegacles, harassed by the party strife, 69 sent a message toPeisistratos asking whether he was willing to have his daughter to wife oncondition of becoming despot. And Peisistratos having accepted theproposal and made an agreement on these terms, they contrived with a viewto his return a device the most simple by far, as I think, that ever waspractised, considering at least that it was devised at a time when theHellenic race had been long marked off from the Barbarian as more skilfuland further removed from foolish simplicity, and among the Athenians whoare accounted the first of the Hellenes in ability. 70 In the deme of Paianiathere was a woman whose name was Phya, in height four cubits all but threefingers, 71and also fair of form. This woman they dressed in full armour and causedher to ascend a chariot and showed her the bearing in which she might bestbeseem her part, 72 and so they drove to the city, having sent onheralds to run before them, who, when they arrived at the city, spoke thatwhich had been commanded them, saying as follows: "O Athenians, receivewith favour Peisistratos, whom Athene herself, honouring him most of allmen, brings back to her Acropolis." So the heralds went about hither andthither saying this, and straightway there came to the demes in thecountry round a report that Athene was bringing Peisistratos back, whileat the same time the men of the city, persuaded that the woman was thevery goddess herself, were paying worship to the human creature andreceiving Peisistratos.

61. So having received back the despotism in the manner which has beensaid, Peisistratos according to the agreement made with Megacles marriedthe daughter of Megacles; but as he had already sons who were young men,and as the descendants of Alcmaion were said to be under a curse, 73therefore not desiring that children should be born to him from hisnewly-married wife, he had commerce with her not in the accustomed manner.And at first the woman kept this secret, but afterwards she told hermother, whether in answer to her inquiry or not I cannot tell; and themother told her husband Megacles. He then was very indignant that heshould be dishonoured by Peisistratos; and in his anger straightway heproceeded to compose his quarrel with the men of his faction. And whenPeisistratos heard of that which was being done against himself, hedeparted wholly from the land and came to Eretria, where he took counseltogether with his sons: and the advice of Hippias having prevailed, thatthey should endeavour to win back the despotism, they began to gathergifts of money from those States which owed them obligations for favoursreceived: and many contributed great sums, but the Thebans surpassed therest in the giving of money. Then, not to make the story long, timeelapsed and at last everything was prepared for their return. For certainArgives came as mercenaries from the Peloponnesus, and a man of Naxos hadcome to them of his own motion, whose name was Lygdamis, and showed verygreat zeal in providing both money and men.

62. So starting from Eretria after the lapse of ten years 74 theyreturned back; and in Attica the first place of which they took possessionwas Marathon. While they were encamping here, their partisans from thecity came to them, and also others flowed in from the various demes, towhom despotic rule was more welcome than freedom. So these were gatheringthemselves together; but the Athenians in the city, so long asPeisistratos was collecting the money, and afterwards when he tookpossession of Marathon, made no account of it; but when they heard that hewas marching from Marathon towards the city, then they went to the rescueagainst him. These then were going in full force to fight against thereturning exiles, and the forces of Peisistratos, as they went towards thecity starting from Marathon, met them just when they came to the temple ofAthene Pallenis, and there encamped opposite to them. Then moved by divineguidance 75there came into the presence of Peisistratos Amphilytos the Arcarnanian,76 asoothsayer, who approaching him uttered an oracle in hexameter verse,saying thus:

 "But now the cast hath been made and the net hath been widely extended,
  And in the night the tunnies will dart through the moon-lighted waters."

63. This oracle he uttered to him being divinely inspired, andPeisistratos, having understood the oracle and having said that heaccepted the prophecy which was uttered, led his army against the enemy.Now the Athenians from the city were just at that time occupied with themorning meal, and some of them after their meal with games of dice or withsleep; and the forces of Peisistratos fell upon the Athenians and put themto flight. Then as they fled, Peisistratos devised a very skilful counsel,to the end that the Athenians might not gather again into one body butmight remain scattered abroad. He mounted his sons on horseback and sentthem before him; and overtaking the fugitives they said that which wascommanded them by Peisistratos, bidding them be of good cheer and thateach man should depart to his own home.

64. Thus then the Athenians did, and so Peisistratos for the third timeobtained possession of Athens, and he firmly rooted his despotism by manyforeign mercenaries and by much revenue of money, coming partly from theland itself and partly from about the river Strymon, and also by taking ashostages the sons of those Athenians who had remained in the land and hadnot at once fled, and placing them in the hands of Naxos; for this alsoPeisistratos conquered by war and delivered into the charge of Lygdamis.Moreover besides this he cleansed the island of Delos in obedience to theoracles; and his cleansing was of the following kind:—so far as theview from the temple extended 77 he dug up all the dead bodies which were buriedin this part and removed them to another part of Delos. So Peisistratoswas despot of the Athenians; but of the Athenians some had fallen in thebattle, and others of them with the sons of Alcmaion were exiles fromtheir native land.

65. Such was the condition of things which Croesus heard was prevailingamong the Athenians during this time; but as to the Lacedemonians he heardthat they had escaped from great evils and had now got the better of theTegeans in the war. For when Leon and Hegesicles were kings of Sparta, theLacedemonians, who had good success in all their other wars, suffereddisaster in that alone which they waged against the men of Tegea. Moreoverin the times before this they had the worst laws of almost all theHellenes, both in matters which concerned themselves alone and also inthat they had no dealings with strangers. And they made their change to agood constitution of laws thus:—Lycurgos, a man of the Spartans whowas held in high repute, came to the Oracle at Delphi, and as he enteredthe sanctuary of the temple, straightway the Pythian prophetess said asfollows:

 "Lo, thou art come, O Lycurgos, to this rich shrine of my temple,
  Loved thou by Zeus and by all who possess the abodes of Olympos.
  Whether to call thee a god, I doubt, in my voices prophetic,
  God or a man, but rather a god I think, O Lycurgos."

66. Some say in addition to this that the Pythian prophetess also setforth to him the order of things which is now established for theSpartans; but the Lacedemonians themselves say that Lycurgos having becomeguardian of Leobotes his brother's son, who was king of the Spartans,brought in these things from Crete. For as soon as he became guardian, hechanged all the prevailing laws, and took measures that they should nottransgress his institutions: and after this Lycurgos established thatwhich appertained to war, namely Enomoties and Triecads andCommon Meals, 7701 and in addition to this the Ephors and theSenate. Having changed thus, the Spartans had good laws; and to Lycurgosafter he was dead they erected a temple, and they pay him great worship.So then, as might be supposed, with a fertile land and with no smallnumber of men dwelling in it, they straightway shot up and becameprosperous: and it was no longer sufficient for them to keep still; butpresuming that they were superior in strength to the Arcadians, theyconsulted the Oracle at Delphi respecting conquest of the whole ofArcadia; and the Pythian prophetess gave answer thus:

 "The land of Arcadia thou askest; thou askest me much; I refuse it;
  Many there are in Arcadian land, stout men, eating acorns;
  These will prevent thee from this: but I am not grudging towards thee;
  Tegea beaten with sounding feet I will give thee to dance in,
  And a fair plain I will give thee to measure with line and divide it."

When the Lacedemonians heard report of this, they held off from the otherArcadians, and marched against the Tegeans with fetters in their hands,trusting to a deceitful 78 oracle and expecting that they would makeslaves of the men of Tegea. But having been worsted in the encounter,those of them who were taken alive worked wearing the fetters which theythemselves brought with them and having "measured with line and divided"79the plain of the Tegeans. And these fetters with which they had been boundwere preserved even to my own time at Tegea, hanging about the temple ofAthene Alea. 80

67. In the former war then I say they struggled against the Tegeanscontinually with ill success; but in the time of Croesus and in the reignof Anaxandrides and Ariston at Lacedemon the Spartans had at length becomevictors in the war; and they became so in the following manner:—Asthey continued to be always worsted in the war by the men of Tegea, theysent messengers to consult the Oracle at Delphi and inquired what god theyshould propitiate in order to get the better of the men of Tegea in thewar: and the Pythian prophetess made answer to them that they should bringinto their land the bones of Orestes the son of Agamemnon. Then as theywere not able to find the grave of Orestes, they sent men again to go tothe god and to inquire about the spot where Orestes was laid: and when themessengers who were sent asked this, the prophetess said as follows:

 "Tegea there is, in Arcadian land, in a smooth place founded;
  Where there do blow two blasts by strong compulsion together;
  Stroke too there is and stroke in return, and trouble on trouble.
  There Agamemnon's son in the life-giving earth is reposing;
  Him if thou bring with thee home, of Tegea thou shalt be master." 81

When the Lacedemonians had heard this they were none the less far fromfinding it out, though they searched all places; until the time thatLichas, one of those Spartans who are called "Well-doers," 82discovered it. Now the "Well-doers" are of the citizens the eldest who arepassing from the ranks of the "Horsemen," in each year five; and these arebound during that year in which they pass out from the "Horsemen," toallow themselves to be sent without ceasing to various places by theSpartan State.

68. Lichas then, being one of these, discovered it in Tegea by means bothof fortune and ability. For as there were at that time dealings undertruce with the men of Tegea, he had come to a forge there and was lookingat iron being wrought; and he was in wonder as he saw that which was beingdone. The smith therefore, perceiving that he marvelled at it, ceased fromhis work and said: "Surely, thou stranger of Lacedemon, if thou hadst seenthat which I once saw, thou wouldst have marvelled much, since now itfalls out that thou dost marvel so greatly at the working of this iron;for I, desiring in this enclosure to make a well, lighted in my diggingupon a coffin of seven cubits in length; and not believing that ever therehad been men larger than those of the present day, I opened it, and I sawthat the dead body was equal in length to the coffin: then after I hadmeasured it, I filled in the earth over it again." He then thus told himof that which he had seen; and the other, having thought upon that whichwas told, conjectured that this was Orestes according to the saying of theOracle, forming his conjecture in the following manner:—whereas hesaw that the smith had two pairs of bellows, he concluded that these werethe winds spoken of, and that the anvil and the hammer were the stroke andthe stroke in return, and that the iron which was being wrought was thetrouble laid upon trouble, making comparison by the thought that iron hasbeen discovered for the evil of mankind. Having thus conjectured he cameback to Sparta and declared the whole matter to the Lacedemonians; andthey brought a charge against him on a fictitious pretext and drove himout into exile. 83 So having come to Tegea, he told the smith ofhis evil fortune and endeavoured to hire from him the enclosure, but atfirst he would not allow him to have it: at length however Lichaspersuaded him and he took up his abode there; and he dug up the grave andgathered together the bones and went with them away to Sparta. From thattime, whenever they made trial of one another, the Lacedemonians had muchthe advantage in the war; and by now they had subdued to themselves thegreater part of Peloponnesus besides.

69. Croesus accordingly being informed of all these things was sendingmessengers to Sparta with gifts in their hands to ask for an alliance,having commanded them what they ought to say: and they when they camesaid: "Croesus king of the Lydians and also of other nations sent ushither and saith as follows: O Lacedemonians, whereas the god by an oraclebade me join with myself the Hellene as a friend, therefore, since I aminformed that ye are the chiefs of Hellas, I invite you according to theoracle, desiring to be your friend and your ally apart from all guile anddeceit." Thus did Croesus announce to the Lacedemonians through hismessengers; and the Lacedemonians, who themselves also had heard of theoracle given to Croesus, were pleased at the coming of the Lydians andexchanged oaths of friendship and alliance: for they were bound to Croesusalso by some services rendered to them even before this time; since theLacedemonians had sent to Sardis and were buying gold there with purposeof using it for the image of Apollo which is now set up on Mount Thornaxin the Lacedemonian land; and Croesus, when they desired to buy it, gaveit them as a gift.

70. For this reason therefore the Lacedemonians accepted the alliance, andalso because he chose them as his friends, preferring them to all theother Hellenes. And not only were they ready themselves when he made hisoffer, but they caused a mixing-bowl to be made of bronze, covered outsidewith figures round the rim and of such a size as to hold three hundredamphors, 84and this they conveyed, desiring to give it as a gift in return toCroesus. This bowl never came to Sardis for reasons of which two accountsare given as follows:—The Lacedemonians say that when the bowl wason its way to Sardis and came opposite the land of Samos, the men of Samoshaving heard of it sailed out with ships of war and took it away; but theSamians themselves say that the Lacedemonians who were conveying the bowl,finding that they were too late and hearing that Sardis had been taken andCroesus was a prisoner, sold the bowl in Samos, and certain privatepersons bought it and dedicated it as a votive offering in the temple ofHera; and probably those who had sold it would say when they returned toSparta that it had been taken from them by the Samians.

71. Thus then it happened about the mixing-bowl: but meanwhile Croesus,mistaking the meaning of the oracle, was making a march into Cappadokia,expecting to overthrow Cyrus and the power of the Persians: and whileCroesus was preparing to march against the Persians, one of the Lydians,who even before this time was thought to be a wise man but in consequenceof this opinion got a very great name for wisdom among the Lydians, hadadvised Croesus as follows (the name of the man was Sandanis):—"Oking, thou art preparing to march against men who wear breeches ofleather, and the rest of their clothing is of leather also; and they eatfood not such as they desire but such as they can obtain, dwelling in aland which is rugged; and moreover they make no use of wine but drinkwater; and no figs have they for dessert, nor any other good thing. On theone hand, if thou shalt overcome them, what wilt thou take away from them,seeing they have nothing? and on the other hand, if thou shalt beovercome, consider how many good things thou wilt lose; for once havingtasted our good things, they will cling to them fast and it will not bepossible to drive them away. I for my own part feel gratitude to the godsthat they do not put it into the minds of the Persians to march againstthe Lydians." Thus he spoke not persuading Croesus: for it is true indeedthat the Persians before they subdued the Lydians had no luxury nor anygood thing.

72. Now the Cappadokians are called by the Hellenes Syrians; 85 andthese Syrians, before the Persians had rule, were subjects of the Medes,but at this time they were subjects of Cyrus. For the boundary between theMedian empire and the Lydian was the river Halys; and this flows from themountain-land of Armenia through the Kilikians, and afterwards, as itflows, it has the Matienians on the right hand and the Phrygians on theother side; then passing by these and flowing up towards the North Wind,it bounds on the one side the Cappadokian Syrians and on the left hand thePaphlagonians. Thus the river Halys cuts off from the rest almost all thelower parts of Asia by a line extending from the sea that is oppositeCyprus to the Euxine. And this tract is the neck of the whole peninsula,the distance of the journey being such that five days are spent on the wayby a man without encumbrance. 86

73. Now for the following reasons Croesus was marching into Cappadokia:—firstbecause he desired to acquire the land in addition to his own possessions,and then especially because he had confidence in the oracle and wished totake vengeance on Cyrus for Astyages. For Cyrus the son of Cambyses hadconquered Astyages and was keeping him in captivity, who was brother bymarriage to Croesus and king of the Medes: and he had become the brotherby marriage of Croesus in this manner:—A horde of the nomadScythians at feud with the rest withdrew and sought refuge in the land ofthe Medes: and at this time the ruler of the Medes was Kyaxares the son ofPhraortes, the son of Deïokes, who at first dealt well with theseScythians, being suppliants for his protection; and esteeming them veryhighly he delivered boys to them to learn their speech and the art ofshooting with the bow. Then time went by, and the Scythians used to go outcontinually to the chase and always brought back something; till once ithappened that they took nothing, and when they returned with empty handsKyaxares (being, as he showed on this occasion, not of an eminently gooddisposition 87) dealt with them very harshly and used insulttowards them. And they, when they had received this treatment fromKyaxares, considering that they had suffered indignity, planned to killand to cut up one of the boys who were being instructed among them, andhaving dressed his flesh as they had been wont to dress the wild animals,to bear it to Kyaxares and give it to him, pretending that it was gametaken in hunting; and when they had given it, their design was to maketheir way as quickly as possible to Alyattes the son of Sadyattes atSardis. This then was done; and Kyaxares with the guests who ate at histable tasted of that meat, and the Scythians having so done becamesuppliants for the protection of Alyattes.

74. After this, seeing that Alyattes would not give up the Scythians whenKyaxares demanded them, there had arisen war between the Lydians and theMedes lasting five years; in which years the Medes often discomfited theLydians and the Lydians often discomfited the Medes (and among others theyfought also a battle by night): 88 and as they still carriedon the war with equally balanced fortune, in the sixth year a battle tookplace in which it happened, when the fight had begun, that suddenly theday became night. And this change of the day Thales the Milesian hadforetold to the Ionians laying down as a limit this very year in which thechange took place. The Lydians however and the Medes, when they saw thatit had become night instead of day, ceased from their fighting and weremuch more eager both of them that peace should be made between them. Andthey who brought about the peace between them were Syennesis the Kilikianand Labynetos the Babylonian: 89 these were they who urged also the taking ofthe oath by them, and they brought about an interchange of marriages; forthey decided that Alyattes should give his daughter Aryenis to Astyagesthe son of Kyaxares, seeing that without the compulsion of a strong tieagreements are apt not to hold strongly together. Now these nationsobserve the same ceremonies in taking oaths as the Hellenes, and inaddition to them they make incision into the skin of their arms, and thenlick up the blood each of the other.

75. This Astyages then, being his mother's father, Cyrus had conquered andmade prisoner for a reason which I shall declare in the history whichcomes after. 90 This then was the complaint which Croesus hadagainst Cyrus when he sent to the Oracles to ask if he should marchagainst the Persians; and when a deceitful answer had come back to him, hemarched into the dominion of the Persians, supposing that the answer wasfavourable to himself. And when Croesus came to the river Halys, then,according to my account, he passed his army across by the bridges whichthere were; but, according to the account which prevails among theHellenes, Thales the Milesian enabled him to pass his army across. For,say they, when Croesus was at a loss how his army should pass over theriver (since, they add, there were not yet at that time the bridges whichnow there are), Thales being present in the army caused the river, whichflowed then on the left hand of the army, to flow partly also on theright; and he did it thus:—beginning above the camp he proceeded todig a deep channel, directing it in the form of a crescent moon, so thatthe river might take the camp there pitched in the rear, being turnedaside from its ancient course by this way along the channel, andafterwards passing by the camp might fall again into its ancient course;so that as soon as the river was thus parted in two it became fordable byboth branches: and some say even that the ancient course of the river wasaltogether dried up. But this tale I do not admit as true, for how thendid they pass over the river as they went back?

76. And Croesus, when he had passed over with his army, came to that placein Cappadokia which is called Pteria (now Pteria is the strongest place inthis country, and is situated somewhere about in a line with the city ofSinope 91on the Euxine). Here he encamped and ravaged the fields of the Syrians.Moreover he took the city of the Pterians, and sold the people intoslavery, and he took also all the towns that lay about it; and theSyrians, who were not guilty of any wrong, he forced to remove from theirhomes. 92Meanwhile Cyrus, having gathered his own forces and having taken up inaddition to them all who dwelt in the region between, was coming to meetCroesus. Before he began however to lead forth his army, he had sentheralds to the Ionians and tried to induce them to revolt from Croesus;but the Ionians would not do as he said. Then when Cyrus was come and hadencamped over against Croesus, they made trial of one another by force ofarms in the land of Pteria: and after hard fighting, when many had fallenon both sides, at length, night having come on, they parted from one theother with no victory on either side.

77. Thus the two armies contended with one another: and Croesus being illsatisfied with his own army in respect of number (for the army which hehad when he fought was far smaller than that of Cyrus), being dissatisfiedwith it I say on this account, as Cyrus did not attempt to advance againsthim on the following day, marched back to Sardis, having it in his mind tocall the Egyptians to his help according to the oath which they had taken(for he had made an alliance with Amasis king of Egypt before he made thealliance with the Lacedemonians), and to summon the Babylonians as well(for with these also an alliance had been concluded by him, Labynetos 93 beingat that time ruler of the Babylonians), and moreover to send a message tothe Lacedemonians bidding them appear at a fixed time: and then after hehad got all these together and had gathered his own army, his design wasto let the winter go by and at the coming of spring to march against thePersians. So with these thoughts in his mind, as soon as he came to Sardishe proceeded to send heralds to his several allies to give them noticethat by the fifth month from that time they should assemble at Sardis: butthe army which he had with him and which had fought with the Persians, anarmy which consisted of mercenary troops, 94 he let go and disbandedaltogether, never expecting that Cyrus, after having contended against himwith such even fortune, would after all march upon Sardis.

78. When Croesus had these plans in his mind, the suburb of the citybecame of a sudden all full of serpents; and when these had appeared, thehorses leaving off to feed in their pastures came constantly thither anddevoured them. When Croesus saw this he deemed it to be a portent, asindeed it was: and forthwith he despatched messengers to the dwelling ofthe Telmessians, who interpret omens: and the messengers who were sent toconsult arrived there and learnt from the Telmessians what the portentmeant to signify, but they did not succeed in reporting the answer toCroesus, for before they sailed back to Sardis Croesus had been takenprisoner. The Telmessians however gave decision thus: that an armyspeaking a foreign tongue was to be looked for by Croesus to invade hisland, and that this when it came would subdue the native inhabitants; forthey said that the serpent was born of the soil, while the horse was anenemy and a stranger. The men of Telmessos thus made answer to Croesusafter he was already taken prisoner, not knowing as yet anything of thethings which had happened to Sardis and to Croesus himself.

79. Cyrus, however, so soon as Croesus marched away after the battle whichhad been fought in Pteria, having learnt that Croesus meant after he hadmarched away to disband his army, took counsel with himself and concludedthat it was good for him to march as quickly as possible to Sardis, beforethe power of the Lydians should be again gathered together. So when he hadresolved upon this, he did it without delay: for he marched his army intoLydia with such speed that he was himself the first to announce his comingto Croesus. Then Croesus, although he had come to a great strait, sincehis affairs had fallen out altogether contrary to his own expectation, yetproceeded to lead forth the Lydians into battle. Now there was at thistime no nation in Asia more courageous or more stout in battle than theLydian; and they fought on horseback carrying long spears, the men beingexcellent in horsemanship.

80. So when the armies had met in that plain which is in front of the cityof Sardis,—a plain wide and open, through which flow rivers (andespecially the river Hyllos) all rushing down to join the largest calledHermos, which flows from the mountain sacred to the Mother surnamed "ofDindymos" 95and runs out into the sea by the city of Phocaia,—then Cyrus, whenhe saw the Lydians being arrayed for battle, fearing their horsemen, didon the suggestion of Harpagos a Mede as follows:—all the camelswhich were in the train of his army carrying provisions and baggage hegathered together, and he took off their burdens and set men upon themprovided with the equipment of cavalry: and having thus furnished themforth he appointed them to go in front of the rest of the army towards thehorsemen of Croesus; and after the camel-troop he ordered the infantry tofollow; and behind the infantry he placed his whole force of cavalry. Thenwhen all his men had been placed in their several positions, he chargedthem to spare none of the other Lydians, slaying all who might come intheir way, but Croesus himself they were not to slay, not even if heshould make resistance when he was captured. Such was his charge: and heset the camels opposite the horsemen for this reason,—because thehorse has a fear of the camel and cannot endure either to see his form orto scent his smell: for this reason then the trick had been devised, inorder that the cavalry of Croesus might be useless, that very forcewherewith the Lydian king was expecting most to shine. And as they werecoming together to the battle, so soon as the horses scented the camelsand saw them they turned away back, and the hopes of Croesus were at oncebrought to nought. The Lydians however for their part did not upon thatact as cowards, but when they perceived what was coming to pass they leaptfrom their horses and fought with the Persians on foot. At length,however, when many had fallen on either side, the Lydians turned toflight; and having been driven within the wall of their fortress they werebesieged by the Persians.

81. By these then a siege had been established: but Croesus, supposingthat the siege would last a long time, proceeded to send from the fortressother messengers to his allies. For the former messengers were sent roundto give notice that they should assemble at Sardis by the fifth month, butthese he was sending out to ask them to come to his assistance as quicklyas possible, because Croesus was being besieged.

82. So then in sending to his other allies he sent also to Lacedemon. Butthese too, the Spartans I mean, had themselves at this very time (for soit had fallen out) a quarrel in hand with the Argives about the districtcalled Thyrea. For this Thyrea, being part of the Argive possessions, theLacedemonians had cut off and taken for themselves. Now the whole regiontowards the west extending as far down as Malea 96 was then possessed by theArgives, both the parts situated on the mainland and also the island ofKythera with the other islands. And when the Argives had come to therescue to save their territory from being cut off from them, then the twosides came to a parley together and agreed that three hundred should fightof each side, and whichever side had the better in the fight that nationshould possess the disputed land: they agreed moreover that the main bodyof each army should withdraw to their own country, and not stand by whilethe contest was fought, for fear lest, if the armies were present, oneside seeing their countrymen suffering defeat should come up to theirsupport. Having made this agreement they withdrew; and chosen men of bothsides were left behind and engaged in fight with one another. So theyfought and proved themselves to be equally matched; and there were left atlast of six hundred men three, on the side of the Argives Alkenor andChromios, and on the side of the Lacedemonians Othryades: these were leftalive when night came on. So then the two men of the Argives, supposingthat they were the victors, set off to run to Argos, but the LacedemonianOthryades, after having stripped the corpses of the Argives and carriedtheir arms to his own camp, remained in his place. On the next day boththe two sides came thither to inquire about the result; and for some timeboth claimed the victory for themselves, the one side saying that of themmore had remained alive, and the others declaring that these had fledaway, whereas their own man had stood his ground and had stripped thecorpses of the other party: and at length by reason of this dispute theyfell upon one another and began to fight; and after many had fallen onboth sides, the Lacedemonians were the victors. The Argives then cut theirhair short, whereas formerly they were compelled by law to wear it long,and they made a law with a curse attached to it, that from that time forthno man of the Argives should grow the hair long nor their women wearornaments of gold, until they should have won back Thyrea. TheLacedemonians however laid down for themselves the opposite law to this,namely that they should wear long hair from that time forward, whereasbefore that time they had not their hair long. And they say that the oneman who was left alive of the three hundred, namely Othryades, beingashamed to return to Sparta when all his comrades had been slain, slewhimself there in Thyrea.

83. Such was the condition of things at Sparta when the herald from Sardisarrived asking them to come to the assistance of Croesus, who was beingbesieged. And they notwithstanding their own difficulties, as soon as theyheard the news from the herald, were eager to go to his assistance; butwhen they had completed their preparations and their ships were ready,there came another message reporting that the fortress of the Lydians hadbeen taken and that Croesus had been made prisoner. Then (and not before)they ceased from their efforts, being grieved at the event as at a greatcalamity.

84. Now the taking of Sardis came about as follows:—When thefourteenth day came after Croesus began to be besieged, Cyrus madeproclamation to his army, sending horsemen round to the several parts ofit, that he would give gifts to the man who should first scale the wall.After this the army made an attempt; and when it failed, then after allthe rest had ceased from the attack, a certain Mardian whose name wasHyroiades made an attempt to approach on that side of the citadel where noguard had been set; for they had no fear that it would ever be taken fromthat side, seeing that here the citadel is precipitous and unassailable.To this part of the wall alone Meles also, who formerly was king ofSardis, did not carry round the lion which his concubine bore to him, theTelmessians having given decision that if the lion should be carried roundthe wall, Sardis should be safe from capture: and Meles having carried itround the rest of the wall, that is to say those parts of the citadelwhere the fortress was open to attack, passed over this part as beingunassailable and precipitous: now this is a part of the city which isturned towards Tmolos. So then this 97 Mardian Hyroiades, havingseen on the day before how one of the Lydians had descended on that sideof the citadel to recover his helmet which had rolled down from above, andhad picked it up, took thought and cast the matter about in his own mind.Then he himself 98 ascended first, and after him came up others ofthe Persians, and many having thus made approach, Sardis was finally takenand the whole city was given up to plunder.

85. Meanwhile to Croesus himself it happened thus:—He had a son, ofwhom I made mention before, who was of good disposition enough butdeprived of speech. Now in his former time of prosperity Croesus had doneeverything that was possible for him, and besides other things which hedevised he had also sent messengers to Delphi to inquire concerning him.And the Pythian prophetess spoke to him thus:

 "Lydian, master of many, much blind to destiny, Croesus,
  Do not desire to hear in thy halls that voice which is prayed for,
  Voice of thy son; much better if this from thee were removèd,
  Since he shall first utter speech in an evil day of misfortune."

Now when the fortress was being taken, one of the Persians was about toslay Croesus taking him for another; and Croesus for his part, seeing himcoming on, cared nothing for it because of the misfortune which was uponhim, and to him it was indifferent that he should be slain by the stroke;but this voiceless son, when he saw the Persian coming on, by reason ofterror and affliction burst the bonds of his utterance and said: "Man,slay not Croesus." This son, I say, uttered voice then first of all, butafter this he continued to use speech for the whole time of his life.

86. The Persians then had obtained possession of Sardis and had takenCroesus himself prisoner, after he had reigned fourteen years and had beenbesieged fourteen days, having fulfilled the oracle in that he had broughtto an end his own great empire. So the Persians having taken him broughthim into the presence of Cyrus: and he piled up a great pyre and causedCroesus to go up upon it bound in fetters, and along with him twice sevensons of Lydians, whether it was that he meant to dedicate this offering asfirst-fruits of his victory to some god, or whether he desired to fulfil avow, or else had heard that Croesus was a god-fearing man and so causedhim to go up on the pyre because he wished to know if any one of thedivine powers would save him, so that he should not be burnt alive. He,they say, did this; but to Croesus as he stood upon the pyre there came,although he was in such evil case, a memory of the saying of Solon, how hehad said with divine inspiration that no one of the living might be calledhappy. And when this thought came into his mind, they say that he sigheddeeply 99and groaned aloud, having been for long silent, and three times he utteredthe name of Solon. Hearing this, Cyrus bade the interpreters ask Croesuswho was this person on whom he called; and they came near and asked. AndCroesus for a time, it is said, kept silence when he was asked this, butafterwards being pressed he said: "One whom more than much wealth I shouldhave desired to have speech with all monarchs." Then, since his words wereof doubtful import, they asked again of that which he said; and as theywere urgent with him and gave him no peace, he told how once Solon anAthenian had come, and having inspected all his wealth had made light ofit, with such and such words; and how all had turned out for him accordingas Solon had said, not speaking at all especially with a view to Croesushimself, but with a view to the whole human race and especially those whoseem to themselves to be happy men. And while Croesus related thesethings, already the pyre was lighted and the edges of it round about wereburning. Then they say that Cyrus, hearing from the interpreters whatCroesus had said, changed his purpose and considered that he himself alsowas but a man, and that he was delivering another man, who had been notinferior to himself in felicity, alive to the fire; and moreover he fearedthe requital, and reflected that there was nothing of that which menpossessed which was secure; therefore, they say, he ordered them toextinguish as quickly as possible the fire that was burning, and to bringdown Croesus and those who were with him from the pyre; and they usingendeavours were not able now to get the mastery of the flames.

87. Then it is related by the Lydians that Croesus, having learned howCyrus had changed his mind, and seeing that every one was trying to putout the fire but that they were no longer able to check it, cried aloudentreating Apollo that if any gift had ever been given by him which hadbeen acceptable to the god, he would come to his aid and rescue him fromthe evil which was now upon him. So he with tears entreated the god, andsuddenly, they say, after clear sky and calm weather clouds gathered and astorm burst, and it rained with a very violent shower, and the pyre wasextinguished. Then Cyrus, having perceived that Croesus was a lover of thegods and a good man, caused him to be brought down from the pyre and askedhim as follows: "Croesus, tell me who of all men was it who persuaded theeto march upon my land and so to become an enemy to me instead of afriend?" and he said: "O king, I did this to thy felicity and to my ownmisfortune, and the causer of this was the god of the Hellenes, whoincited me to march with my army. For no one is so senseless as to chooseof his own will war rather peace, since in peace the sons bury theirfathers, but in war the fathers bury their sons. But it was pleasing, Isuppose, to the divine powers that these things should come to pass thus."

88. So he spoke, and Cyrus loosed his bonds and caused him to sit nearhimself and paid to him much regard, and he marvelled both himself and allwho were about him at the sight of Croesus. And Croesus wrapt in thoughtwas silent; but after a time, turning round and seeing the Persiansplundering the city of the Lydians, he said: "O king, must I say to theethat which I chance to have in my thought, or must I keep silent in thismy present fortune?" Then Cyrus bade him say boldly whatsoever he desired;and he asked him saying: "What is the business that this great multitudeof men is doing with so much eagerness?" and he said: "They are plunderingthy city and carrying away thy wealth." And Croesus answered: "Neither isit my city that they are plundering nor my wealth which they are carryingaway; for I have no longer any property in these things: but it is thywealth that they are carrying and driving away."

89. And Cyrus was concerned by that which Croesus had said, and he causedall the rest to withdraw and asked Croesus what he discerned for hisadvantage as regards that which was being done; and he said: "Since thegods gave me to thee as a slave, I think it right if I discern anythingmore than others to signify it to thee. The Persians, who are by natureunruly, 100are without wealth: if therefore thou shalt suffer them to carry off inplunder great wealth and to take possession of it, then it is to be lookedfor that thou wilt experience this result, thou must expect namely thatwhosoever gets possession of the largest share will make insurrectionagainst thee. Now therefore, if that which I say is pleasing to thee, dothis:—set spearmen of thy guard to watch at all the gates, and letthese take away the things, and say to the men who were bearing them outof the city that they must first be tithed for Zeus: and thus thou on theone hand wilt not be hated by them for taking away the things by force,and they on the other will willingly let the things go, 101acknowledging within themselves that thou art doing that which is just."

90. Hearing this, Cyrus was above measure pleased, because he thought thatCroesus advised well; and he commended him much and enjoined the spearmenof his guard to perform that which Croesus had advised: and after that hespoke to Croesus thus: "Croesus, since thou art prepared, like a king asthou art, to do good deeds and speak good words, therefore ask me for agift, whatsoever thou desirest to be given thee forthwith." And he said:"Master, thou wilt most do me a pleasure if thou wilt permit me to send tothe god of the Hellenes, whom I honoured most of all gods, these fetters,and to ask him whether it is accounted by him right to deceive those whodo well to him." Then Cyrus asked him what accusation he made against thegod, that he thus requested; and Croesus repeated to him all that had beenin his mind, and the answers of the Oracles, and especially the votiveofferings, and how he had been incited by the prophecy to march upon thePersians: and thus speaking he came back again to the request that itmight be permitted to him to make this reproach 102 against the god. AndCyrus laughed and said: "Not this only shalt thou obtain from me, Croesus,but also whatsoever thou mayst desire of me at any time." Hearing thisCroesus sent certain of the Lydians to Delphi, enjoining them to lay thefetters upon the threshold of the temple and to ask the god whether hefelt no shame that he had incited Croesus by his prophecies to march uponthe Persians, persuading him that he should bring to an end the empire ofCyrus, seeing that these were the first-fruits of spoil which he had wonfrom it,—at the same time displaying the fetters. This they were toask, and moreover also whether it was thought right by the gods of theHellenes to practice ingratitude.

91. When the Lydians came and repeated that which they were enjoined tosay, it is related that the Pythian prophetess spoke as follows: "Thefated destiny it is impossible even for a god to escape. And Croesus paidthe debt due for the sin of his fifth ancestor, who being one of thespearmen of the Heracleidai followed the treacherous device of a woman,and having slain his master took possession of his royal dignity, whichbelonged not to him of right. And although Loxias eagerly desired that thecalamity of Sardis might come upon the sons of Croesus and not uponCroesus himself, it was not possible for him to draw the Destinies asidefrom their course; but so much as these granted he brought to pass, andgave it as a gift to Croesus: for he put off the taking of Sardis by threeyears; and let Croesus be assured that he was taken prisoner later bythese years than the fated time: moreover secondly, he assisted him whenhe was about to be burnt. And as to the oracle which was given, Croesusfinds fault with good ground: for Loxias told him beforehand that if heshould march upon the Persians he should destroy a great empire: and heupon hearing this, if he wished to take counsel well, ought to have sentand asked further whether the god meant his own empire or that of Cyrus:but as he did not comprehend that which was uttered and did not ask again,let him pronounce himself to be the cause of that which followed. To himalso 103when he consulted the Oracle for the last time Loxias said that which hesaid concerning a mule; but this also he failed to comprehend: for Cyruswas in fact this mule, seeing that he was born of parents who were of twodifferent races, his mother being of nobler descent and his father of lessnoble: for she was a Median woman, daughter of Astyages and king of theMedes, but he was a Persian, one of a race subject to the Medes, and beinginferior in all respects he was the husband of one who was his royalmistress." Thus the Pythian prophetess replied to the Lydians, and theybrought the answer back to Sardis and repeated it to Croesus; and he, whenhe heard it, acknowledged that the fault was his own and not that of thegod. With regard then to the empire of Croesus and the first conquest ofIonia, it happened thus.

92. Now there are in Hellas many other votive offerings made by Croesusand not only those which have been mentioned: for first at Thebes of theBoeotians there is a tripod of gold, which he dedicated to the IsmenianApollo; then at Ephesos there are the golden cows and the greater numberof the pillars of the temple; and in the temple of Athene Pronaia atDelphi a large golden shield. These were still remaining down to my owntime, but others of his votive offerings have perished: and the votiveofferings of Croesus at Branchidai of the Milesians were, as I am told,equal in weight and similar to those at Delphi. Now those which he sent toDelphi and to the temple of Amphiaraos he dedicated of his own goods andas first-fruits of the wealth inherited from his father; but the otherofferings were made of the substance of a man who was his foe, who beforeCroesus became king had been factious against him and had joined inendeavouring to make Pantaleon ruler of the Lydians. Now Pantaleon was ason of Alyattes and a brother of Croesus, but not by the same mother, forCroesus was born to Alyattes of a Carian woman, but Pantaleon of anIonian. And when Croesus had gained possession of the kingdom by the giftof his father, he put to death the man who opposed him, drawing him uponthe carding-comb; and his property, which even before that time he hadvowed to dedicate, he then offered in the manner mentioned to thoseshrines which have been named. About his votive offerings let it sufficeto have said so much.

93. Of marvels to be recorded the land of Lydia has no great store ascompared with other lands, 104 excepting the gold-dust which is carried downfrom Tmolos; but one work it has to show which is larger far than anyother except only those in Egypt and Babylon: for there is there thesepulchral monument of Alyattes the father of Croesus, of which the baseis made of larger stones and the rest of the monument is of earth piledup. And this was built by contributions of those who practised trade andof the artisans and the girls who plied their traffic there; and stillthere existed to my own time boundary-stones five in number erected uponthe monument above, on which were carved inscriptions telling how much ofthe work was done by each class; and upon measurement it was found thatthe work of the girls was the greatest in amount. For the daughters of thecommon people in Lydia practice prostitution one and all, to gather forthemselves dowries, continuing this until the time when they marry; andthe girls give themselves away in marriage. Now the circuit of themonument is six furlongs and two hundred feet, 105 and the breadth isthirteen hundred feet. 106 And adjoining the monument is a great lake,which the Lydians say has a never-failing supply of water, and it iscalled the lake of Gyges. 107 Such is the nature of this monument.

94. Now the Lydians have very nearly the same customs as the Hellenes,with the exception that they prostitute their female children; and theywere the first of men, so far as we know, who struck and used coin of goldor silver; and also they were the first retail-traders. And the Lydiansthemselves say that the games which are now in use among them and amongthe Hellenes were also their invention. These they say were invented amongthem at the same time as they colonised Tyrsenia, 108 and this is theaccount they give of them:—In the reign of Atys the son of Manestheir king there came to be a grievous dearth over the whole of Lydia; andthe Lydians for a time continued to endure it, but afterwards, as it didnot cease, they sought for remedies; and one devised one thing and anotherof them devised another thing. And then were discovered, they say, theways of playing with the dice and the knucklebones and the ball, and allthe other games excepting draughts (for the discovery of this last is notclaimed by the Lydians). These games they invented as a resource againstthe famine, and thus they used to do:—on one of the days they wouldplay games all the time in order that they might not feel the want offood, and on the next they ceased from their games and had food: and thusthey went on for eighteen years. As however the evil did not slacken butpressed upon them ever more and more, therefore their king divided thewhole Lydian people into two parts, and he appointed by lot one part toremain and the other to go forth from the land; and the king appointedhimself to be over that one of the parts which had the lot to stay in theland, and his son to be over that which was departing; and the name of hisson was Tyrsenos. So the one party of them, having obtained the lot to goforth from the land, went down to the sea at Smyrna and built ships forthemselves, wherein they placed all the movable goods which they had andsailed away to seek for means of living and a land to dwell in; untilafter passing by many nations they came at last to the land of theOmbricans, 109 and there they founded cities and dwell up tothe present time: and changing their name they were called after theking's son who led them out from home, not Lydians but Tyrsenians, takingthe name from him.

The Lydians then had been made subject to the Persians as I say:

95, and after this our history proceeds to inquire about Cyrus, who he wasthat destroyed the empire of Croesus, and about the Persians, in whatmanner they obtained the lead of Asia. Following then the report of someof the Persians,—those I mean who do not desire to glorify thehistory of Cyrus but to speak that which is in fact true,—accordingto their report, I say, I shall write; but I could set forth also theother forms of the story in three several ways.

The Assyrians ruled Upper Asia 110 for five hundred andtwenty years, and from them the Medes were the first who made revolt.These having fought for their freedom with the Assyrians proved themselvesgood men, and thus they pushed off the yoke of slavery from themselves andwere set free; and after them the other nations also did the same as theMedes: and when all on the continent were thus independent, they returnedagain to despotic rule as follows:—

96. There appeared among the Medes a man of great ability whose name wasDeïokes, and this man was the son of Phraortes. This Deïokes, havingformed a desire for despotic power, did thus:—whereas the Medesdwelt in separate villages, he, being even before that time of greatrepute in his own village, set himself to practise just dealing much moreand with greater zeal than before; and this he did although there was muchlawlessness throughout the whole of Media, and although he knew thatinjustice is ever at feud with justice. And the Medes of the same village,seeing his manners, chose him for their judge. So he, since he was aimingat power, was upright and just, and doing thus he had no little praisefrom his fellow-citizens, insomuch that those of the other villageslearning that Deïokes was a man who more than all others gave decisionrightly, whereas before this they had been wont to suffer from unjustjudgments, themselves also when they heard it came gladly to Deïokes tohave their causes determined, and at last they trusted the business to noone else.

97. Then, as more and more continually kept coming to him, because menlearnt that his decisions proved to be according to the truth, Deïokesperceiving that everything was referred to himself would no longer sit inthe place where he used formerly to sit in public to determine causes, andsaid that he would determine causes no more, for it was not profitable forhim to neglect his own affairs and to determine causes for his neighboursall through the day. So then, since robbery and lawlessness prevailed evenmuch more in the villages than they did before, the Medes having assembledtogether in one place considered with one another and spoke about thestate in which they were: and I suppose the friends of Deïokes spoke muchto this effect: "Seeing that we are not able to dwell in the land underthe present order of things, let us set up a king from among ourselves,and thus the land will be well governed and we ourselves shall turn tolabour, and shall not be ruined by lawlessness." By some such words asthese they persuaded themselves to have a king.

98. And when they straightway proposed the question whom they should setup to be king, Deïokes was much put forward and commended by every one,until at last they agreed that he should be their king. And he bade thembuild for him a palace worthy of the royal dignity and strengthen him witha guard of spearmen. And the Medes did so: for they built him a large andstrong palace in that part of the land which he told them, and theyallowed him to select spearmen from all the Medes. And when he hadobtained the rule over them, he compelled the Medes to make one fortifiedcity and pay chief attention to this, having less regard to the othercities. And as the Medes obeyed him in this also, he built large andstrong walls, those which are now called Agbatana, standing in circles onewithin the other. And this wall is so contrived that one circle is higherthan the next by the height of the battlements alone. And to some extent,I suppose, the nature of the ground, seeing that it is on a hill, assiststowards this end; but much more was it produced by art, since the circlesare in all seven in number. 111 And within the last circle are the royalpalace and the treasure-houses. The largest of these walls is in sizeabout equal to the circuit of the wall round Athens; and of the firstcircle the battlements are white, of the second black, of the thirdcrimson, of the fourth blue, of the fifth red: thus are the battlements ofall the circles coloured with various tints, and the two last have theirbattlements one of them overlaid with silver and the other with gold.

99. These walls then Deïokes built for himself and round his own palace,and the people he commanded to dwell round about the wall. And after allwas built, Deïokes established the rule, which he was the first toestablish, ordaining that none should enter into the presence of the king,but that they deal with him always through messengers; and that the kingshould be seen by no one; and moreover that to laugh or to spit inpresence is unseemly, and this last for every one without exception. 112Now he surrounded himself with this state 113 to the end that hisfellows, who had been brought up with him and were of no meaner family norbehind him in manly virtue, might not be grieved by seeing him and makeplots against him, but that being unseen by them he might be thought to beof different mould.

100. Having set these things in order and strengthened himself in hisdespotism, he was severe in preserving justice; and the people used towrite down their causes and send them in to his presence, and hedetermined the questions which were brought in to him and sent them outagain. Thus he used to do about the judgment of causes; and he also tookorder for this, that is to say, if he heard that any one was behaving inan unruly manner, he sent for him and punished him according as each actof wrong deserved, and he had watchers and listeners about all the landover which he ruled.

101. Deïokes then united the Median race alone, and was ruler of this: andof the Medes there are the tribes which here follow, namely, Busai,Paretakenians, Struchates, Arizantians, Budians, Magians: the tribes ofthe Medes are so many in number.

102. Now the son of Deïokes was Phraortes, who when Deïokes was dead,having been king for three-and-fifty years, received the power insuccession; and having received it he was not satisfied to be ruler of theMedes alone, but marched upon the Persians; and attacking them firstbefore others, he made these first subject to the Medes. After this, beingruler of these two nations and both of them strong, he proceeded to subdueAsia going from one nation to another, until at last he marched againstthe Assyrians, those Assyrians I mean who dwelt at Nineveh, and whoformerly had been rulers of the whole, but at that time they were leftwithout support their allies having revolted from them, though at homethey were prosperous enough. 114 Phraortes marched, I say, against these, andwas both himself slain, after he had reigned two-and-twenty years, and thegreater part of his army was destroyed.

103. When Phraortes had brought his life to an end, Kyaxares the son ofPhraortes, the son of Deïokes, received the power. This king is said tohave been yet much more warlike than his forefathers; and he first bandedthe men of Asia into separate divisions, that is to say, he first arrayedapart from one another the spearmen and the archers and the horsemen, forbefore that time they were all mingled together without distinction. Thiswas he who fought with the Lydians when the day became night as theyfought, and who also united under his rule the whole of Asia above theriver Halys. 115 And having gathered together all his subjectshe marched upon Nineveh to avenge his father, and also because he desiredto conquer that city. And when he had fought a battle with the Assyriansand had defeated them, while he was sitting down before Nineveh there cameupon him a great army of Scythians, 116 and the leader of themwas Madyas the son of Protohyas, king of the Scythians. These had invadedAsia after driving the Kimmerians out of Europe, and in pursuit of them asthey fled they had come to the land of Media.

104. Now from the Maiotian lake to the river Phasis and to the land of theColchians is a journey of thirty days for one without encumbrance; 117and from Colchis it is not far to pass over to Media, for there is onlyone nation between them, the Saspeirians, and passing by this nation youare in Media. However the Scythians did not make their invasion by thisway, but turned aside from it to go by the upper road 118which is much longer, keeping Mount Caucasus on their right hand. Then theMedes fought with the Scythians, and having been worsted in the battlethey lost their power, and the Scythians obtained rule over all Asia.

105. Thence they went on to invade Egypt; and when they were in Syriawhich is called Palestine, Psammetichos king of Egypt met them; and bygifts and entreaties he turned them from their purpose, so that theyshould not advance any further: and as they retreated, when they came tothe city of Ascalon in Syria, most of the Scythians passed through withoutdoing any damage, but a few of them who had stayed behind plundered thetemple of Aphrodite Urania. Now this temple, as I find by inquiry, is themost ancient of all the temples which belong to this goddess; for thetemple in Cyprus was founded from this, as the people of Cyprus themselvesreport, and it was the Phenicians who founded the temple in Kythera,coming from this land of Syria. So these Scythians who had plundered thetemple at Ascalon, and their descendants for ever, were smitten by thedivinity 119 with a disease which made them women insteadof men: and the Scythians say that it was for this reason that they werediseased, and that for this reason travellers who visit Scythia now, seeamong them the affection of those who by the Scythians are called Enareës.

106. For eight-and-twenty years then the Scythians were rulers of Asia,and by their unruliness and reckless behaviour everything was ruined; foron the one hand they exacted that in tribute from each people which theylaid upon them, 120 and apart from the tribute they rode aboutand carried off by force the possessions of each tribe. Then Kyaxares withthe Medes, having invited the greater number of them to a banquet, madethem drunk and slew them; and thus the Medes recovered their power, andhad rule over the same nations as before; and they also took Nineveh,—themanner how it was taken I shall set forth in another history, 121—andmade the Assyrians subject to them excepting only the land of Babylon.

107. After this Kyaxares died, having reigned forty years including thoseyears during which the Scythians had rule, and Astyages son of Kyaxaresreceived from him the kingdom. To him was born a daughter whom he namedMandane; and in his sleep it seemed to him that there passed from her somuch water as to fill his city and also to flood the whole of Asia. Thisdream he delivered over 122 to the Magian interpreters of dreams, andwhen he heard from them the truth at each point he became afraid. Andafterwards when this Mandane was of an age to have a husband, he did notgive her in marriage to any one of the Medes who were his peers, becausehe feared the vision; but he gave her to a Persian named Cambyses, whom hefound to be of a good descent and of a quiet disposition, counting him tobe in station much below a Mede of middle rank.

108. And when Mandane was married to Cambyses, in the first year Astyagessaw another vision. It seemed to him that from the womb of this daughter avine grew, and this vine overspread the whole of Asia. Having seen thisvision and delivered it to the interpreters of dreams, he sent for hisdaughter, being then with child, to come from the land of the Persians.And when she had come he kept watch over her, desiring to destroy thatwhich should be born of her; for the Magian interpreters of dreamssignified to him that the offspring of his daughter should be king in hisroom. Astyages then desiring to guard against this, when Cyrus was born,called Harpagos, a man who was of kin near him and whom he trusted aboveall the other Medes, and had made him manager of all his affairs; and tohim he said as follows: "Neglect not by any means, Harpagos, the matterwhich I shall lay upon thee to do, and beware lest thou set me aside, 123and choosing the advantage of others instead, bring thyself afterwards todestruction. Take the child which Mandane bore, and carry it to thy houseand slay it; and afterwards bury it in whatsoever manner thou thyselfdesirest." To this he made answer: "O king, never yet in any past timedidst thou discern in me an offence against thee, and I keep watch overmyself also with a view to the time that comes after, that I may notcommit any error towards thee. If it is indeed thy pleasure that thisshould so be done, my service at least must be fitly rendered."

109. Thus he made answer, and when the child had been delivered to himadorned as for death, Harpagos went weeping to his wife all the wordswhich had been spoken by Astyages. And she said to him: "Now, therefore,what is it in thy mind to do?" and he made answer: "Not according asAstyages enjoined: for not even if he shall come to be yet more out of hissenses and more mad than he now is, will I agree to his will or serve himin such a murder as this. And for many reasons I will not slay the child;first because he is a kin to me, and then because Astyages is old andwithout male issue, and if after he is dead the power shall come throughme, does not the greatest of dangers then await me? To secure me, thischild must die; but one of the servants of Astyages must be the slayer ofit, and not one of mine."

110. Thus he spoke, and straightway sent a messenger to that one of theherdsmen of Astyages who he knew fed his herds on the pastures which weremost suitable for his purpose, and on the mountains most haunted by wildbeasts. The name of this man was Mitradates, and he was married to one whowas his fellow-slave; and the name of the woman to whom he was married wasKyno in the tongue of the Hellenes and in the Median tongue Spaco, forwhat the Hellenes call kyna (bitch) the Medes call spaca.Now, it was on the skirts of the mountains that this herdsman had hiscattle-pastures, from Agbatana towards the North Wind and towards theEuxine Sea. For here in the direction of the Saspeirians the Median landis very mountainous and lofty and thickly covered with forests; but therest of the land of Media is all level plain. So when this herdsman came,being summoned with much urgency, Harpagos said these words: "Astyagesbids thee take this child and place it on the most desolate part of themountains, so that it may perish as quickly as possible. And he bade me tosay that if thou do not kill it, but in any way shalt preserve it fromdeath, he will slay thee by the most evil kind of destruction: 124and I have been appointed to see that the child is laid forth."

111. Having heard this and having taken up the child, the herdsman wentback by the way he came, and arrived at his dwelling. And his wife also,as it seems, having been every day on the point of bearing a child, by aprovidential chance brought her child to birth just at that time, when theherdsman was gone to the city. And both were in anxiety, each for theother, the man having fear about the child-bearing of his wife, and thewoman about the cause why Harpagos had sent to summon her husband, nothaving been wont to do so aforetime. So as soon as he returned and stoodbefore her, the woman seeing him again beyond her hopes was the first tospeak, and asked him for what purpose Harpagos had sent for him sourgently. And he said: "Wife, when I came to the city I saw and heard thatwhich I would I had not seen, and which I should wish had never chanced tothose whom we serve. For the house of Harpagos was all full of mourning,and I being astonished thereat went within: and as soon as I entered I sawlaid out to view an infant child gasping for breath and screaming, whichwas adorned with gold ornaments and embroidered clothing: and whenHarpagos saw me he bade me forthwith to take up the child and carry itaway and lay it on that part of the mountains which is most haunted bywild beasts, saying that it was Astyages who laid this task upon me, andusing to me many threats, if I should fail to do this. And I took it upand bore it away, supposing that it was the child of some one of theservants of the house, for never could I have supposed whence it reallywas; but I marvelled to see it adorned with gold and raiment, and Imarvelled also because mourning was made for it openly in the house ofHarpagos. And straightway as we went by the road, I learnt the whole ofthe matter from the servant who went with me out of the city and placed inmy hands the babe, namely that it was in truth the son of Mandane thedaughter of Astyages, and of Cambyses the son of Cyrus, and that Astyagesbade slay it. And now here it is."

112. And as he said this the herdsman uncovered it and showed it to her.And she, seeing that the child was large and of fair form, wept and clungto the knees of her husband, beseeching him by no means to lay it forth.But he said that he could not do otherwise than so, for watchers wouldcome backwards and forwards sent by Harpagos to see that this was done,and he would perish by a miserable death if he should fail to do this. Andas she could not after all persuade her husband, the wife next said asfollows: "Since then I am unable to persuade thee not to lay it forth, dothou this which I shall tell thee, if indeed it needs must be seen laidforth. I also have borne a child, but I have borne it dead. Take this andexpose it, and let us rear the child of the daughter of Astyages as if itwere our own. Thus thou wilt not be found out doing a wrong to those whomwe serve, nor shall we have taken ill counsel for ourselves; for the deadchild will obtain a royal burial and the surviving one will not lose hislife."

113. To the herdsman it seemed that, the case standing thus, his wifespoke well, and forthwith he did so. The child which he was bearing to putto death, this he delivered to his wife, and his own, which was dead, hetook and placed in the chest in which he had been bearing the other; andhaving adorned it with all the adornment of the other child, he bore it tothe most desolate part of the mountains and placed it there. And when thethird day came after the child had been laid forth, the herdsman went tothe city, leaving one of his under-herdsmen to watch there, and when hecame to the house of Harpagos he said that he was ready to display thedead body of the child; and Harpagos sent the most trusted of hisspearmen, and through them he saw and buried the herdsman's child. Thisthen had had burial, but him who was afterwards called Cyrus the wife ofthe herdsman had received, and was bringing him up, giving him no doubtsome other name, not Cyrus.

114. And when the boy was ten years old, it happened with regard to him asfollows, and this made him known. He was playing in the village in whichwere stalls for oxen, he was playing there, I say, with other boys of hisage in the road. And the boys in their play chose as their king this onewho was called the son of the herdsman: and he set some of them to buildpalaces and others to be spearmen of his guard, and one of them no doubthe appointed to be the eye of the king, and to one he gave the office ofbearing the messages, 12401 appointing a work for each one severally.Now one of these boys who was playing with the rest, the son of Artembaresa man of repute among the Medes, did not do that which Cyrus appointed himto do; therefore Cyrus bade the other boys seize him hand and foot, 125and when they obeyed his command he dealt with the boy very roughly,scourging him. But he, so soon as he was let go, being made much moreangry because he considered that he had been treated with indignity, wentdown to the city and complained to his father of the treatment which hehad met with from Cyrus, calling him not Cyrus, for this was not yet hisname, but the son of the herdsman of Astyages. And Artembares in the angerof the moment went at once to Astyages, taking the boy with him, and hedeclared that he had suffered things that were unfitting and said: "Oking, by thy slave, the son of a herdsman, we have been thus outraged,"showing him the shoulders of his son.

115. And Astyages having heard and seen this, wishing to punish the boy toavenge the honour of Artembares, sent for both the herdsman and his son.And when both were present, Astyages looked at Cyrus and said: "Didst thoudare, being the son of so mean a father as this, to treat with suchunseemly insult the son of this man who is first in my favour?" And hereplied thus: "Master, I did so to him with right. For the boys of thevillage, of whom he also was one, in their play set me up as king overthem, for I appeared to them most fitted for this place. Now the otherboys did what I commanded them, but this one disobeyed and paid no regard,until at last he received the punishment due. If therefore for this I amworthy to suffer any evil, here I stand before thee."

116. While the boy thus spoke, there came upon Astyages a sense ofrecognition of him and the lineaments of his face seemed to him toresemble his own, and his answer appeared to be somewhat over free for hisstation, while the time of the laying forth seemed to agree with the ageof the boy. Being struck with amazement by these things, for a time he wasspeechless; and having at length with difficulty recovered himself, hesaid, desiring to dismiss Artembares, in order that he might get theherdsman by himself alone and examine him: "Artembares, I will so orderthese things that thou and thy son shall have no cause to find fault"; andso he dismissed Artembares, and the servants upon the command of Astyagesled Cyrus within. And when the herdsman was left alone with the king,Astyages being alone with him asked whence he had received the boy, andwho it was who had delivered the boy to him. And the herdsman said that hewas his own son, and that the mother was living with him still as hiswife. But Astyages said that he was not well advised in desiring to bebrought to extreme necessity, and as he said this he made a sign to thespearmen of his guard to seize him. So he, as he was being led away to thetorture, 126 then declared the story as it really was; andbeginning from the beginning he went through the whole, telling the truthabout it, and finally ended with entreaties, asking that he would granthim pardon.

117. So when the herdsman had made known the truth, Astyages now caredless about him, but with Harpagos he was very greatly displeased and badehis spearmen summon him. And when Harpagos came, Astyages asked him thus:"By what death, Harpagos, didst thou destroy the child whom I delivered tothee, born of my daughter?" and Harpagos, seeing that the herdsman was inthe king's palace, turned not to any false way of speech, lest he shouldbe convicted and found out, but said as follows: "O king, so soon as Ireceived the child, I took counsel and considered how I should doaccording to thy mind, and how without offence to thy command I might notbe guilty of murder against thy daughter and against thyself. I didtherefore thus:—I called this herdsman and delivered the child tohim, saying first that thou wert he who bade him slay it—and in thisat least I did not lie, for thou didst so command. I delivered it, I say,to this man commanding him to place it upon a desolate mountain, and tostay by it and watch it until it should die, threatening him with allkinds of punishment if he should fail to accomplish this. And when he haddone that which was ordered and the child was dead, I sent the mosttrusted of my eunuchs and through them I saw and buried the child. Thus, Oking, it happened about this matter, and the child had this death which Isay."

118. So Harpagos declared the truth, and Astyages concealed the angerwhich he kept against him for that which had come to pass, and first herelated the matter over again to Harpagos according as he had been told itby the herdsman, and afterwards, when it had been thus repeated by him, heended by saying that the child was alive and that that which had come topass was well, "for," continued he, "I was greatly troubled by that whichhad been done to this child, and I thought it no light thing that I hadbeen made at variance with my daughter. Therefore consider that this is ahappy change of fortune, and first send thy son to be with the boy who isnewly come, and then, seeing that I intend to make a sacrifice ofthanksgiving for the preservation of the boy to those gods to whom thathonour belongs, be here thyself to dine with me."

119. When Harpagos heard this, he did reverence and thought it a greatmatter that his offence had turned out for his profit and moreover that hehad been invited to dinner with happy augury; 127 and so he went to hishouse. And having entered it straightway, he sent forth his son, for hehad one only son of about thirteen years old, bidding him go to the palaceof Astyages and do whatsoever the king should command; and he himselfbeing overjoyed told his wife that which had befallen him. But Astyages,when the son of Harpagos arrived, cut his throat and divided him limb fromlimb, and having roasted some pieces of the flesh and boiled others hecaused them to be dressed for eating and kept them ready. And when thetime arrived for dinner and the other guests were present and alsoHarpagos, then before the other guests and before Astyages himself wereplaced tables covered with flesh of sheep; but before Harpagos was placedthe flesh of his own son, all but the head and the hands and the feet, 128and these were laid aside covered up in a basket. Then when it seemed thatHarpagos was satisfied with food, Astyages asked him whether he had beenpleased with the banquet; and when Harpagos said that he had been verygreatly pleased, they who had been commanded to do this brought to him thehead of his son covered up, together with the hands and the feet; andstanding near they bade Harpagos uncover and take of them that which hedesired. So when Harpagos obeyed and uncovered, he saw the remains of hisson; and seeing them he was not overcome with amazement but containedhimself: and Astyages asked him whether he perceived of what animal he hadbeen eating the flesh: and he said that he perceived, and that whatsoeverthe king might do was well pleasing to him. Thus having made answer andtaking up the parts of the flesh which still remained he went to hishouse; and after that, I suppose, he would gather all the parts togetherand bury them.

120. On Harpagos Astyages laid this penalty; and about Cyrus he tookthought, and summoned the same men of the Magians who had given judgmentabout his dream in the manner which has been said: and when they came,Astyages asked how they had given judgment about his vision; and theyspoke according to the same manner, saying that the child must have becomeking if he had lived on and had not died before. He made answer to themthus: "The child is alive and not dead: 129 and while he wasdwelling in the country, the boys of the village appointed him king; andhe performed completely all those things which they do who are reallykings; for he exercised rule, 130 appointed to theirplaces spearmen of the guard and doorkeepers and bearers of messages andall else. Now therefore, to what does it seem to you that these thingstend?" The Magians said: "If the child is still alive and became kingwithout any arrangement, be thou confident concerning him and have goodcourage, for he shall not be ruler again the second time; since some evenof our oracles have had but small results, 131 and that at leastwhich has to do with dreams comes often in the end to a feebleaccomplishment." Astyages made answer in these words: "I myself also, OMagians, am most disposed to believe that this is so, namely that sincethe boy was named king the dream has had its fulfilment and that this boyis no longer a source of danger to me. Nevertheless give counsel to me,having well considered what is likely to be most safe both for my houseand for you." Replying to this the Magians said: "To us also, O king, itis of great consequence that thy rule should stand firm; for in the othercase it is transferred to strangers, coming round to this boy who is aPersian, and we being Medes are made slaves and become of no account inthe eyes of the Persians, seeing that we are of different race; but whilethou art established as our king, who art one of our own nation, we bothhave our share of rule and receive great honours from thee. Thus then wemust by all means have a care of thee and of thy rule. And now, if we sawin this anything to cause fear, we would declare all to thee beforehand:but as the dream has had its issue in a trifling manner, both we ourselvesare of good cheer and we exhort thee to be so likewise: and as for thisboy, send him away from before thine eyes to the Persians and to hisparents."

121. When he heard this Astyages rejoiced, and calling Cyrus spoke to himthus: "My son, I did thee wrong by reason of a vision of a dream which hasnot come to pass, but thou art yet alive by thine own destiny; nowtherefore go in peace to the land of the Persians, and I will send withthee men to conduct thee: and when thou art come thither, thou shalt finda father and a mother not after the fashion of Mitradates the herdsman andhis wife."

122. Thus having spoken Astyages sent Cyrus away; and when he had returnedand come to the house of Cambyses, his parents received him; and afterthat, when they learnt who he was, they welcomed him not a little, forthey had supposed without doubt that their son had perished straightwayafter his birth; and they inquired in what manner he had survived. And hetold them, saying that before this he had not known but had been utterlyin error; on the way, however, he had learnt all his own fortunes: for hehad supposed without doubt that he was the son of the herdsman ofAstyages, but since his journey from the city began he had learnt thewhole story from those who conducted him. And he said that he had beenbrought up by the wife of the herdsman, and continued to praise herthroughout, so that Kyno was the chief person in his tale. And his parentstook up this name from him, and in order that their son might be thoughtby the Persians to have been preserved in a more supernatural manner, theyset on foot a report that Cyrus when he was exposed had been reared by abitch: 132and from that source has come this report.

123. Then as Cyrus grew to be a man, being of all those of his age themost courageous and the best beloved, Harpagos sought to become his friendand sent him gifts, because he desired to take vengeance on Astyages. Forhe saw not how from himself, who was in a private station, punishmentshould come upon Astyages; but when he saw Cyrus growing up, heendeavoured to make him an ally, finding a likeness between the fortunesof Cyrus and his own. And even before that time he had effected something:for Astyages being harsh towards the Medes, Harpagos communicatedseverally with the chief men of the Medes, and persuaded them that theymust make Cyrus their leader and cause Astyages to cease from being king.When he had effected this and when all was ready, then Harpagos wishing tomake known his design to Cyrus, who lived among the Persians, could do itno other way, seeing that the roads were watched, but devised a scheme asfollows:—he made ready a hare, and having cut open its belly butwithout pulling off any of the fur, he put into it, just as it was, apiece of paper, having written upon it that which he thought good; andthen he sewed up again the belly of the hare, and giving nets as if hewere a hunter to that one of his servants whom he trusted most, he senthim away to the land of the Persians, enjoining him by word of mouth togive the hare to Cyrus, and to tell him at the same time to open it withhis own hands and let no one else be present when he did so.

124. This then was accomplished, and Cyrus having received from him thehare, cut it open; and having found within it the paper he took and readit over. And the writing said this: "Son of Cambyses, over thee the godskeep guard, for otherwise thou wouldst never have come to so much goodfortune. Do thou therefore 133 take vengeance on Astyages who is thymurderer, for so far as his will is concerned thou art dead, but by thecare of the gods and of me thou art still alive; and this I think thouhast long ago learnt from first to last, both how it happened aboutthyself, and also what things I have suffered from Astyages, because I didnot slay thee but gave thee to the herdsman. If therefore thou wilt beguided by me, thou shalt be ruler of all that land over which now Astyagesis ruler. Persuade the Persians to revolt, and march any army against theMedes: and whether I shall be appointed leader of the army against thee,or any other of the Medes who are in repute, thou hast what thou desirest;for these will be the first to attempt to destroy Astyages, revolting fromhim and coming over to thy party. Consider then that here at least all isready, and therefore do this and do it with speed."

125. Cyrus having heard this began to consider in what manner he mightmost skilfully persuade the Persians to revolt, and on consideration hefound that this was the most convenient way, and so in fact he did:—Hewrote first on a paper that which he desired to write, and he made anassembly of the Persians. Then he unfolded the paper and reading from itsaid that Astyages appointed him commander of the Persians; "and now, OPersians," he continued, "I give you command to come to me each one with areaping-hook." Cyrus then proclaimed this command. (Now there are of thePersians many tribes, and some of them Cyrus gathered together andpersuaded to revolt from the Medes, namely those, upon which all the otherPersians depend, the Pasargadai, the Maraphians and the Maspians, and ofthese the Pasargadai are the most noble, of whom also the Achaimenidai area clan, whence are sprung the Perseïd 134 kings. But otherPersian tribes there are, as follows:—the Panthaliaians, theDerusiaians and the Germanians, these are all tillers of the soil; and therest are nomad tribes, namely the Daoi, Mardians, Dropicans andSagartians.)

126. Now there was a certain region of the Persian land which wasovergrown with thorns, extending some eighteen or twenty furlongs in eachdirection; and when all had come with that which they had been beforecommanded to bring, Cyrus bade them clear this region for cultivationwithin one day: and when the Persians had achieved the task proposed, thenhe bade them come to him on the next day bathed and clean. MeanwhileCyrus, having gathered together in one place all the flocks of goats andsheep and the herds of cattle belonging to his father, slaughtered themand prepared with them to entertain the host of the Persians, and moreoverwith wine and other provisions of the most agreeable kind. So when thePersians came on the next day, he made them recline in a meadow andfeasted them. And when they had finished dinner, Cyrus asked them whetherthat which they had on the former day or that which they had now seemed tothem preferable. They said that the difference between them was great, forthe former day had for them nothing but evil, and the present day nothingbut good. Taking up this saying Cyrus proceeded to lay bare his wholedesign, saying: "Men of the Persians, thus it is with you. If ye will doas I say, ye have these and ten thousand other good things, with noservile labour; but if ye will not do as I say, ye have labours like thatof yesterday innumerable. Now therefore do as I say and make yourselvesfree: for I seem to myself to have been born by providential fortune totake these matters in hand; and I think that ye are not worse men than theMedes, either in other matters or in those which have to do with war.Consider then that this is so, and make revolt from Astyages forthwith."

127. So the Persians having obtained a leader willingly attempted to setthemselves free, since they had already for a long time been indignant tobe ruled by the Medes: but when Astyages heard that Cyrus was acting thus,he sent a messenger and summoned him; and Cyrus bade the messenger reportto Astyages that he would be with him sooner than he would himself desire.So Astyages hearing this armed all the Medes, and blinded by divineprovidence he appointed Harpagos to be the leader of the army, forgettingwhat he had done to him. Then when the Medes had marched out and began tofight with the Persians, some of them continued the battle, namely thosewho had not been made partakers in the design, while others went over tothe Persians; but the greater number were wilfully slack and fled.

128. So when the Median army had been shamefully dispersed, so soon asAstyages heard of it he said, threatening Cyrus: "But not even so shallCyrus at least escape punishment." Thus having spoken he first impaled theMagian interpreters of dreams who had persuaded him to let Cyrus go, andthen he armed those of the Medes, youths and old men, who had been leftbehind in the city. These he led out and having engaged battle with thePersians he was worsted, and Astyages himself was taken alive, and he lostalso those of the Medes whom he had led forth.

129. Then when Astyages was a prisoner, Harpagos came and stood near himand rejoiced over him and insulted him; and besides other things which hesaid to grieve him, he asked him especially how it pleased him to be aslave instead of a king, making reference to that dinner at which Astyageshad feasted him with the flesh of his own son. 135 He looking at himasked him in return whether he claimed the work of Cyrus as his own deed:and Harpagos said that since he had written the letter, the deed wasjustly his. Then Astyages declared him to be at the same time the mostunskilful and the most unjust of men; the most unskilful because, when itwas in his power to become king (as it was, if that which had now beendone was really brought about by him), he had conferred the chief power onanother, and the most unjust, because on account of that dinner he hadreduced the Medes to slavery. For if he must needs confer the kingdom onsome other and not keep it himself, it was more just to give this goodthing to one of the Medes rather than to one of the Persians; whereas nowthe Medes, who were guiltless of this, had become slaves instead ofmasters, and the Persians who formerly were slaves of the Medes had nowbecome their masters.

130. Astyages then, having been king for five-and-thirty years, was thuscaused to cease from being king; and the Medes stooped under the yoke ofthe Persians because of his cruelty, after they had ruled Asia above theriver Halys for one hundred and twenty-eight years, except during thatperiod for which the Scythians had rule. 136 Afterwards however itrepented them that they had done this, and they revolved from Dareios, andhaving revolted they were subdued again, being conquered in a battle. Atthis time then, I say, in the reign of Astyages, the Persians with Cyrusrose up against the Medes and from that time forth were rulers of Asia:but as for Astyages, Cyrus did no harm to him besides, but kept him withhimself until he died. Thus born and bred Cyrus became king; and afterthis he subdued Croesus, who was the first to begin the quarrel, as I havebefore said; and having subdued him he then became ruler of all Asia.

131. These are the customs, so far as I know, which the Persians practise:—Imagesand temples and altars they do not account it lawful to erect, nay theyeven charge with folly those who do these things; and this, as it seems tome, because they do not account the gods to be in the likeness of men, asdo the Hellenes. But it is their wont to perform sacrifices to Zeus goingup to the most lofty of the mountains, and the whole circle of the heavensthey call Zeus: and they sacrifice to the Sun and the Moon and the Earth,to Fire and to Water and to the Winds: these are the only gods to whomthey have sacrificed ever from the first; but they have learnt also tosacrifice to Aphrodite Urania, having learnt it both from the Assyriansand the Arabians; and the Assyrians call Aphrodite Mylitta, the ArabiansAlitta, 13601 and the Persians Mitra.

132. Now this is the manner of sacrifice for the gods aforesaid which isestablished among the Persians:—they make no altars neither do theykindle fire; and when they mean to sacrifice they use no libation normusic of the pipe nor chaplets 137 nor meal forsprinkling; 138 but when a man wishes to sacrifice to any oneof the gods, he leads the animal for sacrifice to an unpolluted place andcalls upon the god, having his tiara 13801 wreathed roundgenerally with a branch of myrtle. For himself alone separately the manwho sacrifices may not request good things in his prayer, but he praysthat it may be well with all the Persians and with the king; for hehimself also is included of course in the whole body of Persians. And whenhe has cut up the victim into pieces and boiled the flesh, he spreads alayer of the freshest grass and especially clover, upon which he placesforthwith all the pieces of flesh; and when he has placed them in order, aMagian man stands by them and chants over them a theogony (for of thisnature they say that their incantation is), seeing that without a Magianit is not lawful for them to make sacrifices. Then after waiting a shorttime the sacrificer carries away the flesh and uses it for whateverpurpose he pleases.

133. And of all days their wont is to honour most that on which they wereborn, each one: on this they think it right to set out a feast moreliberal than on other days; and in this feast the wealthier of them setupon the table an ox or a horse or a camel or an ass, roasted whole in anoven, and the poor among them set out small animals in the same way. Theyhave few solid dishes, 139 but many served up after as dessert, andthese not in a single course; and for this reason the Persians say thatthe Hellenes leave off dinner hungry, because after dinner they havenothing worth mentioning served up as dessert, whereas if any good dessertwere served up they would not stop eating so soon. To wine-drinking theyare very much given, and it is not permitted for a man to vomit or to makewater in presence of another. Thus do they provide against these things;and they are wont to deliberate when drinking hard about the mostimportant of their affairs, and whatsoever conclusion has pleased them intheir deliberation, this on the next day, when they are sober, the masterof the house in which they happen to be when they deliberate lays beforethem for discussion: and if it pleases them when they are sober also, theyadopt it, but if it does not please them, they let it go: and that onwhich they have had the first deliberation when they are sober, theyconsider again when they are drinking.

134. When they meet one another in the roads, by this you may discernwhether those who meet are of equal rank,—for instead of greeting bywords they kiss one another on the mouth; but if one of them is a littleinferior to the other, they kiss one another on the cheeks, and if one isof much less noble rank than the other, he falls down before him and doesworship to him. 140 And they honour of all most after themselvesthose nations which dwell nearest to them, and next those which dwell nextnearest, and so they go on giving honour in proportion to distance; andthey hold least in honour those who dwell furthest off from themselves,esteeming themselves to be by far the best of all the human race on everypoint, and thinking that others possess merit according to the proportionwhich is here stated, 141 and that those who dwell furthest fromthemselves are the worst. And under the supremacy of the Medes the variousnations used also to govern one another according to the same rule as thePersians observe in giving honour, 142 the Medes governingthe whole and in particular those who dwelt nearest to themselves, andthese having rule over those who bordered upon them, and those again overthe nations that were next to them: for the race went forward thus everfrom government by themselves to government through others.

135. The Persians more than any other men admit foreign usages; for theyboth wear the Median dress judging it to be more comely than their own,and also for fighting the Egyptian corslet: moreover they adopt all kindsof luxuries when they hear of them, and in particular they have learntfrom the Hellenes to have commerce with boys. They marry each one severallawful wives, and they get also a much larger number of concubines.

136. It is established as a sign of manly excellence next after excellencein fight, to be able to show many sons; and to those who have most theking sends gifts every year: for they consider number to be a source ofstrength. And they educate their children, beginning at five years old andgoing on till twenty, in three things only, in riding, in shooting, and inspeaking the truth: but before the boy is five years old he does not comeinto the presence of his father, but lives with the women; and it is sodone for this reason, that if the child should die while he is being bredup, he may not be the cause of any grief to his father.

137. I commend this custom of theirs, and also the one which is next to bementioned, namely that neither the king himself shall put any to death forone cause alone, nor any of the other Persians for one cause alone shalldo hurt that is irremediable to any of his own servants; but if afterreckoning he finds that the wrongs done are more in number and greaterthan the services rendered, 143 then only he gives vent to his anger.Moreover they say that no one ever killed his own father or mother, butwhatever deeds have been done which seemed to be of this nature, ifexamined must necessarily, they say, be found to be due either tochangelings or to children of adulterous birth; for, say they, it is notreasonable to suppose that the true parent would be killed by his own son.

138. Whatever things it is not lawful for them to do, these it is notlawful for them even to speak of: and the most disgraceful thing in theirestimation is to tell an lie, and next to this to owe money, this last formany other reasons, but especially because it is necessary, they say, forhim who owes money, also sometimes to tell lies: and whosoever of the menof the city has leprosy or whiteness of skin, he does not come into a citynor mingle with the other Persians; and they say that he has thesediseases because he has offended in some way against the Sun: but astranger who is taken by these diseases, in many regions 144they drive out of the country altogether, and also white doves, allegingagainst them the same cause. And into a river they neither make water norspit, neither do they wash their hands in it, nor allow any other to dothese things, but they reverence rivers very greatly.

139. This moreover also has chanced to them, which the Persians havethemselves failed to notice but I have not failed to do so:—theirnames, which are formed to correspond with their bodily shapes or theirmagnificence of station, end all with the same letter, that letter whichthe Dorians call san and the Ionians sigma; with this youwill find, if you examine the matter, that all the Persian names end, notsome with this and others with other letters, but all alike.

140. So much I am able to say for certain from my own knowledge aboutthem: but what follows is reported about their dead as a secret mysteryand not with clearness, namely that the body of a Persian man is notburied until it has been torn by a bird or a dog. (The Magians I know fora certainty have this practice, for they do it openly.) However that maybe, the Persians cover the body with wax and then bury it in the earth.Now the Magians are distinguished in many ways from other men, as alsofrom the priests in Egypt: for these last esteem it a matter of purity tokill no living creature except the animals which they sacrifice; but theMagians kill with their own hands all creatures except dogs and men, andthey even make this a great end to aim at, killing both ants and serpentsand all other creeping and flying things. About this custom then be it asit was from the first established; and I return now to the formernarrative. 145

141. The Ionians and Aiolians, as soon as the Lydians had been subdued bythe Persians, sent messengers to Cyrus at Sardis, desiring to be hissubjects on the same terms as they had been subjects of Croesus. And whenhe heard that which they proposed to him, he spoke to them a fable, sayingthat a certain player on the pipe saw fishes in the sea and played on hispipe, supposing that they would come out to land; but being deceived inhis expectation, he took a casting-net and enclosed a great multitude ofthe fishes and drew them forth from the water: and when he saw themleaping about, he said to the fishes: "Stop dancing I pray you now, seeingthat ye would not come out and dance before when I piped." Cyrus spokethis fable to the Ionians and Aiolians for this reason, because theIonians had refused to comply before, when Cyrus himself by a messengerrequested them to revolt from Croesus, while now when the conquest hadbeen made they were ready to submit to Cyrus. Thus he said to them inanger, and the Ionians, when they heard this answer brought back to theircities, put walls round about them severally, and gathered together to thePanionion, all except the men of Miletos, for with these alone Cyrus hadsworn an agreement on the same terms as the Lydians had granted. The restof the Ionians resolved by common consent to send messengers to Sparta, toask the Spartans to help the Ionians.

142. These Ionians to whom belongs the Panionion had the fortune to buildtheir cities in the most favourable position for climate and seasons ofany men whom we know: for neither the regions above Ionia nor those below,neither those towards the East nor those towards the West, 146produce the same results as Ionia itself, the regions in the one directionbeing oppressed by cold and moisture, and those in the other by heat anddrought. And these do not use all the same speech, but have four differentvariations of language. 147 First of their cities on the side of theSouth lies Miletos, and next to it Myus and Priene. These are settlementsmade in Caria, and speak the same language with one another; and thefollowing are in Lydia,—Ephesos, Colophon, Lebedos, Teos,Clazomenai, Phocaia: these cities resemble not at all those mentionedbefore in the speech which they use, but they agree one with another.There remain besides three Ionian cities, of which two are established inthe islands of Samos and Chios, and one is built upon the mainland, namelyErythrai: now the men of Chios and of Erythrai use the same form oflanguage, but the Samians have one for themselves alone. Thus there resultfour separate forms of language.

143. Of these Ionians then those of Miletos were sheltered from danger,since they had sworn an agreement; and those of them who lived in islandshad no cause for fear, for the Phenicians were not yet subjects of thePersians and the Persians themselves were not sea-men. Now these 148were parted off from the other Ionians for no other reason than this:—Thewhole Hellenic nation was at that time weak, but of all its races theIonian was much the weakest and of least account: except Athens, indeed,it had no considerable city. Now the other Ionians, and among them theAthenians, avoided the name, not wishing to be called Ionians, nay evennow I perceive that the greater number of them are ashamed of the name:but these twelve cities not only prided themselves on the name butestablished a temple of their own, to which they gave the name ofPanionion, and they made resolution not to grant a share in it to anyother Ionians (nor indeed did any ask to share it except those of Smyrna);

144, just as the Dorians of that district which is now called the FiveCities 149but was formerly called the Six Cities, 150 take care not to admitany of the neighbouring Dorians to the temple of Triopion, and evenexclude from sharing in it those of their own body who commit any offenceas regards the temple. For example, in the games of the Triopian Apollothey used formerly to set bronze tripods as prizes for the victors, andthe rule was that those who received them should not carry them out of thetemple but dedicate them then and there to the god. There was a man thenof Halicarnassos, whose name was Agasicles, who being a victor paid noregard to this rule, but carried away the tripod to his own house and hungit up there upon a nail. On this ground the other five cities, Lindos,Ialysos and Cameiros, Cos and Cnidos, excluded the sixth cityHalicarnassos from sharing in the temple.

145. Upon these they laid this penalty: but as for the Ionians, I thinkthat the reason why they made of themselves twelve cities and would notreceive any more into their body, was because when they dwelt inPeloponnesus there were of them twelve divisions, just as now there aretwelve divisions of the Achaians who drove the Ionians out: for first,(beginning from the side of Sikyon) comes Pellene, then Aigeira and Aigai,in which last is the river Crathis with a perpetual flow (whence the riverof the same name in Italy received its name), and Bura and Helike, towhich the Ionians fled for refuge when they were worsted by the Achaiansin fight, and Aigion and Rhypes and Patreis and Phareis and Olenos, whereis the great river Peiros, and Dyme and Tritaieis, of which the last alonehas an inland position. 151 These form now twelve divisions of theAchaians, and in former times they were divisions of the Ionians.

146. For this reason then the Ionians also made for themselves twelvecities; for at any rate to say that these are any more Ionians than theother Ionians, or have at all a nobler descent, is mere folly, consideringthat a large part of them are Abantians from Euboea, who have no shareeven in the name of Ionia, and Minyai of Orchomenos have been mingled withthem, and Cadmeians and Dryopians and Phokians who seceded from theirnative State and Molossians and Pelasgians of Arcadia and Dorians ofEpidauros and many other races have been mingled with them; and those ofthem who set forth to their settlements from the City Hall of Athens andwho esteem themselves the most noble by descent of the Ionians, these, Isay, brought no women with them to their settlement, but took Carianwomen, whose parents they slew: and on account of this slaughter thesewomen laid down for themselves a rule, imposing oaths on one another, andhanded it on to their daughters, that they should never eat with theirhusbands, nor should a wife call her own husband by name, for this reason,because the Ionians had slain their fathers and husbands and children andthen having done this had them to wife. This happened at Miletos.

147. Moreover some of them set Lykian kings over them, descendants ofGlaucos and Hippolochos, while others were ruled by Cauconians of Pylos,descendants of Codros the son of Melanthos, and others again by princes ofthe two races combined. Since however these hold on to the name more thanthe other Ionians, let them be called, if they will, the Ionians of trulypure descent; but in fact all are Ionians who have their descent fromAthens and who keep the feast of Apaturia; and this all keep except themen of Ephesos and Colophon: for these alone of all the Ionians do notkeep the Apaturia, and that on the ground of some murder committed.

148. Now the Panionion is a sacred place on the north side of Mycale, setapart by common agreement of the Ionians for Poseidon of Helike 152;and this Mycale is a promontory of the mainland running out Westwardstowards Samos, where the Ionians gathering together from their cities usedto hold a festival which they called the Panionia. (And not only thefeasts of the Ionians but also those of all the Hellenes equally aresubject to this rule, that their names all end in the same letter, justlike the names of the Persians.) 153

These then are the Ionian cities:

149, and those of Aiolia are as follows:—Kyme, which is calledPhriconis, Larisai, Neon-teichos, Temnos, Killa, Notion, Aigiroëssa,Pitane, Aigaiai, Myrina, Gryneia; these are the ancient cities of theAiolians, eleven in number, since one, Smyrna, was severed from them bythe Ionians; for these cities, that is those on the mainland, used alsoformerly to be twelve in number. And these Aiolians had the fortune tosettle in a land which is more fertile than that of the Ionians but inrespect of climate less favoured. 154

150. Now the Aiolians lost Smyrna in the following manner:—certainmen of Colophon, who had been worsted in party strife and had been drivenfrom their native city, were received there for refuge: and after this theColophonian exiles watched for a time when the men of Smyrna werecelebrating a festival to Dionysos outside the walls, and then they closedthe gates against them and got possession of the city. After this, whenthe whole body of Aiolians came to the rescue, they made an agreement thatthe Ionians should give up the movable goods, and that on this conditionthe Aiolians should abandon Smyrna. When the men of Smyrna had done this,the remaining eleven cities divided them amongst themselves and made themtheir own citizens.

151. These then are the Aiolian cities upon the mainland, with theexception of those situated on Mount Ida, for these are separate from therest. And of those which are in the islands, there are five in Lesbos, forthe sixth which was situated in Lesbos, namely Arisba, was enslaved by themen of Methymna, though its citizens were of the same race as they; and inTenedos there is one city, and another in what are called the "HundredIsles." Now the Lesbians and the men of Tenedos, like those Ionians whodwelt in the islands, had no cause for fear; but the remaining cities cameto a common agreement to follow the Ionians whithersoever they shouldlead.

152. Now when the messengers from the Ionians and Aiolians came to Sparta(for this business was carried out with speed), they chose before allothers to speak for them the Phocaian, whose name was Pythermos. He thenput upon him a purple cloak, in order that as many as possible of theSpartans might hear of it and come together, and having been introducedbefore the assembly 155 he spoke at length, asking the Spartans tohelp them. The Lacedemonians however would not listen to him, but resolvedon the contrary not to help the Ionians. So they departed, and theLacedemonians, having dismissed the messengers of the Ionians, sent mennotwithstanding in a ship of fifty oars, to find out, as I imagine, aboutthe affairs of Cyrus and about Ionia. These when they came to Phocaia sentto Sardis the man of most repute among them, whose name was Lacrines, toreport to Cyrus the saying of the Lacedemonians, bidding him do hurt to nocity of the Hellas, since they would not permit it.

153. When the herald had spoken thus, Cyrus is said to have asked those ofthe Hellenes whom he had with him, what men the Lacedemonians were and howmany in number, that they made this proclamation to him; and hearing theiranswer he said to the Spartan herald: "Never yet did I fear men such asthese, who have a place appointed in the midst of their city where theygather together and deceive one another by false oaths: and if I continuein good health, not the misfortunes of the Ionians will be for them asubject of talk, but rather their own." These words Cyrus threw outscornfully with reference to the Hellenes in general, because they havegot for themselves 156 markets and practise buying and sellingthere; for the Persians themselves are not wont to use markets nor havethey any market-place at all. After this he entrusted Sardis to Tabalos aPersian, and the gold both of Croesus and of the other Lydians he gave toPactyas a Lydian to take charge of, and himself marched away to Agbatana,taking with him Croesus and making for the present no account of theIonians. For Babylon stood in his way still, as also the Bactrian nationand the Sacans and the Egyptians; and against these he meant to makeexpeditions himself, while sending some other commander about the Ionians.

154. But when Cyrus had marched away from Sardis, Pactyas caused theLydians to revolt from Tabalos and from Cyrus. This man went down to thesea, and having in his possession all the gold that there had been inSardis, he hired for himself mercenaries and persuaded the men of thesea-coast to join his expedition. So he marched on Sardis and besiegedTabalos, having shut himself up in the citadel.

155. Hearing this on his way, Cyrus said to Croesus as follows: "Croesus,what end shall I find of these things which are coming to pass? TheLydians will not cease as it seems, from giving trouble to me and fromhaving it themselves. I doubt me if it were not best 157to sell them all as slaves; for as it is, I see that I have done in likemanner as if one should slay the father and then spare his sons: just so Itook prisoner and am carrying away thee, who wert much more than thefather of the Lydians, while to the Lydians themselves I delivered uptheir city; and can I feel surprise after this that they have revoltedfrom me?" Thus he said what was in his mind, but Croesus answered him asfollows, fearing lest he should destroy Sardis: "O king, that which thouhast said is not without reason; but do not thou altogether give vent tothy wrath, nor destroy an ancient city which is guiltless both of theformer things and also of those which have come to pass now: for as to theformer things it was I who did them and I bear the consequences heapedupon my head; 158 and as for what is now being done, since thewrongdoer is Pactyas to whom thou didst entrust the charge of Sardis, lethim pay the penalty. But the Lydians I pray thee pardon, and lay upon themcommands as follows, in order that they may not revolt nor be a cause ofdanger to thee:—send to them and forbid them to possess weapons ofwar, but bid them on the other hand put on tunics under their outergarments and be shod with buskins, and proclaim to them that they traintheir sons to play the lyre and the harp and to be retail-dealers; andsoon thou shalt see, O king, that they have become women instead of men,so that there will be no fear that they will revolt from thee."

156. Croesus, I say, suggested to him this, perceiving that this wasbetter for the Lydians than to be reduced to slavery and sold; for he knewthat if he did not offer a sufficient reason, he would not persuade Cyrusto change his mind, and he feared lest at some future time, if they shouldescape the present danger, the Lydians might revolt from the Persians andbe destroyed. And Cyrus was greatly pleased with the suggestion made andslackened from his wrath, saying that he agreed with his advice. Then hecalled Mazares a Mede, and laid charge upon him to proclaim to the Lydiansthat which Croesus suggested, and moreover to sell into slavery all therest who had joined with the Lydians in the expedition to Sardis, andfinally by all means to bring Pactyas himself alive to Cyrus.

157. Having given this charge upon the road, he continued his march to thenative land of the Persians; but Pactyas hearing that an army wasapproaching to fight against him was struck with fear and fled awayforthwith to Kyme. Then Mazares the Mede marched upon Sardis with acertain portion of the army of Cyrus, and as he did not find Pactyas orhis followers any longer at Sardis, he first compelled the Lydians toperform the commands of Cyrus, and by his commands the Lydians changed thewhole manner of their life. After this Mazares proceeded to sendmessengers to Kyme bidding them give up Pactyas: and the men of Kymeresolved to refer to the god at Branchidai the question what counsel theyshould follow. For there was there an Oracle established of old time,which all the Ionians and Aiolians were wont to consult; and this place isin the territory of Miletos above the port of Panormos.

158. So the men of Kyme sent messengers to the Branchidai 159to inquire of the god, and they asked what course they should take aboutPactyas so as to do that which was pleasing to the gods. When they thusinquired, the answer was given them that they should deliver up Pactyas tothe Persians: and the men of Kyme, having heard this answer reported, weredisposed to give him up. Then when the mass of the people were thusdisposed, Aristodicos the son of Heracleides, a man of repute among thecitizens, stopped the men of Kyme from doing so, having distrust of theanswer and thinking that those sent to inquire were not speaking thetruth; until at last other messengers were sent to the Oracle to ask asecond time about Pactyas, and of them Aristodicos was one.

159. When these came to Branchidai, Aristodicos stood forth from the restand consulted the Oracle, asking as follows: Lord, 160 there came to us asuppliant for protection Pactyas the Lydian, flying from a violent deathat the hands of the Persians, and they demand him from us, bidding the menof Kyme give him up. But we, though we fear the power of the Persians, yethave not ventured up to this time to deliver to them the suppliant, untilthy counsel shall be clearly manifested to us, saying which of the twothings we ought to do." He thus inquired, but the god again declared tothem the same answer, bidding them deliver up Pactyas to the Persians.Upon this Aristodicos with deliberate purpose did as follows:—hewent all round the temple destroying the nests of the sparrows 161and of all the other kinds of birds which had been hatched on the temple:and while he was doing this, it is said that a voice came from the innershrine directed to Aristodicos and speaking thus: "Thou most impious ofmen, why dost thou dare to do this? Dost thou carry away by force from mytemple the suppliants for my protection?" And Aristodicos, it is said, notbeing at all at a loss replied to this: "Lord, dost thou thus come to theassistance of thy suppliants, and yet biddest the men of Kyme deliver uptheirs?" and the god answered him again thus: "Yea, I bid you do so, thatye may perish the more quickly for your impiety; so that ye may not at anyfuture time come to the Oracle to ask about delivering up of suppliants."

160. When the men of Kyme heard this saying reported, not wishing eitherto be destroyed by giving him up or to be besieged by keeping him withthem, they sent him away to Mytilene. Those of Mytilene however, whenMazares sent messages to them, were preparing to deliver up Pactyas for aprice, but what the price was I cannot say for certain, since the bargainwas never completed; for the men of Kyme, when they learnt that this wasbeing done by the Mytilenians, sent a vessel to Lesbos and conveyed awayPactyas to Chios. After this he was dragged forcibly from the temple ofAthene Poliuchos by the Chians and delivered up: and the Chians deliveredhim up receiving Atarneus in return, (now this Atarneus is a region ofMysia 162opposition Lesbos). So the Persians having received Pactyas kept him underguard, meaning to produce him before Cyrus. And a long time elapsed duringwhich none of the Chians either used barley-meal grown in this region ofAtarneus, for pouring out in sacrifice to any god, or baked cakes foroffering of the corn which grew there, but all the produce of this landwas excluded from every kind of sacred service.

161. The men of Chios had then delivered up Pactyas; and after thisMazares made expedition against those who had joined in besieging Tabalos:and first he reduced to slavery those of Priene, then he overran the wholeplain of the Maiander making spoil of it for his army, and Magnesia in thesame manner: and straightway after this he fell sick and died.

162. After he was dead, Harpagos came down to take his place in command,being also a Mede by race (this was the man whom the king of the MedesAstyages feasted with the unlawful banquet, and who helped to give thekingdom to Cyrus). This man, being appointed commander then by Cyrus, cameto Ionia and proceeded to take the cities by throwing up mounds againstthem: for when he had enclosed any people within their walls, then hethrew up mounds against the walls and took their city by storm; and thefirst city of Ionia upon which he made an attempt was Phocaia.

163. Now these Phocaians were the first of the Hellenes who made longvoyages, and these are they who discovered the Adriatic and Tyrsenia andIberia and Tartessos: and they made voyages not in round ships, but invessels of fifty oars. These came to Tartessos and became friends with theking of the Tartessians whose name was Arganthonios: he was ruler of theTartessians for eighty years and lived in all one hundred and twenty. Withthis man, I say, the Phocaians became so exceedingly friendly, that firsthe bade them leave Ionia and dwell wherever they desired in his own land;and as he did not prevail upon the Phocaians to do this, afterwards,hearing from them of the Mede how his power was increasing, he gave themmoney to build a wall about their city: and he did this without sparing,for the circuit of the wall is many furlongs 163 in extent, and it isbuilt all of large stones closely fitted together.

164. The wall of the Phocaians was made in this manner: and Harpagoshaving marched his army against them began to besiege them, at the sametime holding forth to them proposals and saying that it was enough tosatisfy him if the Phocaians were willing to throw down one battlement oftheir wall and dedicate one single house. 164 But the Phocaians,being very greatly grieved at the thought of subjection, said that theywished to deliberate about the matter for one day and after that theywould give their answer; and they asked him to withdraw his army from thewall while they were deliberating. Harpagos said that he knew very wellwhat they were meaning to do, nevertheless he was willing to allow them todeliberate. So in the time that followed, when Harpagos had withdrawn hisarmy from the wall, the Phocaians drew down their fifty-oared galleys tothe sea, put into them their children and women and all their movablegoods, and besides them the images out of the temples and the other votiveofferings except such as were made of bronze or stone or consisted ofpaintings, all the rest, I say, they put into the ships, and havingembarked themselves they sailed towards Chios; and the Persians obtainedpossession of Phocaia, the city being deserted of the inhabitants.

165. But as for the Phocaians, since the men of Chios would not sell themat their request the islands called Oinussai, from the fear lest theseislands might be made a seat of trade and their island might be shut out,therefore they set out for Kyrnos: 165 for in Kyrnos twentyyears before this they had established a city named Alalia, in accordancewith an oracle, (now Arganthonios by that time was dead). And when theywere setting out for Kyrnos they first sailed to Phocaia and slaughteredthe Persian garrison, to whose charge Harpagos had delivered the city;then after they had achieved this they made solemn imprecations on any oneof them who should be left behind from their voyage, and moreover theysank a mass of iron in the sea and swore that not until that mass shouldappear again on the surface 166 would they return to Phocaia. However as theywere setting forth to Kyrnos, more than half of the citizens were seizedwith yearning and regret for their city and for their native land, andthey proved false to their oath and sailed back to Phocaia. But those ofthem who kept the oath still, weighed anchor from the islands of Oinussaiand sailed.

166. When these came to Kyrnos, for five years they dwelt together withthose who had come thither before, and they founded temples there. Then,since they plundered the property of all their neighbours, the Tyrseniansand Carthaginians 167 made expedition against them by agreementwith one another, each with sixty ships. And the Phocaians also mannedtheir vessels, sixty in number, and came to meet the enemy in that whichis called the Sardinian sea: and when they encountered one another in thesea-fight the Phocaians won a kind of Cadmean victory, for forty of theirships were destroyed and the remaining twenty were disabled, having hadtheir prows bent aside. So they sailed in to Alalia and took up theirchildren and their women and their other possessions as much as theirships proved capable of carrying, and then they left Kyrnos behind themand sailed to Rhegion.

167. But as for the crews of the ships that were destroyed, theCarthaginians and Tyrsenians obtained much the greater number of them, 168and these they brought to land and killed by stoning. After this the menof Agylla found that everything which passed by the spot where thePhocaians were laid after being stoned, became either distorted, orcrippled, or paralysed, both small cattle and beasts of burden and humancreatures: so the men of Agylla sent to Delphi desiring to purgethemselves of the offence; and the Pythian prophetess bade them do thatwhich the men of Agylla still continue to perform, that is to say, theymake great sacrifices in honour of the dead, and hold at the place acontest of athletics and horse-racing. These then of the Phocaians had thefate which I have said; but those of them who took refuge at Rhegionstarted from thence and took possession of that city in the land ofOinotria which now is called Hyele. This they founded having learnt from aman of Poseidonia that the Pythian prophetess by her answer meant them tofound a temple to Kyrnos, who was a hero, and not to found a settlement inthe island of Kyrnos. 169

168. About Phocaia in Ionia it happened thus, and nearly the same thingalso was done by the men of Teos: for as soon as Harpagos took their wallwith a mound, they embarked in their ships and sailed straightway forThrace; and there they founded the city of Abdera, which before themTimesios of Clazomenai founded and had no profit therefrom, but was drivenout by the Thracians; and now he is honoured as a hero by the Teïans inAbdera.

169. These alone of all the Ionians left their native cities because theywould not endure subjection: but the other Ionians except the Milesiansdid indeed contend in arms with Harpagos like those who left their homes,and proved themselves brave men, fighting each for his own native city;but when they were defeated and captured they remained all in their ownplace and performed that which was laid upon them: but the Milesians, as Ihave also said before, had made a sworn agreement with Cyrus himself andkept still. Thus for the second time Ionia had been reduced to subjection.And when Harpagos had conquered the Ionians on the mainland, then theIonians who dwelt in the islands, being struck with fear by these things,gave themselves over to Cyrus.

170. When the Ionians had been thus evilly entreated but were continuingstill to hold their gatherings as before at the Panionion, Bias a man ofPriene set forth to the Ionians, as I am informed, a most profitablecounsel, by following which they might have been the most prosperous ofall the Hellenes. He urged that the Ionians should set forth in one commonexpedition and sail to Sardinia, and after that found a single city forall the Ionians: and thus they would escape subjection and would beprosperous, inhabiting the largest of all islands and being rulers overothers; whereas, if they remained in Ionia, he did not perceive, he said,that freedom would any longer exist for them. This was the counsel givenby Bias of Priene after the Ionians had been ruined; but a good counseltoo was given before the ruin of Ionia by Thales a man of Miletos, who wasby descent of Phenician race. He advised the Ionians to have one singleseat of government, 170 and that this should be at Teos (for Teos, hesaid, was in the centre of Ionia), and that the other cities should beinhabited as before, but accounted just as if they were demes.

These men 171 set forth to them counsels of the kind whichI have said:

171. but Harpagos, after subduing Ionia, proceeded to march against theCarians and Caunians and Lykians, taking also Ionians and Aiolians to helphim. Of these the Carians came to the mainland from the islands; for beingof old time subjects of Minos and being called Leleges, they used to dwellin the islands, paying no tribute, so far back as I am able to arrive byhearsay, but whenever Minos required it, they used to supply his shipswith seamen: and as Minos subdued much land and was fortunate in hisfighting, the Carian nation was of all nations by much the most famous atthat time together with him. And they produced three inventions of whichthe Hellenes adopted the use; that is to say, the Carians were those whofirst set the fashion of fastening crests on helmets, and of making thedevices which are put onto shields, and these also were the first who madehandles for their shields, whereas up to that time all who were wont touse shields carried them without handles and with leathern straps to guidethem, having them hung about their necks and their left shoulders. Thenafter the lapse of a long time the Dorians and Ionians drove the Cariansout of the islands, and so they came to the mainland. With respect to theCarians the Cretans relate that it happened thus; the Carians themselveshowever do not agree with this account, but suppose that they are dwellerson the mainland from the beginning, 172 and that they wentalways by the same name which they have now: and they point as evidence ofthis to an ancient temple of Carian Zeus at Mylasa, in which the Mysiansand Lydians share as being brother races of the Carians, for they say thatLydos and Mysos were brothers of Car; these share in it, but those whobeing of another race have come to speak the same language as the Carians,these have no share in it.

172. It seems to me however that the Caunians are dwellers there from thebeginning, though they say themselves that they came from Crete: but theyhave been assimilated to the Carian race in language, or else the Cariansto the Caunian race, I cannot with certainty determine which. They havecustoms however in which they differ very much from all other men as wellas from the Carians; for example the fairest thing in their estimation isto meet together in numbers for drinking, according to equality of age orfriendship, both men, women, and children; and again when they had foundedtemples for foreign deities, afterwards they changed their purpose andresolved to worship only their own native gods, and the whole body ofCaunian young men put on their armour and made pursuit as far as theborders of the Calyndians, beating the air with their spears; and theysaid that they were casting the foreign gods out of the land. Such are thecustoms which these have.

173. The Lykians however have sprung originally from Crete (for in oldtime the whole of Crete was possessed by Barbarians): and when the sons ofEuropa, Sarpedon and Minos, came to be at variance in Crete about thekingdom, Minos having got the better in the strife of parties drove outboth Sarpedon himself and those of his party: and they having beenexpelled came to the land of Milyas in Asia, for the land which now theLykians inhabit was anciently called Milyas, and the Milyans were thencalled Solymoi. Now while Sarpedon reigned over them, they were called bythe name which they had when they came thither, and by which the Lykiansare even now called by the neighbouring tribes, namely Termilai; but whenfrom Athens Lycos the son of Pandion came to the land of the Termilai andto Sarpedon, he too having been driven out by his brother namely Aigeus,then by the name taken from Lycos they were called after a time Lykians.The customs which these have are partly Cretan and partly Carian; but onecustom they have which is peculiar to them, and in which they agree withno other people, that is they call themselves by their mothers and not bytheir fathers; and if one asks his neighbour who he is, he will state hisparentage on the mother's side and enumerate his mother's femaleascendants: and if a woman who is a citizen marry a slave, the childrenare accounted to be of gentle birth; but if a man who is a citizen, thoughhe were the first man among them, have a slave for wife or concubine, thechildren are without civil rights.

174. Now the Carians were reduced to subjection by Harpagos without anybrilliant deed displayed either by the Carians themselves or by those ofthe Hellenes who dwell in this land. Of these last there are besidesothers the men of Cnidos, settlers from Lacedemon, whose land runs outinto the sea, 173 being in fact the region which is calledTriopion, beginning from the peninsula of Bybassos: and since all the landof Cnidos except a small part is washed by the sea (for the part of itwhich looks towards the North is bounded by the Gulf of Keramos, and thatwhich looks to the South by the sea off Syme and Rhodes), therefore themen of Cnidos began to dig through this small part, which is about fivefurlongs across, while Harpagos was subduing Ionia, desiring to make theirland an island: and within the isthmus all was theirs, 174for where the territory of Cnidos ends in the direction of the mainland,here is the isthmus which they were digging across. And while the Cnidianswere working at it with a great number of men, it was perceived that themen who worked suffered injury much more than might have been expected andin a more supernatural manner, both in other parts of their bodies andespecially in their eyes, when the rock was being broken up; so they sentmen to ask the Oracle at Delphi what the cause of the difficulty was. Andthe Pythian prophetess, as the men of Cnidos themselves report, gave themthis reply in trimeter verse:—

 "Fence not the place with towers, nor dig the isthmus through;
  Zeus would have made your land an island, had he willed."

When the Pythian prophetess had given this oracle, the men of Cnidos notonly ceased from their digging but delivered themselves to Harpagoswithout resistance, when he came against them with his army.

175. There were also the Pedasians, who dwelt in the inland country aboveHalicarnassos; and among these, whenever anything hurtful is about tohappen either to themselves or to their neighbours, the priestess ofAthene has a great beard: this befell them three times. These of all aboutCaria were the only men who held out for any time against Harpagos, andthey gave him trouble more than any other people, having fortified amountain called Lide.

176. After a time the Pedasians were conquered; and the Lykians, whenHarpagos marched his army into the plain of Xanthos, came out against him175and fought, few against many, and displayed proofs of valour; but beingdefeated and confined within their city, they gathered together into thecitadel their wives and their children, their property and their servants,and after that they set fire to this citadel, so that it was all inflames, and having done so and sworn terrible oaths with one another, theywent forth against the enemy 176 and were slain in fight, that is to say allthe men of Xanthos: and of the Xanthians who now claim to be Lykians thegreater number have come in from abroad, except only eighty households;but these eighty households happened at that time to be away from theirnative place, and so they escaped destruction. Thus Harpagos obtainedpossession of Caunos, for the men of Caunos imitated in most respects thebehaviour of the Lykians.

177. So Harpagos was conquering the coast regions of Asia; and Cyrushimself meanwhile was doing the same in the upper parts of it, subduingevery nation and passing over none. Now most of these actions I shall passover in silence, but the undertakings which gave him trouble more than therest and which are the most worthy of note, of these I shall make mention.

178. Cyrus, so soon as he had made subject to himself all other parts ofthe mainland, proceeded to attack the Assyrians. Now Assyria has doubtlessmany other great cities, but the most famous and the strongest, and theplace where the seat of their monarchy had been established after Ninevehwas destroyed, was Babylon; which was a city such as I shall say.—Itlies in a great plain, and in size it is such that each face measures onehundred and twenty furlongs, 177 the shape of the whole being square; thus thefurlongs of the circuit of the city amount in all to four hundred andeighty. Such is the size of the city of Babylon, and it had a magnificencegreater than all other cities of which we have knowledge. First there runsround it a trench deep and broad and full of water; then a wall fiftyroyal cubits in thickness and two hundred cubits in height: now the royalcubit is larger by three fingers than the common cubit. 178

179. I must also tell in addition to this for what purpose the earth wasused, which was taken out of the trench, and in what manner the wall wasmade. As they dug the trench they made the earth which was carried out ofthe excavation into bricks, and having moulded enough bricks they bakedthem in kilns; and then afterwards, using hot asphalt for mortar andinserting reed mats at every thirty courses of brickwork, they built upfirst the edges of the trench and then the wall itself in the same manner:and at the top of the wall along the edges they built chambers of onestory facing one another; and between the rows of chambers they left spaceto drive a four-horse chariot. In the circuit of the wall there are set ahundred gates made of bronze throughout, and the gate-posts and lintelslikewise. Now there is another city distant from Babylon a space of eightdays' journey, of which the name is Is; and there is a river there of nogreat size, and the name of the river is also Is, and it sends its streaminto the river Euphrates. This river Is throws up together with its waterlumps of asphalt in great abundance, and thence was brought the asphaltfor the wall of Babylon.

180. Babylon then was walled in this manner; and there are two divisionsof the city; for a river whose name is Euphrates parts it in the middle.This flows from the land of the Armenians and is large and deep and swift,and it flows out into the Erythraian sea. The wall then on each side hasits bends 179 carried down to the river, and from thispoint the return walls stretch along each bank of the stream in the formof a rampart of baked bricks: and the city itself is full of houses ofthree and four stories, and the roads by which it is cut up run instraight lines, including the cross roads which lead to the river; andopposite to each road there were set gates in the rampart which ran alongthe river, in many in number as the ways, 180 and these also were ofbronze and led like the ways 181 to the river itself.

181. This wall then which I have mentioned is as it were a cuirass 182for the town, and another wall runs round within it, not much weaker fordefence than the first but enclosing a smaller space. 183And in each division of the city was a building in the midst, in the onethe king's palace of great extent and strongly fortified round, and in theother the temple of Zeus Belos with bronze gates, and this exists still upto my time and measures two furlongs each way, 184 being of a squareshape: and in the midst of the temple 185 is built a solid towermeasuring a furlong both in length and in breadth, and on this toweranother tower has been erected, and another again upon this, and so on upto the number of eight towers. An ascent to these has been built runningoutside round about all the towers; and when one reaches about the middleof the ascent one finds a stopping-place and seats to rest upon, on whichthose who ascend sit down and rest: and on the top of the last tower thereis a large cell, 186 and in the cell a large couch is laid, wellcovered, and by it is placed a golden table: and there is no image thereset up nor does any human being spend the night there except only onewoman of the natives of the place, whomsoever the god shall choose fromall the woman, as say the Chaldeans who are the priests of this god.

182. These same men say also, but I do not believe them, that the godhimself comes often to the cell and rests upon the couch, as happenslikewise in the Egyptian Thebes according to the report of the Egyptians,for there also a woman sleeps in the temple of the Theban Zeus (and boththese women are said to abstain from commerce with men), and as happensalso with the prophetess 187 of the god in Patara of Lykia, whenever thereis one, for there is not always an Oracle there, but whenever there isone, then she is shut up during the nights in the temple within the cell.

183. There is moreover in the temple at Babylon another cell below,wherein is a great image of Zeus sitting, made of gold, and by it isplaced a large table of gold, and his footstool and seat are of gold also;and, as the Chaldeans reported, the weight of the gold of which thesethings are made is eight hundred talents. Outside this cell is an altar ofgold; and there is also another altar of great size, where full-grownanimals 188are sacrificed, whereas on the golden altar it is not lawful to sacrificeany but young sucklings only: and also on the larger altar the Chaldeansoffer one thousand talents of frankincense every year at the time whenthey celebrate the feast in honour of this god. There was moreover inthese precincts still remaining at the time of Cyrus, 189 astatue twelve cubits high, of gold and solid. This I did not myself see,but that which is related by the Chaldeans I relate. Against this statueDareios the son of Hystaspes formed a design, but he did not venture totake it: it was taken however by Xerxes the son of Dareios, who alsokilled the priest when he forbade him to meddle with the statue. Thistemple, then, is thus adorned with magnificence, and there are also manyprivate votive-offerings.

184. Of this Babylon, besides many other rulers, of whom I shall makemention in the Assyrian history, and who added improvement to the wallsand temples, there were also two who were women. Of these, the one whoruled first, named Semiramis, who lived five generations before the other,produced banks of earth in the plain which are a sight worth seeing; andbefore this the river used to flood like a sea over the whole plain.

185. The queen who lived after her time, named Nitocris, was wiser thanshe who had reigned before; and in the first place she left behind hermonuments which I shall tell of; then secondly, seeing that the monarchyof the Medes was great and not apt to remain still, but that besides othercities even Nineveh had been captured by it, she made provision against itin so far as she was able. First, as regards the river Euphrates whichflows through the midst of their city, whereas before this it flowedstraight, she by digging channels above made it so winding that itactually comes three times in its course to one of the villages inAssyria; and the name of the village to which the Euphrates comes isArdericca; and at this day those who travel from this Sea of ours toBabylon, in their voyage down the river Euphrates 18901 arrive threetimes at this same village and on three separate days. This she did thus;and she also piled up a mound along each bank of the river, which isworthy to cause wonder for its size and height: and at a great distanceabove Babylon, she dug a basin for a lake, which she caused to extendalong at a very small distance from the river, 190 excavating iteverywhere of such depth as to come to water, and making the extent suchthat the circuit of it measured four hundred and twenty furlongs: and theearth which was dug out of this excavation she used up by piling it inmounds along the banks of the river: and when this had been dug by her shebrought stones and set them all round it as a facing wall. Both these twothings she did, that is she made the river to have a winding course, andshe made the place which was dug out all into a swamp, in order that theriver might run more slowly, having its force broken by going round manybends, and that the voyages might be winding to Babylon, and after thevoyages there might succeed a long circuit of the pool. These works shecarried out in that part where the entrance to the country was, and theshortest way to it from Media, so that the Medes might not have dealingswith her kingdom and learn of her affairs.

186. These defences she cast round her city from the depth; and she madethe following addition which was dependent upon them:—The city wasin two divisions, and the river occupied the space between; and in thetime of the former rulers, when any one wished to pass over from the onedivision to the other, he had to pass over in a boat, and that, as Iimagine, was troublesome: she however made provision also for this; forwhen she was digging the basin for the lake she left this other monumentof herself derived from the same work, that is, she caused stones to becut of very great length, and when the stones were prepared for her andthe place had been dug out, she turned aside the whole stream of the riverinto the place which she had been digging; and while this was being filledwith water, the ancient bed of the river being dried up in the meantime,she both built up with baked bricks after the same fashion as the wall theedges of the river, where it flows through the city, and the places ofdescent leading from the small gateways to the river; and also about themiddle of the city, as I judge, with the stones which she had caused to bedug out she proceeded to build a bridge, binding together the stones withiron and lead: and upon the top she laid squared timbers across, to remainthere while it was daytime, over which the people of Babylon made thepassage across; but at night they used to take away these timbers for thisreason, namely that they might not go backwards and forwards by night andsteal from one another: and when the place dug out had been made into alake full of water by the river, and at the same time the bridge had beencompleted, then she conducted the Euphrates back into its ancient channelfrom the lake, and so the place dug out being made into a swamp wasthought to have served a good purpose, and there had been a bridge set upfor the men of the city.

187. This same queen also contrived a snare of the following kind:—Overthat gate of the city through which the greatest number of people passedshe set up for herself a tomb above the very gate itself. And on the tombshe engraved writing which said thus: "If any of the kings of Babylon whocome after me shall be in want of wealth, let him open my tomb and take asmuch as he desires; but let him not open it for any other cause, if he benot in want; for that will not be well." 191 This tomb wasundisturbed until the kingdom came to Dareios; but to Dareios it seemedthat it was a monstrous thing not to make any use of this gate, and also,when there was money lying there, not to take it, considering that themoney itself invited him to do so. Now the reason why he would not makeany use of this gate was because the corpse would have been above his headas he drove through. He then, I say, opened the tomb and found not indeedmoney but the corpse, with writing which said thus: "If thou hadst notbeen insatiable of wealth and basely covetous, thou wouldest not haveopened the resting-places of the dead."

188. This queen then is reported to have been such as I have described:and it was the son of this woman, bearing the same name as his father,Labynetos, and being ruler over the Assyrians, against whom Cyrus wasmarching. Now the great king makes his marches not only well furnished 192from home with provisions for his table and with cattle, but also takingwith him water from the river Choaspes, which flows by Susa, of whichalone and of no other river the king drinks: and of this water of theChoaspes boiled, a very great number of waggons, four-wheeled and drawn bymules, carry a supply in silver vessels, and go with him wherever he maymarch at any time.

189. Now when Cyrus on his way towards Babylon arrived at the riverGyndes,—of which river the springs are in the mountains of theMatienians, and it flows through the Dardanians and runs into anotherriver, the Tigris, which flowing by the city of Opis runs out into theErythraian Sea,—when Cyrus, I say, was endeavouring to cross thisriver Gyndes, which is a navigable stream, then one of his sacred whitehorses in high spirit and wantonness went into the river and endeavouredto cross, but the stream swept it under water and carried it offforthwith. And Cyrus was greatly moved with anger against the river forhaving done thus insolently, and he threatened to make it so feeble thatfor the future even women could cross it easily without wetting the knee.So after this threat he ceased from his march against Babylon and dividedhis army into two parts; and having divided it he stretched lines andmarked out straight channels, 193 one hundred and eightyon each bank of the Gyndes, directed every way, and having disposed hisarmy along them he commanded them to dig: so, as a great multitude wasworking, the work was completed indeed, but they spent the whole summerseason at this spot working.

190. When Cyrus had taken vengeance on the river Gyndes by dividing itinto three hundred and sixty channels, and when the next spring was justbeginning, then at length he continued his advance upon Babylon: and themen of Babylon had marched forth out of their city and were awaiting him.So when in his advance he came near to the city, the Babylonians joinedbattle with him, and having been worsted in the fight they were shut upclose within their city. But knowing well even before this that Cyrus wasnot apt to remain still, and seeing him lay hands on every nation equally,they had brought in provisions beforehand 194 for very many years.So while these made no account of the siege, Cyrus was in straits what todo, for much time went by and his affairs made no progress onwards.

191. Therefore, whether it was some other man who suggested it to him whenhe was in a strait what to do, or whether he of himself perceived what heought to do, he did as follows:—The main body of his army 195he posted at the place where the river runs into the city, and then againbehind the city he set others, where the river issues forth from the city;and he proclaimed to his army that so soon as they should see that thestream had become passable, they should enter by this way into the city.Having thus set them in their places and in this manner exhorted them hemarched away himself with that part of his army which was not fit forfighting: and when he came to the lake, Cyrus also did the same thingswhich the queen of the Babylonians had done as regards the river and thelake; that is to say, he conducted the river by a channel into the lake,which was at that time a swamp, and so made the former course of the riverpassable by the sinking of the stream. When this had been done in such amanner, the Persians who had been posted for this very purpose entered bythe bed of the river Euphrates into Babylon, the stream having sunk so farthat it reached about to the middle of a man's thigh. Now if theBabylonians had had knowledge of it beforehand or had perceived that whichwas being done by Cyrus, they would have allowed 196 the Persians to enterthe city and then destroyed them miserably; for if they had closed all thegates that led to the river and mounted themselves upon the ramparts whichwere carried along the banks of the stream, they would have caught them asit were in a fish-wheal: but as it was, the Persians came upon themunexpectedly; and owing to the size of the city (so it is said by thosewho dwell there) after those about the extremities of the city hadsuffered capture, those Babylonians who dwelt in the middle did not knowthat they had been captured; but as they chanced to be holding a festival,they went on dancing and rejoicing during this time until they learnt thetruth only too well.

Babylon then had thus been taken for the first time:

192, and as to the resources of the Babylonians how great they are, Ishall show by many other proofs and among them also by this:—For thesupport of the great king and his army, apart from the regular tribute thewhole land of which he is ruler has been distributed into portions. Nowwhereas twelve months go to make up the year, for four of these he has hissupport from the territory of Babylon, and for the remaining eight monthsfrom the whole of the rest of Asia; thus the Assyrian land is in regard toresources the third part of all Asia: and the government, or satrapy as itis called by the Persians, of this territory is of all the governments byfar the best; seeing that when Tritantaichmes son of Artabazos had thisprovince from the king, there came in to him every day an artabfull of silver coin (now the artab is a Persian measure and holdsmore than the medimnos of Attica 197 by three Attic choinikes);and of horses he had in this province as his private property, apart fromthe horses for use in war, eight hundred stallions and sixteen thousandmares, for each of these stallions served twenty mares: of Indian houndsmoreover such a vast number were kept that four large villages in theplain, being free from other contributions, had been appointed to providefood for the hounds.

193. Such was the wealth which belonged to the ruler of Babylon. Now theland of the Assyrians has but little rain; and this little givesnourishment to the root of the corn, but the crop is ripened and the earcomes on by the help of watering from the river, not as in Egypt by thecoming up of the river itself over the fields, but the crop is watered byhand or with swing-buckets. For the whole Babylonian territory like theEgyptian is cut up into channels, and the largest of the channels isnavigable for ships and runs in the direction of the sunrising in winterfrom the Euphrates to another river, namely the Tigris, along the bank ofwhich lay the city of Nineveh. This territory is of all that we know thebest by far for producing corn: 198 as to trees, 199it does not even attempt to bear them, either fig or vine or olive, butfor producing corn it is so good that it returns as much astwo-hundred-fold for the average, and when it bears at its best itproduces three-hundred-fold. The leaves of the wheat and barley there growto be full four fingers broad; and from millet and sesame seed how large atree grows, I know myself but shall not record, being well aware that evenwhat has already been said relating to the crops produced has been enoughto cause disbelief in those who have not visited the Babylonian land. Theyuse no oil of olives, but only that which they make of sesame seed; andthey have date-palms growing over all the plain, most of themfruit-bearing, of which they make both solid food and wine and honey; andto these they attend in the same manner as to fig-trees, and in particularthey take the fruit of those palms which the Hellenes call male-palms, andtie them upon the date-bearing palms, so that their gall-fly may enterinto the date and ripen it and that the fruit of the palm may not falloff: for the male-palm produces gall-flies in its fruit just as thewild-fig does.

194. But the greatest marvel of all the things in the land after the cityitself, to my mind is this which I am about to tell: Their boats, those Imean which go down the river to Babylon, are round and all of leather: forthey make ribs for them of willow which they cut in the land of theArmenians who dwell above the Assyrians, and round these they stretchhides which serve as a covering outside by way of hull, not making broadthe stern nor gathering in the prow to a point, but making the boats roundlike a shield: and after that they stow the whole boat with straw andsuffer it to be carried down the stream full of cargo; and for the mostpart these boats bring down casks of palm-wood 200 filled with wine. Theboat is kept straight by two steering-oars and two men standing upright,and the man inside pulls his oar while the man outside pushes. 201These vessels are made both of very large size and also smaller, thelargest of them having a burden of as much as five thousand talents'weight; 202and in each one there is a live ass, and in those of larger size several.So when they have arrived at Babylon in their voyage and have disposed oftheir cargo, they sell by auction the ribs of the boat and all the straw,but they pack the hides upon their asses and drive them off to Armenia:for up the stream of the river it is not possible by any means to sail,owing to the swiftness of the current; and for this reason they make theirboats not of timber but of hides. Then when they have come back to theland of the Armenians, driving their asses with them, they make otherboats in the same manner.

195. Such are their boats; and the following is the manner of dress whichthey use, namely a linen tunic reaching to the feet, and over this theyput on another of wool, and then a white mantle thrown round, while theyhave shoes of a native fashion rather like the Boeotian slippers. Theywear their hair long and bind their heads round with fillets, 203and they are anointed over the whole of their body with perfumes. Each manhas a seal and a staff carved by hand, and on each staff is carved eitheran apple or a rose or a lily or an eagle or some other device, for it isnot their custom to have a staff without a device upon it.

196. Such is the equipment of their bodies: and the customs which areestablished among them are as follows, the wisest in our opinion beingthis, which I am informed that the Enetoi in Illyria also have. In everyvillage once in each year it was done as follows:—When the maidens204grew to the age for marriage, they gathered these all together and broughtthem in a body to one place, and round them stood a company of men: andthe crier caused each one severally to stand up, and proceeded to sellthem, first the most comely of all, and afterwards, when she had been soldand had fetched a large sum of money, he would put up another who was themost comely after her: and they were sold for marriage. Now all thewealthy men of the Babylonians who were ready to marry vied with oneanother in bidding for the most beautiful maidens; those however of thecommon sort who were ready to marry did not require a fine form, but theywould accept money together with less comely maidens. For when the crierhad made an end of selling the most comely of the maidens, then he wouldcause to stand up that one who was least shapely, or any one of them whomight be crippled in any way, and he would make proclamation of her,asking who was willing for least gold to have her in marriage, until shewas assigned to him who was willing to accept least: and the gold would begot from the sale of the comely maidens, and so those of beautiful formprovided dowries for those which were unshapely or crippled; but to givein marriage one's own daughter to whomsoever each man would, was notallowed, nor to carry off the maiden after buying her without a surety;for it was necessary for the man to provide sureties that he would marryher, before he took her away; and if they did not agree well together, thelaw was laid down that he should pay back the money. It was allowed alsofor any one who wished it to come from another village and buy. This thenwas their most honourable custom; it does not however still exist at thepresent time, but they have found out of late another way, in order thatthe men may not ill-treat them or take them to another city: 205for since the time when being conquered they were oppressed and ruined,each one of the common people when he is in want of livelihood prostituteshis female children.

197. Next in wisdom to that, is this other custom which was established 206among them:—they bear out the sick into the market-place; for ofphysicians they make no use. So people come up to the sick man and giveadvice about his disease, if any one himself has ever suffered anythinglike that which the sick man has, or saw any other who had suffered it;and coming near they advise and recommend those means by which theythemselves got rid of a like disease or seen some other get rid of it: andto pass by the sick man in silence is not permitted to them, nor until onehas asked what disease he has.

198. They bury their dead in honey, and their modes of lamentation aresimilar to those used in Egypt. And whenever a Babylonian man hasintercourse with his wife, he sits by incense offered, and his wife doesthe same on the other side, and when it is morning they wash themselves,both of them, for they will touch no vessel until they have washedthemselves: and the Arabians do likewise in this matter.

199. Now the most shameful of the customs of the Babylonians is asfollows: every woman of the country must sit down in the precincts 207of Aphrodite once in her life and have commerce with a man who is astranger: and many women who do not deign to mingle with the rest, becausethey are made arrogant by wealth, drive to the temple with pairs of horsesin covered carriages, and so take their place, and a large number ofattendants follow after them; but the greater number do thus,—in thesacred enclosure of Aphrodite sit great numbers of women with a wreath ofcord about their heads; some come and others go; and there are passages instraight lines going between the women in every direction, 208through which the strangers pass by and make their choice. Here when awoman takes her seat she does not depart again to her house until one ofthe strangers has thrown a silver coin into her lap and has had commercewith her outside the temple, and after throwing it he must say these wordsonly: "I demand thee in the name of the goddess Mylitta": 209now Mylitta is the name given by the Assyrians to Aphrodite: and thesilver coin may be of any value; whatever it is she will not refuse it,for that is not lawful for her, seeing that this coin is made sacred bythe act: and she follows the man who has first thrown and does not rejectany: and after that she departs to her house, having acquitted herself ofher duty to the goddess 210, nor will you be able thenceforth to give anygift so great as to win her. So then as many as have attained to beautyand stature 211 are speedily released, but those of them whoare unshapely remain there much time, not being able to fulfil the law;for some of them remain even as much as three or four years: and in someparts of Cyprus too there is a custom similar to this.

200. These customs then are established among the Babylonians: and thereare of them three tribes 212 which eat nothing but fish only: and whenthey have caught them and dried them in the sun they do thus,—theythrow them into brine, and then pound them with pestles and strain themthrough muslin; and they have them for food either kneaded into a softcake, or baked like bread, according to their liking.

201. When this nation also had been subdued by Cyrus, he had a desire tobring the Massagetai into subjection to himself. This nation is reputed tobe both great and warlike, and to dwell towards the East and thesunrising, beyond the river Araxes and over against 213 the Issedonians: andsome also say that this nation is of Scythian race.

202. Now the Araxes is said by some to be larger and by others to besmaller than the Ister: and they say that there are many islands in itabout equal in size to Lesbos, and in them people dwelling who feed in thesummer upon roots of all kinds which they dig up and certain fruits fromtrees, which have been discovered by them for food, they store up, it issaid, in the season when they are ripe and feed upon them in the winter.Moreover it is said that other trees have been discovered by them whichyield fruit of such a kind that when they have assembled together incompanies in the same place and lighted a fire, they sit round in a circleand throw some of it into the fire, and they smell the fruit which isthrown on, as it burns, and are intoxicated by the scent as the Hellenesare with wine, and when more of the fruit is thrown on they become moreintoxicated, until at last they rise up to dance and begin to sing. Thisis said to be their manner of living: and as to the river Araxes, it flowsfrom the land of the Matienians, whence flows the Gyndes which Cyrusdivided into the three hundred and sixty channels, and it dischargesitself by forty branches, of which all except one end in swamps andshallow pools; and among them they say that men dwell who feed on fisheaten raw, and who are wont to use as clothing the skins of seals: but theone remaining branch of the Araxes flows with unimpeded course into theCaspian Sea.

203. Now the Caspian Sea is apart by itself, not having connection withthe other Sea: for all that Sea which the Hellenes navigate, and the Seabeyond the Pillars, which is called Atlantis, and the Erythraian Sea arein fact all one, but the Caspian is separate and lies apart by itself. Inlength it is a voyage of fifteen days if one uses oars, 214and in breadth, where it is broadest, a voyage of eight days. On the sidetowards the West of this Sea the Caucasus runs along by it, which is ofall mountain-ranges both the greatest in extent and the loftiest: and theCaucasus has many various races of men dwelling in it, living for the mostpart on the wild produce of the forests; and among them there are said tobe trees which produce leaves of such a kind that by pounding them andmixing water with them they paint figures upon their garments, and thefigures do not wash out, but grow old with the woollen stuff as if theyhad been woven into it at the first: and men say that the sexualintercourse of these people is open like that of cattle.

204. On the West then of this Sea which is called Caspian the Caucasus isthe boundary, while towards the East and the rising sun a plain succeedswhich is of limitless extent to the view. Of this great plain then theMassagetai occupy a large part, against whom Cyrus had become eager tomarch; for there were many strong reasons which incited him to it andurged him onwards,—first the manner of his birth, that is to say theopinion held of him that he was more than a mere mortal man, and next thesuccess which he had met with 215 in his wars, forwhithersoever Cyrus directed his march, it was impossible for that nationto escape.

205. Now the ruler of the Massagetai was a woman, who was queen after thedeath of her husband, and her name was Tomyris. To her Cyrus sent andwooed her, pretending that he desired to have her for his wife: butTomyris understanding that he was wooing not herself but rather thekingdom of the Massagetai, rejected his approaches: and Cyrus after this,as he made no progress by craft, marched to the Araxes, and proceeded tomake an expedition openly against the Massagetai, forming bridges of boatsover the river for his army to cross, and building towers upon the vesselswhich gave them passage across the river.

206. While he was busied about this labour, Tomyris sent a herald and saidthus: "O king of the Medes, cease to press forward the work which thou artnow pressing forward; for thou canst not tell whether these things will bein the end for thy advantage or no; cease to do so, I say, and be kingover thine own people, and endure to see us ruling those whom we rule.Since however I know that thou wilt not be willing to receive thiscounsel, but dost choose anything rather than to be at rest, therefore ifthou art greatly anxious to make trial of the Massagetai in fight, comenow, leave that labour which thou hast in yoking together the banks of theriver, and cross over into our land, when we have first withdrawn threedays' journey from the river: or if thou desirest rather to receive usinto your land, do thou this same thing thyself." Having heard this Cyruscalled together the first men among the Persians, and having gatheredthese together he laid the matter before them for discussion, asking theiradvice as to which of the two things he should do: and their opinions allagreed in one, bidding him receive Tomyris and her army into his country.

207. But Croesus the Lydian, being present and finding fault with thisopinion, declared an opinion opposite to that which had been set forth,saying as follows: "O king, I told thee in former time also, that sinceZeus had given me over to thee, I would avert according to my powerwhatever occasion of falling I might see coming near thy house: and now mysufferings, which have been bitter, 216 have proved to belessons of wisdom to me. If thou dost suppose that thou art immortal andthat thou dost command an army which is also immortal, it will be of nouse for me to declare to thee my judgment; but if thou hast perceived thatthou art a mortal man thyself and dost command others who are so likewise,then learn this first, that for the affairs of men there is a revolvingwheel, and that this in its revolution suffers not the same persons alwaysto have good fortune. I therefore now have an opinion about the matterlaid before us, which is opposite to that of these men: for if we shallconsent to receive the enemy into our land, there is for thee this dangerin so doing:—if thou shalt be worsted thou wilt lose in addition allthy realm, for it is evident that if the Massagetai are victors they willnot turn back and fly, but will march upon the provinces of thy realm; andon the other hand if thou shalt be the victor, thou wilt not be victor sofully as if thou shouldest overcome the Massagetai after crossing overinto their land and shouldest pursue them when they fled. For against thatwhich I said before I will set the same again here, and say that thou,when thou hast conquered, wilt march straight against the realm ofTomyris. Moreover besides that which has been said, it is a disgrace andnot to be endured that Cyrus the son of Cambyses should yield to a womanand so withdraw from her land. Now therefore it seems good to me that weshould cross over and go forward from the crossing as far as they go intheir retreat, and endeavour to get the better of them by doing asfollows:—The Massagetai, as I am informed, are without experience ofPersian good things, and have never enjoyed any great luxuries. Cut uptherefore cattle without stint and dress the meat and set out for thesemen a banquet in our camp: moreover also provide without stint bowls ofunmixed wine and provisions of every kind; and having so done, leavebehind the most worthless part of thy army and let the rest begin toretreat from the camp towards the river: for if I am not mistaken in myjudgment, they when they see a quantity of good things will fall to thefeast, and after that it remains for us to display great deeds."

208. These were the conflicting opinions; and Cyrus, letting go the formeropinion and choosing that of Croesus, gave notice to Tomyris to retire, ashe was intending to cross over to her. She then proceeded to retire, asshe had at first engaged to do, but Cyrus delivered Croesus into the handsof his son Cambyses, to whom he meant to give the kingdom, and gave himcharge earnestly to honour him and to treat him well, if the crossing overto go against the Massagetai should not be prosperous. Having thus chargedhim and sent these away to the land of the Persians, he crossed over theriver both himself and his army.

209. And when he had passed over the Araxes, night having come on he saw avision in his sleep in the land of the Massagetai, as follows:—inhis sleep it seemed to Cyrus that he saw the eldest of the sons ofHystaspes having upon his shoulders wings, and that with the one of thesehe overshadowed Asia and with the other Europe. Now of Hystaspes the sonof Arsames, who was a man of the Achaimenid clan, the eldest son wasDareios, who was then, I suppose, a youth of about twenty years of age,and he had been left behind in the land of the Persians, for he was notyet of full age to go out to the wars. So then when Cyrus awoke heconsidered with himself concerning the vision: and as the vision seemed tohim to be of great import, he called Hystaspes, and having taken him apartby himself he said: "Hystaspes, thy son has been found plotting against meand against my throne: and how I know this for certain I will declare tothee:—The gods have a care of me and show me beforehand all theevils that threaten me. So in the night that is past while sleeping I sawthe eldest of thy sons having upon his shoulders wings, and with the oneof these he overshadowed Asia and with the other Europe. To judge by thisvision then, it cannot be but that he is plotting against me. Do thoutherefore go by the quickest way back to Persia and take care that, when Ireturn thither after having subdued these regions, thou set thy son beforeme to be examined."

210. Cyrus said thus supposing that Dareios was plotting against him; butin fact the divine powers were showing him beforehand that he was destinedto find his end there and that his kingdom was coming about to Dareios. Tothis then Hystaspes replied as follows: "O king, heaven forbid 217that there should be any man of Persian race who would plot against thee,and if there be any, I pray that he perish as quickly as may be; seeingthat thou didst make the Persians to be free instead of slaves, and torule all nations instead of being ruled by others. And if any visionannounces to thee that my son is planning rebellion against thee, Ideliver him over to thee to do with him whatsoever thou wilt."

211. Hystaspes then, having made answer with these words and havingcrossed over the Araxes, was going his way to the Persian land to keepwatch over his son Dareios for Cyrus; and Cyrus meanwhile went forward andmade a march of one day from the Araxes according to the suggestion ofCroesus. After this when Cyrus and the best part of the army 218of the Persians had marched back to the Araxes, and those who were unfitfor fighting had been left behind, then a third part of the army of theMassagetai came to the attack and proceeded to slay, not withoutresistance, 219 those who were left behind of the army ofCyrus; and seeing the feast that was set forth, when they had overcometheir enemies they lay down and feasted, and being satiated with food andwine they went to sleep. Then the Persians came upon them and slew many ofthem, and took alive many more even than they slew, and among these theson of the queen Tomyris, who was leading the army of the Massagetai; andhis name was Spargapises.

212. She then, when she heard that which had come to pass concerning thearmy and also the things concerning her son, sent a herald to Cyrus andsaid as follows: "Cyrus, insatiable of blood, be not elated with pride bythis which has come to pass, namely because with that fruit of the vine,with which ye fill yourselves and become so mad that as the wine descendsinto your bodies, evil words float up upon its stream,—becausesetting a snare, I say, with such a drug as this thou didst overcome myson, and not by valour in fight. Now therefore receive the word which Iutter, giving thee good advice:—Restore to me my son and depart fromthis land without penalty, triumphant over a third part of the army of theMassagetai: but if thou shalt not do so, I swear to thee by the Sun, whois lord of the Massagetai, that surely I will give thee thy fill of blood,insatiable as thou art."

213. When these words were reported to him Cyrus made no account of them;and the son of the queen Tomyris, Spargapises, when the wine left him andhe learnt in what evil case he was, entreated Cyrus that he might beloosed from his chains and gained his request, and then so soon as he wasloosed and had got power over his hands he put himself to death.

214. He then ended his life in this manner; but Tomyris, as Cyrus did notlisten to her, gathered together all her power and joined battle withCyrus. This battle of all the battles fought by Barbarians I judge to havebeen the fiercest, and I am informed that it happened thus:—first,it is said, they stood apart and shot at one another, and afterwards whentheir arrows were all shot away, they fell upon one another and engaged inclose combat with their spears and daggers; and so they continued to be inconflict with one another for a long time, and neither side would flee;but at last the Massagetai got the better in the fight: and the greaterpart of the Persian army was destroyed there on the spot, and Cyrushimself brought his life to an end there, after he had reigned in allthirty years wanting one. Then Tomyris filled a skin with human blood andhad search made among the Persian dead for the corpse of Cyrus: and whenshe found it, she let his head down into the skin and doing outrage to thecorpse she said at the same time this: "Though I yet live and haveovercome thee in fight, nevertheless thou didst undo me by taking my sonwith craft: but I according to my threat will give thee thy fill ofblood." Now as regards the end of the life of Cyrus there are many talestold, but this which I have related is to my mind the most worthy ofbelief.

215. As to the Massagetai, they wear a dress which is similar to that ofthe Scythians, and they have a manner of life which is also like theirs;and there are of them horsemen and also men who do not ride on horses (forthey have both fashions), and moreover there are both archers andspearmen, and their custom it is to carry battle-axes; 220and for everything they use either gold or bronze, for in all that has todo with spear-points or arrow-heads or battle-axes they use bronze, butfor head-dresses and girdles and belts round the arm-pits 221they employ gold as ornament: and in like manner as regards their horses,they put breast-plates of bronze about their chests, but on their bridlesand bits and cheek-pieces they employ gold. Iron however and silver theyuse not at all, for they have them not in their land, but gold and bronzein abundance.

216. These are the customs which they have:—Each marries a wife, butthey have their wives in common; for that which the Hellenes say that theScythians do, is not in fact done by the Scythians but by the Massagetai,that is to say, whatever woman a man of the Massagetai may desire he hangsup his quiver in front of the waggon and has commerce with her freely.They have no precise limit of age laid down for their life, but when a manbecomes very old, his nearest of kin come together and slaughter himsolemnly 222 and cattle also with him; and then after thatthey boil the flesh and banquet upon it. This is considered by them thehappiest lot; but him who has ended his life by disease they do not eat,but cover him up in the earth, counting it a misfortune that he did notattain to being slaughtered. They sow no crops but live on cattle and onfish, which last they get in abundance from the river Araxes; moreoverthey are drinkers of milk. Of gods they reverence the Sun alone, and tohim they sacrifice horses: and the rule 223 of the sacrifice isthis:—to the swiftest of the gods they assign the swiftest of allmortal things.

—————





NOTES TO BOOK I

1 (return)
[ {'Erodotou 'Alikarnesseosistories apodexis ede, os k.t.l.} The meaning of the word {istorie} passesgradually from "research" or "inquiry" to "narrative," "history"; cp. vii.96. Aristotle in quoting these words writes {Thouriou} for{'Alikarnesseos} ("Herodotus of Thurii"), and we know from Plutarch thatthis reading existed in his time as a variation.]

2 (return)
[ Probably {erga} may heremean enduring monuments like the pyramids and the works at Samos, cp. i.93, ii. 35, etc.; in that case {ta te alla} refers back to {ta genomena},though the verb {epolemesan} derives its subject from the mention ofHellenes and Barbarians in the preceding clause.]

3 (return)
[ Many Editors have "with thePhenicians," on the authority of some inferior MSS. and of the Aldineedition.]

4 (return)
[ {arpages}.]

401 (return)
[ "thus or in some otherparticular way."]

5 (return)
[ {Surion}, see ch. 72.Herodotus perhaps meant to distinguish {Surioi} from {Suroi}, and to usethe first name for the Cappadokians and the second for the people ofPalestine, cp. ii. 104; but they are naturally confused in the MSS.]

6 (return)
[ {ex epidromes arpage}.]

7 (return)
[ {tes anoigomenes thures},"the door that is opened."]

8 (return)
[ Or "because she wasashamed."]

9 (return)
[ {phoitan}.]

10 (return)
[ {upeisdus}: Stein adoptsthe conjecture {upekdus}, "slipping out of his hiding-place."]

11 (return)
[ This last sentence is bymany regarded as an interpolation. The line referred to is {Ou moi taGugeo tou polukhrosou melei}.]

12 (return)
[ See v. 92.]

13 (return)
[ i.e. like other kings ofLydia who came after him.]

14 (return)
[ {Kolophonos to astu}, asopposed apparently to the acropolis, cp. viii. 51.]

15 (return)
[ See ch. 73.]

16 (return)
[ {o kai esballon tenikautaes ten Milesien ten stratien}: an allusion apparently to the invasions ofthe Milesian land at harvest time, which are described above. All theoperations mentioned in the last chapter have been loosely described toAlyattes, and a correction is here added to inform the reader that theybelong equally to his father. It will hardly mend matters much if we take{o Audos} in ch. 17 to include both father and son.]

17 (return)
[ {didaxanta}.]

18 (return)
[ This name is applied byHerodotus to the southern part of the peninsula only.]

19 (return)
[ Tarentum.]

20 (return)
[ {en toisi edolioisi}:properly "benches," but probably here the raised deck at the stern.]

21 (return)
[ {ou mega}: many of theMSS. have {mega}.]

22 (return)
[ {stadioi}: furlongs ofabout 606 English feet.]

23 (return)
[ {to epilogo}.]

24 (return)
[ This list of nations isby some suspected as an interpolation; see Stein's note on the passage.]

25 (return)
[ {sophistai}: cp. ii. 49,and iv. 95.]

26 (return)
[ {etheto}.]

27 (return)
[ {olbiotaton}.]

28 (return)
[ {stadious}.]

29 (return)
[ {romen}: many of the MSS.have {gnomen}, "good disposition."]

30 (return)
[ i.e. their mother: butsome understand it to mean the goddess.]

31 (return)
[ {en telei toutoeskhonto}.]

32 (return)
[ {anolbioi}.]

33 (return)
[ {eutukhees}.]

34 (return)
[ {aperos}: the MSS. have{apeiros}.]

35 (return)
[ {aikhme sidereeblethenta}.]

36 (return)
[ "in the house ofCroesus."]

37 (return)
[ {'Epistion}.]

38 (return)
[ {'Etaireion}.]

39 (return)
[ {suggrapsamenous}, i.e.have it written down by the {propsetes} (see vii. 111 and viii. 37), whointerpreted and put into regular verse the inspired utterances of theprophetess {promantis}.]

40 (return)
[ {es to megaron}.]

41 (return)
[ {oida d' ego}: oraclesoften have a word of connection such as {de} or {alla} at the beginning(cp. ch. 55, 174, etc.), which may indicate that they are part of a largerconnected utterance.]

42 (return)
[ Cp. vii. 178 and ix. 91("I accept the omen.")]

43 (return)
[ See viii. 134.]

44 (return)
[ {kai touton}, i.e.Amphiaraos: many Editors retain the readings of the Aldine edition, {kaitouto}, "that in this too he had found a true Oracle."]

45 (return)
[ {emiplinthia}, the plinthbeing supposed to be square.]

46 (return)
[ {exapalaiota}, the palmbeing about three inches, cp. ii. 149.]

47 (return)
[ {apephthou khrusou},"refined gold."]

48 (return)
[ {triton emitalanton}: theMSS. have {tria emitalanta}, which has been corrected partly on theauthority of Valla's translation.]

49 (return)
[ "white gold."]

50 (return)
[ Arranged evidently instages, of which the highest consisted of the 4 half-plinths of pure gold,the second of 15 half-plinths, the third of 35, the fourth of 63, making117 in all: see Stein's note.]

51 (return)
[ {elkon stathmon einatonemitalanton kai eti duodeka mneas}. The {mnea} (mina) is 15.2 oz., and 60of them go to a talent.]

52 (return)
[ {epi tou proneiou tesgonies}, cp. viii. 122: the use of {epi} seems to suggest some kind ofraised corner-stone upon which the offerings stood.]

53 (return)
[ The {amphoreus} is about9 gallons.]

54 (return)
[ Cp. iii. 41.]

55 (return)
[ {perirranteria}.]

56 (return)
[ {kheumata}, which sometranslate "jugs" or "bowls."]

57 (return)
[ {umin}, as if bothOracles were being addressed together.]

58 (return)
[ i.e. Delphi.]

59 (return)
[ {enephoreeto}, "he filledhimself with it."]

60 (return)
[ {Krestona}: Niebuhr wouldread {Krotona} (Croton or Cortona in Etruria), partly on the authority ofDionysius: see Stein's note. Two of the best MSS. are defective in thispart of the book.]

61 (return)
[ See ii. 51 and vi. 137.]

62 (return)
[ {auxetai es plethos tonethneon pollon}: "has increased to a multitude of its races, which aremany." Stein and Abicht both venture to adopt the conjecture {Pelasgon}for {pollon}, "Pelasgians especially being added to them, and also manyother Barbarian nations."]

6201 (return)
[ {pros de on emoigedokeei}: the MSS. have {emoi te}. Some Editors read {os de on} (Stein{prosthe de on}) for {pros de on}. This whole passage is probably in someway corrupt, but it can hardly be successfully emended.]

63 (return)
[ i.e. as it is of theHellenic race before it parted from the Pelasgian and ceased to beBarbarian.]

64 (return)
[ {katekhomenon te kaidiespasmenon... upo Peisistratou}. Peisistratos was in part at least thecause of the divisions.]

65 (return)
[ {paralon}.]

66 (return)
[ {uperakrion}.]

67 (return)
[ {toutous}: some read byconjecture {triekosious}, "three hundred," the number which he actuallyhad according to Polyænus, i. 21.]

68 (return)
[ {doruphoroi}, the usualword for a body-guard.]

69 (return)
[ {perielaunomenos de testasi}: Stein says "harassed by attacks of his own party," but the passageto which he refers in ch. 61, {katallasseto ten ekhthren toisistasiotesi}, may be referred to in the quarrel made with his party byMegacles when he joined Peisistratos.]

70 (return)
[ More literally, "sincefrom ancient time the Hellenic race had been marked off from theBarbarians as being more skilful and more freed from foolish simplicity,(and) since at that time among the Athenians, who are accounted the firstof the Hellenes in ability, these men devised a trick as follows."]

71 (return)
[ The cubit is reckoned as24 finger-breadths, i.e. about 18 inches.]

72 (return)
[ So Rawlinson.]

73 (return)
[ See v. 70.]

74 (return)
[ {dia endekatou eteos}.Not quite the same as {dia evdeka eteon} ("after an interval of elevenyears"); rather "in the eleventh year" (i.e. "after an interval of tenyears").]

75 (return)
[ {thein pompekhreomenos}.]

76 (return)
[ For {'Akarnan} it hasbeen suggested to read {'Akharneus}, because this man is referred to as anAthenian by various writers. However Acarnanians were celebrated forprophetic power, and he might be called an Athenian as resident withPeisistratos at Athens.]

77 (return)
[ Or "for that part of theland from which the temple could be seen," but cp. Thuc. iii. 104. Ineither case the meaning is the same.]

7701 (return)
[ {enomotias kaitriekadas kai sussitia}. The {enomotia} was the primary division of theSpartan army: of the {triekas} nothing is known for certain.]

78 (return)
[ {kibdelo}, properly"counterfeit": cp. ch. 75.]

79 (return)
[ {skhoinodiametresamenoi}: whether actually, for the purpose of distributing thework among them, or because the rope which fastened them together lay onthe ground like a measuring-tape, is left uncertain.]

80 (return)
[ Cp. ix. 70.]

81 (return)
[ {epitarrothos}. Elsewhere(that is in Homer) the word always means "helper," and Stein translates itso here, "thou shalt be protector and patron of Tegea" (in the place ofOrestes). Mr. Woods explains it by the parallel of such phrases as{Danaoisi makhes epitarrothoi}, to mean "thou shalt be a helper (of theLacedemonians) in the matter of Tegea," but this perhaps would be a formof address too personal to the envoy, who is usually addressed in thesecond person, but only as representative of those who sent him. Theconjectural reading {epitarrothon exeis}, "thou shalt have him as a helperagainst Tegea," is tempting.]

82 (return)
[ {agathoergon}.]

83 (return)
[ This was to enable himthe better to gain his ends at Tegea.]

84 (return)
[ Cp. ch. 51, note.]

85 (return)
[ See ch. 6.]

86 (return)
[ {euzono andri}: cp. ch.104 and ii. 34. The word {euzonos} is used of light-armed troops;Hesychius says, {euzonos, me ekhon phortion}.]

87 (return)
[ {orgen ouk akros}: thisis the reading of all the best MSS., and it is sufficiently supported bythe parallel of v. 124, {psukhen ouk akros}. Most Editors however haveadopted the reading {orgen akros}, as equivalent to {akrakholos},"quick-tempered."]

88 (return)
[ It has been suggested bysome that this clause is not genuine. It should not, however, be taken torefer to the battle which was interrupted by the eclipse, for (1) that didnot occur in the period here spoken of; (2) the next clause is introducedby {de} (which can hardly here stand for {gar}); (3) when the eclipseoccurred the fighting ceased, therefore it was no more a {nuktomakhin}than any other battle which is interrupted by darkness coming on.]

89 (return)
[ See ch. 188. Nabunitawas his true name.]

90 (return)
[ See ch. 107 ff.]

91 (return)
[ Not "somewhere near thecity of Sinope," for it must have been at a considerable distance andprobably far inland. Sinope itself is at least fifty miles to the west ofthe Halys. I take it to mean that Pteria was nearly due south of Sinope,i.e. that the nearest road from Pteria to the sea led to Sinope. Pteria nodoubt was the name of a region as well as of a city.]

92 (return)
[ {anastatous epoiese}.]

93 (return)
[ This is the son of theman mentioned in ch. 74.]

94 (return)
[ {us en autou xeinikos}.Stein translates "so much of it as was mercenary," but it may be doubtedif this is possible. Mr. Woods, "which army of his was a foreign one."]

95 (return)
[ {Metros Dindumenes}, i.e.Kybele: the mountain is Dindymos in Phrygia.]

96 (return)
[ i.e. the whole strip ofterritory to the West of the peninsula of Argolis, which includes Thyreaand extends southwards to Malea: "westwards as far as Malea" would beabsurd.]

97 (return)
[ {outos}: a conjecturalemendation of {autos}.]

98 (return)
[ {autos}: some MSS. read{o autos}, "this same man."]

99 (return)
[ {aneneikamenon}, nearlyequivalent to {anastemaxanta} (cp. Hom. Il. xix. 314), {mnesamenos d'adinos aneneikato phonesen te}. Some translate it here, "he recoveredhimself," cp. ch. 116, {aneneikhtheis}.]

100 (return)
[ {ubristai}.]

101 (return)
[ {proesousi}: aconjectural emendation of {poiesousi}, adopted in most of the moderneditions.]

102 (return)
[ {touto oneidisai}: or{touton oneidisai}, "to reproach the god with these things." The best MSS.have {touto}.]

103 (return)
[ {to kai... eipe ta eipeLoxias k.t.l.}: various emendations have been proposed. If any one is tobe adopted, the boldest would perhaps be the best, {to de kai... eipeLoxias}.]

104 (return)
[ {oia te kai allekhore}, "such as other lands have."]

105 (return)
[ {stadioi ex kai duoplethra}.]

106 (return)
[ {plethra tria kaideka}.]

107 (return)
[ {Gugaie}.]

108 (return)
[ Or "Tyrrhenia."]

109 (return)
[ Or "Umbrians."]

110 (return)
[ {tes ano 'Asies}, i.e.the parts which are removed from the Mediterranean.]

111 (return)
[ i.e. nature would notbe likely to supply so many regularly ascending circles. Stein alters thetext so that the sentence runs thus, "and whereas there are seven circlesof all, within the last is the royal palace," etc.]

112 (return)
[ i.e. "to laugh or tospit is unseemly for those in presence of the king, and this last for all,whether in the presence of the king or not." Cp. Xen. Cyrop. i. 2. 16,{aiskhron men gar eti kai nun esti Persais kai to apoptuein kai toapomuttesthai}, (quoted by Stein, who however gives a differentinterpretation).]

113 (return)
[ {tauta de peri eoutonesemnune}: the translation given is that of Mr. Woods.]

114 (return)
[ {allos mentoi eouton euekontes}: the translation is partly due to Mr. Woods.]

115 (return)
[ i.e. East of the Halys:see note on ch. 95.]

116 (return)
[ See iv. 12.]

117 (return)
[ Cp. ch. 72.]

118 (return)
[ {ten katuperthe odon},i.e. further away from the Euxine eastwards.]

119 (return)
[ {o theos}.]

120 (return)
[ {khoris men garphoron}: many Editors substitute {phoron} for {phoron}, but {phoron} maystand if taken not with {khoris} but with {to ekastoisi epeballon}.]

121 (return)
[ Cp. ch. 184, "theAssyrian history."]

122 (return)
[ {uperthemenos}, aconjectural emendation of {upothemenos}, cp. ch. 108 where the MSS. give{uperthemenos}, (the Medicean with {upo} written above as a correction).]

123 (return)
[ Or "expose me to risk,""stake my safety."]

124 (return)
[ Or "thou wilt sufferthe most evil kind of death": cp. ch. 167.]

12401 (return)
[ {tas aggeliaspherein}, i.e. to have the office of {aggeliephoros} (ch. 120) or{esaggeleus} (iii. 84), the chamberlain through whom communicationspassed.]

125 (return)
[ {dialabein}. Sotranslated by Mr. Woods.]

126 (return)
[ {es tas anagkas}, "tothe necessity," mentioned above.]

127 (return)
[ Or "to celebrate goodfortune."]

128 (return)
[ {akreon kheiron te kaipodon}: cp. ii. 121 (e), {apotamonta en to omo ten kheira}.]

129 (return)
[ {esti te o pais kaiperiesti}. So translated by Mr. Woods.]

130 (return)
[ {erkhe}: a few inferiorMSS. have {eikhe}, which is adopted by several Editors.]

131 (return)
[ {para smikra...kekhoreke}, "have come out equal to trifles."]

132 (return)
[ {kuon}: cp. ch. 110.]

133 (return)
[ {su nun}, answering to{se gar theoi eporeousi}: the MSS. and some Editors read {su nun}.]

134 (return)
[ i.e. of the race ofPerses: see vii. 61.]

135 (return)
[ "how his change from athrone to slavery was as compared with that feast, etc.," i.e. what did hethink of it as a retribution.]

136 (return)
[ See ch. 106. The actualduration of the Median supremacy would be therefore a hundred years.]

13601 (return)
[ This is by somealtered to "Alilat," by comparison of iii. 8.]

137 (return)
[ {stemmasi}, i.e. thechaplets wound round with wool which were worn at Hellenic sacrifices.]

138 (return)
[ {oulesi}.]

13801 (return)
[ Cp. vii. 61.]

139 (return)
[ {sitoisi}: perhaps"plain dishes."]

140 (return)
[ {proskuneei}, i.e.kisses his feet or the ground.]

141 (return)
[ {ton legomenon}, acorrection of {to legomeno}. (The Medicean MS. has {toi legomenoi} likethe rest, not {toi legomeno}, as stated by Stein.)]

142 (return)
[ {ekhomenon, kata tonauton de logon}: the MSS. and most Editors have {ekhomenon}. {kata tonauton de logon}; "and this same rule the Persians observe in givinghonour." This, however, makes it difficult (though not impossible) torefer {to ethnos} in the next clause to the Medes, and it can hardly bereferred to the Persians, who certainly had not the same system ofgovernment. Perhaps however we may translate thus, "for each race extendedforward thus their rule or their deputed authority."]

143 (return)
[ Cp. vii. 194.]

144 (return)
[ {polloi}: omitted, orcorrected variously, by Editors. There is, perhaps, something wrong aboutthe text in the next clause also, for it seems clear that white doves werenot objected to by the Persians. See Stein's note.]

145 (return)
[ See ch. 95.]

146 (return)
[ These words, "neitherthose towards the East nor those towards the West" have perhaps beeninterpolated as an explanation of {ta ano} and {ta kato}. As anexplanation they can hardly be correct, but the whole passage is vaguelyexpressed.]

147 (return)
[ {tropous tesserasparagogeon}.]

148 (return)
[ i.e. the AsiaticIonians who had formed a separate confederacy. Some understand it to meanthe Milesians, but this would give no satisfactory connection with whatfollows.]

149 (return)
[ {pentapolios}.]

150 (return)
[ {exapolios}.]

151 (return)
[ {mesogaioi}. Several ofthe other cities are at some distance from the coast, but the region ismeant in each case rather than the city (hence such forms as{Tritaiees}).]

152 (return)
[ {'Elikonio}.]

153 (return)
[ This is condemned as aninterpolation by some Editors.]

154 (return)
[ {oreon de ekousan oukomoios}.]

155 (return)
[ {katastas}: cp. iii.46.]

156 (return)
[ {ktesamenoi}: Steinreads {stesamenoi} by conjecture: cp. vi. 58.]

157 (return)
[ {phrontizo me aristone}. The translation is Rawlinson's.]

158 (return)
[ {kephale anamaxas}: cp.Hom. Od. xix. 92.]

159 (return)
[ {es tous Bragkhidas},i.e. the priests of the temple. The name of the place {Bragkhidai} isfeminine, cp. ch. 92.]

160 (return)
[ {onax}, addressingApollo.]

161 (return)
[ {exaipee tousstrouthous k.t.l.} The verb is one which is commonly used of thedestruction and depopulation of cities, cp. ch. 176. (Stein.)]

162 (return)
[ {tou de 'Atarneostoutou esti khoros tes Musies}.]

163 (return)
[ {ouk oligoi stadioi}.]

164 (return)
[ {katirosai}, i.e.dedicate it to the king as a token of submission.]

165 (return)
[ i.e. Corsica.]

166 (return)
[ {anaphanenai}: the MSS.have {anaphenai}, which can only be translated by supplying {ton ponton}from {katepontosan}, "till the sea produced it again," but this is hardlysatisfactory.]

167 (return)
[ {Karkhedonioi}.]

168 (return)
[ {elakhon te auton pollopleious}. Several Editors suppose that words have been lost or that thetext is corrupt. I understand it to mean that many more of them fell intothe hands of the enemy than were rescued by their own side. Some translate"divided most of them by lot"; but this would be {dielakhon}, and theproceeding would have no object if the prisoners were to be put to deathat once. For {pleious} Stein reads {pleistous}.]

169 (return)
[ {ton Kurnon... ktisaieron eonta, all' ou ten neson}.]

170 (return)
[ {bouleuterion}.]

171 (return)
[ {outoi}: the MSS. have{outo}.]

172 (return)
[ {autokhthonasepeirotas}.]

173 (return)
[ Many Editors insert{oi} before {tes khores tes spheteres} and alter the punctuationaccordingly.]

174 (return)
[ Or "all their land camewithin the isthmus."]

175 (return)
[ {epexiontes}: the MSS.have {upexiontes}, which Mr. Woods explains to mean "coming forthsuddenly."]

176 (return)
[ {epexelthontes}: theMSS. have {upexelthontes}.]

177 (return)
[ {stadion}, and sothroughout.]

178 (return)
[ The "royal cubit"appears to have measured about twenty-one inches.]

179 (return)
[ {tous agkhonas}, thewalls on the North and South of the city, called so because built at anangle with the side walls.]

180 (return)
[ {laurai}, "lanes."]

181 (return)
[ {kai autai}, butperhaps the text is not sound.]

182 (return)
[ {thorex}, as opposed tothe inner wall, which would be the {kithon} (cp. vii. 139).]

183 (return)
[ {steinoteron}: Mr.Woods says "of less thickness," the top of the wall being regarded as aroad.]

184 (return)
[ {duo stadion pante},i.e. 404 yards square.]

185 (return)
[ {tou irou}, i.e. thesacred precincts; cp. {en to temenei touto}.]

186 (return)
[ {neos}, the inner houseof the temple.]

187 (return)
[ {promantis}.]

188 (return)
[ {ta telea tonprobaton}.]

189 (return)
[ "at that time."]

18901 (return)
[ {katapleontes tonEuphreten}: the MSS. have {katapleontes es ton E}. (It is not true, asstated by Abicht, that the Medicean MS. omits {es}.)]

190 (return)
[ {oligon ti parateinousaapo tou potamou}.]

191 (return)
[ {ou gar ameinon}, anEpic phrase, cp. iii. 71 and 82.]

192 (return)
[ {eskeuasmenos}, aconjectural emendation of {eskeuasmenoisi}, "with provisions wellprepared."]

193 (return)
[ {kateteineskhoinoteneas upodexas diorukhas}. Stein understands {kateteine tenstratien} (resumed afterwards by {diataxas}), "he extended his army,having first marked out channels straight by lines."]

194 (return)
[ {proesaxanto}, from{proesago}: it may be however from {prosatto}, "they had heaped togetherprovisions for themselves beforehand."]

195 (return)
[ {ten stratien apasan}.Stein thinks that some correction is needed.]

196 (return)
[ {oi d' an perudontesk.t.l.}: the MSS. have {oud' an perudontes}, "they would not even haveallowed them to enter the city (from the river)," but the negative isawkward referring to the participle alone, and the admission of the enemyto the river-bed within the city would have been an essential part of thescheme, not to be omitted in the description.]

197 (return)
[ The Attic medimnos(= 48 choinikes) was rather less than 12 gallons.]

198 (return)
[ {ton tes Demetroskarpon}.]

199 (return)
[ Stein supposes thatwords have fallen out before {ta gar de alla dendrea}, chiefly becausesome mention of the palm-trees might have been expected here.]

200 (return)
[ {phoinikeious}: someEditors (following Valla) have altered this to {phoinikeiou} ("casks ofpalm-wine"), but it is not likely that palm-wine would have been thusimported, see ch. 193.]

201 (return)
[ {kai o men eso elkei toplektron o de exo otheei}. I take it to mean that there is onesteering-oar on each side, and the "inside" is the side nearer to the bankof the river. The current would naturally run faster on the "outside" andconsequently would tend to turn the boat round, and therefore the insideoarsman pulls his oar constantly towards himself and the outside manpushes his oar from himself (i.e. backs water), to keep the boat straight.Various explanations are given. Stein takes {eso, exo} with the verbs,"one draws the boat towards himself, the other pushes it from himself."Mr. Woods understands that only one oar is used at a time and by two menlooking different ways, of whom {o men eso} is he who stands nearest tothe side of the boat.]

202 (return)
[ If the talents meantare Euboic, this would be about 170 tons.]

203 (return)
[ {mitresi}: cp. vii.62.]

204 (return)
[ {os an ai parthenoiginoiato}, equivalent to {osai aei parthenoi ginoiato}, which Steinsuggests as a correction.]

205 (return)
[ This sentence, "inorder that—city," is thought by Stein to be either interpolated ormisplaced.]

206 (return)
[ {katestekee}: someEditors adopt the correction {katesteke}, "is established."]

207 (return)
[ {iron}, afterwardscalled {temenos}.]

208 (return)
[ {panta tropon odon}:some MSS. have {odon} for {odon}, and {odon ekhousi} might perhaps mean"afford a passage." (The reading of the Medicean MS. is {odon}.)]

209 (return)
[ "I call upon Mylittaagainst thee"; or perhaps, "I call upon Mylitta to be favourable tothee."]

210 (return)
[ {aposiosamene tetheo}.]

211 (return)
[ {eideos te epammenaieisi kai megatheos}.]

212 (return)
[ {patriai}.]

213 (return)
[ {antion}.]

214 (return)
[ That is perhaps, "ifone rows as well as sails," using oars when the wind is not favourable,cp. ii. 11.]

215 (return)
[ {genomene}, or{ginomene}, "which he met with."]

216 (return)
[ {eonta akharita}: mostof the MSS. have {ta eonta akharita}, with which reading the sentencewould be, "the sufferings which I have, have proved bitter lessons ofwisdom to me."]

217 (return)
[ {me eie}.]

218 (return)
[ {tou katharou stratou},perhaps "the effective part," without the encumbrances, cp. iv. 135.]

219 (return)
[ {alexomenous}.]

220 (return)
[ {sagaris nomizontesekhein}: cp. iv. 5.]

221 (return)
[ {maskhalisteras}.]

222 (return)
[ {thuousi}.]

223 (return)
[ {nomos}: the conjecture{noos}, "meaning," which is adopted by many Editors, may be right; but{nomos} seems to mean the "customary rule" which determines this form ofsacrifice, the rule namely of "swift to the swift."]

HERODOTUS, HISTORIES - BOOK II

Euterpe

1. When Cyrus had brought his life to an end, Cambyses received the royalpower in succession, being the son of Cyrus and of Cassandane the daughterof Pharnaspes, for whose death, which came about before his own, Cyrus hadmade great mourning himself and also had proclaimed to all those over whomhe bore rule that they should make mourning for her: Cambyses, I say,being the son of this woman and of Cyrus, regarded the Ionians andAiolians as slaves inherited from his father; and he proceeded to march anarmy against Egypt, taking with him as helpers not only the other nationsof which he was the ruler, but also those of the Hellenes over whom he hadpower besides.

2. Now the Egyptians, before the time when Psammetichos 1 becameking over them, were wont to suppose that they had come into being firstof all men; but since the time when Psammetichos having become kingdesired to know what men had come into being first, they suppose that thePhrygians came into being before themselves, but they themselves beforeall other men. Now Psammetichos, when he was not able by inquiry to findout any means of knowing who had come into being first of all men,contrived a device of the following kind:—Taking two new-bornchildren belonging to persons of the common sort he gave them to ashepherd to bring up at the place where his flocks were, with a manner ofbringing up such as I shall say, charging him namely that no man shouldutter any word in their presence, and that they should be placed bythemselves in a room where none might come, and at the proper time heshould bring to them she-goats, and when he had satisfied them with milkhe should do for them whatever else was needed. These things Psammetichosdid and gave him this charge wishing to hear what word the children wouldlet break forth first, after they had ceased from wailings without sense.And accordingly so it came to pass; for after a space of two years hadgone by, during which the shepherd went on acting so, at length, when heopened the door and entered, both the children fell before him in entreatyand uttered the word bekos, stretching forth their hands. At firstwhen he heard this the shepherd kept silence; but since this word wasoften repeated, as he visited them constantly and attended to them, atlast he declared the matter to his master, and at his command he broughtthe children before his face. Then Psammetichos having himself also heardit, began to inquire about what nation of men named anything bekos,and inquiring he found that the Phrygians had this name for bread. In thismanner and guided by an indication such as this, the Egyptians werebrought to allow that the Phrygians were a more ancient people thanthemselves.

3. That so it came to pass I heard from the priests of that Hephaistos whodwells at Memphis; 2 but the Hellenes relate, besides many other idletales, that Psammetichos cut out the tongues of certain women, and thencaused the children to live with these women.

With regard then to the rearing of the children they related so much as Ihave said: and I heard also other things at Memphis when I had speech withthe priests of Hephaistos. Moreover I visited both Thebes and Heliopolis3 forthis very cause, namely because I wished to know whether the priests atthese places would agree in their accounts with those at Memphis; for themen of Heliopolis are said to be the most learned in records of theEgyptians. Those of their narrations which I heard with regard to the godsI am not earnest to relate in full, but I shall name them only, 4because I consider that all men are equally ignorant of these matters: 5 andwhatever things of them I may record, I shall record only because I amcompelled by the course of the story.

4. But as to those matters which concern men, the priests agreed with oneanother in saying that the Egyptians were the first of all men on earth tofind out the course of the year, having divided the seasons into twelveparts to make up the whole; and this they said they found out from thestars: and they reckon to this extent more wisely than the Hellenes, as itseems to me, inasmuch as the Hellenes throw in an intercalated month everyother year, to make the seasons right, whereas the Egyptians, reckoningthe twelve months at thirty days each, bring in also every year five daysbeyond the number, and thus the circle of their seasons is completed andcomes round to the same point whence it set out. They said moreover thatthe Egyptians were the first who brought into use appellations for thetwelve gods and the Hellenes took up the use from them; and that they werethe first who assigned altars and images and temples to the gods, and whoengraved figures on stones; and with regard to the greater number of thesethings they showed me by actual facts that they had happened so. They saidalso that the first man 6 who became king of Egypt was Min; 7 andthat in his time all Egypt except the district of Thebes 8 was aswamp, and none of the regions were then above water which now lie belowthe lake of Moiris, to which lake it is a voyage of seven days up theriver from the sea:

5, and I thought that they said well about the land; for it is manifest intruth even to a person who has not heard it beforehand but has only seen,at least if he have understanding, that the Egypt to which the Hellenescome in ships is a land which has been won by the Egyptians as anaddition, and that it is a gift of the river: moreover the regions whichlie above this lake also for a distance of three days' sail, about whichthey did not go on to say anything of this kind, are nevertheless anotherinstance of the same thing: for the nature of the land of Egypt is asfollows:—First when you are still approaching it in a ship and aredistant a day's run from the land, if you let down a sounding-line youwill bring up mud and will find yourself in eleven fathoms. This then sofar shows that there is a silting forward of the land.

6. Then secondly, as to Egypt itself, the extent of it along the sea issixty schoines, according to our definition of Egypt as extendingfrom the Gulf of Plinthine to the Serbonian lake, along which stretchesMount Casion; from this lake then 9 the sixty schoinesare reckoned: for those of men who are poor in land have their countrymeasured by fathoms, those who are less poor by furlongs, those who havemuch land by parasangs, and those who have land in very great abundance byschoines: now the parasang is equal to thirty furlongs, and each schoine,which is an Egyptian measure, is equal to sixty furlongs. So there wouldbe an extent of three thousand six hundred furlongs for the coast-land ofEgypt. 10

7. From thence and as far as Heliopolis inland Egypt is broad, and theland is all flat and without springs of water 11 and formed of mud: andthe road as one goes inland from the sea to Heliopolis is about the samein length as that which leads from the altar of the twelve gods at Athensto Pisa and the temple of Olympian Zeus: reckoning up you would find thedifference very small by which these roads fail of being equal in length,not more indeed than fifteen furlongs; for the road from Athens to Pisawants fifteen furlongs of being fifteen hundred, while the road toHeliopolis from the sea reaches that number completely.

8. From Heliopolis however, as you go up, Egypt is narrow; for on the oneside a mountain-range belonging to Arabia stretches along by the side ofit, going in a direction from North towards the midday and the South Wind,tending upwards without a break to that which is called the ErythraianSea, in which range are the stone-quarries which were used in cuttingstone for the pyramids at Memphis. On this side then the mountain endswhere I have said, and then takes a turn back; 12 and where it is widest,as I was informed, it is a journey of two months across from East to West;and the borders of it which turn towards the East are said to producefrankincense. Such then is the nature of this mountain-range; and on theside of Egypt towards Libya another range extends, rocky and enveloped insand: in this are the pyramids, and it runs in the same direction as thoseparts of the Arabian mountains which go towards the midday. So then, Isay, from Heliopolis the land has no longer a great extent so far as itbelongs to Egypt, 13 and for about four 14 days' sail up the riverEgypt properly so called is narrow: and the space between themountain-ranges which have been mentioned is plain-land, but where it isnarrowest it did not seem to me to exceed two hundred furlongs from theArabian mountains to those which are called the Libyan. After this againEgypt is broad.

9. Such is the nature of this land: and from Heliopolis to Thebes is avoyage up the river of nine days, and the distance of the journey infurlongs is four thousand eight hundred and sixty, the number of the schoinesbeing eighty-one. If these measures of Egypt in furlongs be put togetherthe result is as follows:—I have already before this shown that thedistance along the sea amounts to three thousand six hundred furlongs, andI will now declare what the distance is inland from the sea to Thebes,namely six thousand one hundred and twenty furlongs: and again thedistance from Thebes to the city called Elephantine is one thousand eighthundred furlongs.

10. Of this land then, concerning which I have spoken, it seemed to myselfalso, according as the priests said, that the greater part had been won asan addition by the Egyptians; for it was evident to me that the spacebetween the aforesaid mountain-ranges, which lie above the city ofMemphis, once was a gulf of the sea, like the regions about Ilion andTeuthrania and Ephesos and the plain of the Maiander, if it be permittedto compare small things with great; and small these are in comparison, forof the rivers which heaped up the soil in those regions none is worthy tobe compared in volume with a single one of the mouths of the Nile, whichhas five mouths. 15 Moreover there are other rivers also, not insize at all equal to the Nile, which have performed great feats; of whichI can mention the names of several, and especially the Acheloös, whichflowing through Acarnania and so issuing out into the sea has already madehalf of the Echinades from islands into mainland.

11. Now there is in the land of Arabia, not far from Egypt, a gulf of thesea running in from that which is called the Erythraian Sea, very long andnarrow, as I am about to tell. With respect to the length of the voyagealong it, one who set out from the innermost point to sail out through itinto the open sea, would spend forty days upon the voyage, using oars; 16and with respect to breadth, where the gulf is broadest it is half a day'ssail across: and there is in it an ebb and flow of tide every day. Justsuch another gulf I suppose that Egypt was, and that the one ran intowards Ethiopia from the Northern Sea, and the other, the Arabian, ofwhich I am about to speak, 17 tended from the South towards Syria, the gulfsboring in so as almost to meet at their extreme points, and passing by oneanother with but a small space left between. If then the stream of theNile should turn aside into this Arabian gulf, what would hinder that gulffrom being filled up with silt as the river continued to flow, at allevents within a period of twenty thousand years? indeed for my part I amof opinion that it would be filled up even within ten thousand years. How,then, in 18 all the time that has elapsed before I cameinto being should not a gulf be filled up even of much greater size thanthis by a river so great and so active?

12. As regards Egypt then, I both believe those who say that things areso, and for myself also I am strongly of opinion that they are so; becauseI have observed that Egypt runs out into the sea further than theadjoining land, and that shells are found upon the mountains of it, and anefflorescence of salt forms upon the surface, so that even the pyramidsare being eaten away by it, and moreover that of all the mountains ofEgypt, the range which lies above Memphis is the only one which has sand:besides which I notice that Egypt resembles neither the land of Arabia,which borders upon it, nor Libya, nor yet Syria (for they are Syrians whodwell in the parts of Arabia lying along the sea), but that it has soilwhich is black and easily breaks up, 19 seeing that it is intruth mud and silt brought down from Ethiopia by the river: but the soilof Libya, we know, is reddish in colour and rather sandy, while that ofArabia and Syria is somewhat clayey and rocky. 1901

13. The priests also gave me a strong proof concerning this land asfollows, namely that in the reign of king Moiris, whenever the riverreached a height of at least eight cubits 20 it watered Egypt belowMemphis; and not yet nine hundred years had gone by since the death ofMoiris, when I heard these things from the priests: now however, unlessthe river rises to sixteen cubits, or fifteen at the least, it does not goover the land. I think too that those Egyptians who dwell below the lakeof Moiris and especially in that region which is called the Delta, if thatland continues to grow in height according to this proportion and toincrease similarly in extent, 21 will suffer for allremaining time, from the Nile not overflowing their land, that same thingwhich they themselves said that the Hellenes would at some time suffer:for hearing that the whole land of the Hellenes has rain and is notwatered by rivers as theirs is, they said that the Hellenes would at sometime be disappointed of a great hope and would suffer the ills of famine.This saying means that if the god 22 shall not send themrain, but shall allow drought to prevail for a long time, the Helleneswill be destroyed by hunger; for they have in fact no other supply ofwater to save them except from Zeus alone.

14. This has been rightly said by the Egyptians with reference to theHellenes: but now let me tell how matters are with the Egyptiansthemselves in their turn. If, in accordance with what I before said, theirland below Memphis (for this is that which is increasing) shall continueto increase in height according to the same proportion as in past time,assuredly those Egyptians who dwell here will suffer famine, if their landshall not have rain nor the river be able to go over their fields. It iscertain however that now they gather in fruit from the earth with lesslabour than any other men and also with less than the other Egyptians; forthey have no labour in breaking up furrows with a plough nor in hoeing norin any other of those labours which other men have about a crop; but whenthe river has come up of itself and watered their fields and afterwatering has left them again, then each man sows his own field and turnsinto it swine, and when he has trodden the seed into the ground by meansof the swine, after that he waits for the harvest; and when he hasthreshed the corn by means of the swine, then he gathers it in.

15. If we desire to follow the opinions of the Ionians as regards Egypt,who say that the Delta alone is Egypt, reckoning its sea-coast to be fromthe watch-tower called of Perseus to the fish-curing houses of Pelusion, adistance of forty schoines, and counting it to extend inland as faras the city of Kercasoros, where the Nile divides and runs to Pelusion andCanobos, while as for the rest of Egypt, they assign it partly to Libyaand partly to Arabia,—if, I say, we should follow this account, weshould thereby declare that in former times the Egyptians had no land tolive in; for, as we have seen, their Delta at any rate is alluvial, andhas appeared (so to speak) lately, as the Egyptians themselves say and asmy opinion is. If then at the first there was no land for them to live in,why did they waste their labour to prove that they had come into beingbefore all other men? They needed not to have made trial of the childrento see what language they would first utter. However I am not of opinionthat the Egyptians came into being at the same time as that which iscalled by the Ionians the Delta, but that they existed always ever sincethe human race came into being, and that as their land advanced forwards,many of them were left in their first abodes and many came down graduallyto the lower parts. At least it is certain that in old times Thebes hadthe name of Egypt, and of this 23 the circumferencemeasures six thousand one hundred and twenty furlongs.

16. If then we judge aright of these matters, the opinion of the Ioniansabout Egypt is not sound: but if the judgment of the Ionians is right, Ideclare that neither the Hellenes nor the Ionians themselves know how toreckon since they say that the whole earth is made up of three divisions,Europe, Asia, and Libya: for they ought to count in addition to these theDelta of Egypt, since it belongs neither to Asia nor to Libya; for atleast it cannot be the river Nile by this reckoning which divides Asiafrom Libya, 24 but the Nile is cleft at the point of thisDelta so as to flow round it, and the result is that this land would comebetween Asia and Libya. 25

17. We dismiss then the opinion of the Ionians, and express a judgment ofour own in this matter also, that Egypt is all that land which isinhabited by Egyptians, just as Kilikia is that which is inhabited byKilikians and Assyria that which is inhabited by Assyrians, and we know ofno boundary properly speaking between Asia and Libya except the borders ofEgypt. If however we shall adopt the opinion which is commonly held by theHellenes, we shall suppose that the whole of Egypt, beginning from theCataract 26 and the city of Elephantine, is divided intotwo parts and that it thus partakes of both the names, since one side willthus belong to Libya and the other to Asia; for the Nile from the Cataractonwards flows to the sea cutting Egypt through the midst; and as far asthe city of Kercasoros the Nile flows in one single stream, but from thiscity onwards it is parted into three ways; and one, which is called thePelusian mouth, turns towards the East; the second of the ways goestowards the West, and this is called the Canobic mouth; but that one ofthe ways which is straight runs thus,—when the river in its coursedownwards comes to the point of the Delta, then it cuts the Delta throughthe midst and so issues out to the sea. In this we have 27 aportion of the water of the river which is not the smallest nor the leastfamous, and it is called the Sebennytic mouth. There are also two othermouths which part off from the Sebennytic and go to the sea, and these arecalled, one the Saïtic, the other the Mendesian mouth. The Bolbitiniticand Bucolic mouths, on the other hand, are not natural but made bydigging.

18. Moreover also the answer given by the Oracle of Ammon bears witness insupport of my opinion that Egypt is of the extent which I declare it to bein my account; and of this answer I heard after I had formed my ownopinion about Egypt. For those of the city of Marea and of Apis, dwellingin the parts of Egypt which border on Libya, being of opinion themselvesthat they were Libyans and not Egyptians, and also being burdened by therules of religious service, because they desired not to be debarred fromthe use of cows' flesh, sent to Ammon saying that they had nought incommon with the Egyptians, for they dwelt outside the Delta and agreedwith them in nothing; and they said they desired that it might be lawfulfor them to eat everything without distinction. The god however did notpermit them to do so, but said that that land which was Egypt which theNile came over and watered, and that those were Egyptians who dwellingbelow the city of Elephantine drank of that river. Thus it was answered tothem by the Oracle about this:

19, and the Nile, when it is in flood, goes over not only the Delta butalso of the land which is called Libyan and of that which is calledArabian sometimes as much as two days' journey on each side, and at timeseven more than this or at times less.

As regards the nature of the river, neither from the priests nor yet fromany other man was I able to obtain any knowledge: and I was desirousespecially to learn from them about these matters, namely why the Nilecomes down increasing in volume from the summer solstice onwards for ahundred days, and then, when it has reached the number of these days,turns and goes back, failing in its stream, so that through the wholewinter season it continues to be low, and until the summer solsticereturns. Of none of these things was I able to receive any account fromthe Egyptians, when I inquired of them what power the Nile has whereby itis of a nature opposite to that of other rivers. And I made inquiry,desiring to know both this which I say and also why, unlike all otherrivers, it does not give rise to any breezes blowing from it.

20. However some of the Hellenes who desired to gain distinction forcleverness have given an account of this water in three different ways:two of these I do not think it worth while even to speak of except only toindicate their nature; of which the one says that the Etesian Winds arethe cause that makes the river rise, by preventing the Nile from flowingout into the sea. But often the Etesian Winds fail and yet the Nile doesthe same work as it is wont to do; and moreover, if these were the cause,all the other rivers also which flow in a direction opposed to the EtesianWinds ought to have been affected in the same way as the Nile, and evenmore, in as much as they are smaller and present to them a feebler flow ofstream: but there are many of these rivers in Syria and many also inLibya, and they are affected in no such manner as the Nile.

21. The second way shows more ignorance than that which has beenmentioned, and it is more marvellous to tell; 28 for it says that theriver produces these effects because it flows from the Ocean, and that theOcean flows round the whole earth.

22. The third of the ways is much the most specious, but nevertheless itis the most mistaken of all: for indeed this way has no more truth in itthan the rest, alleging as it does that the Nile flows from melting snow;whereas it flows out of Libya through the midst of the Ethiopians, and socomes out into Egypt. How then should it flow from snow, when it flowsfrom the hottest parts to those which are cooler? And indeed most of thefacts are such as to convince a man (one at least who is capable ofreasoning about such matters), that it is not at all likely that it flowsfrom snow. 29 The first and greatest evidence is afforded bythe winds, which blow hot from these regions; the second is that the landis rainless always and without frost, whereas after snow has fallen rainmust necessarily come within five days, so that if it snowed in thoseparts rain would fall there; the third evidence is afforded by the peopledwelling there, who are of a black colour by reason of the burning heat.Moreover kites and swallows remain there through the year and do not leavethe land; and cranes flying from the cold weather which comes on in theregion of Scythia come regularly to these parts for wintering: if then itsnowed ever so little in that land through which the Nile flows and inwhich it has its rise, none of these things would take place, as necessitycompels us to admit.

23. As for him who talked about the Ocean, he carried his tale into theregion of the unknown, and so he need not be refuted; 30since I for my part know of no river Ocean existing, but I think thatHomer or one of the poets who were before him invented the name andintroduced it into his verse.

24. If however after I have found fault with the opinions proposed, I ambound to declare an opinion of my own about the matters which are indoubt, I will tell what to my mind is the reason why the Nile increases inthe summer. In the winter season the Sun, being driven away from hisformer path through the heaven 31 by the stormy winds,comes to the upper parts of Libya. If one would set forth the matter inthe shortest way, all has now been said; for whatever region this godapproaches most and stands directly above, this it may reasonably besupposed is most in want of water, and its native streams of rivers aredried up most.

25. However, to set it forth at greater length, thus it is:—the Sunpassing in his course by the upper parts of Libya, does thus, that is tosay, since at all times the air in those parts is clear and the country iswarm, because there are no cold winds, 32 in passing through itthe Sun does just as he was wont to do in the summer, when going throughthe midst of the heaven, that is he draws to himself the water, and havingdrawn it he drives it away to the upper parts of the country, and thewinds take it up and scattering it abroad melt it into rain; so it isnatural that the winds which blow from this region, namely the South andSouth-west Winds, should be much the most rainy of all the winds. I thinkhowever that the Sun does not send away from himself all the water of theNile of each year, but that he also lets some remain behind with himself.Then when the winter becomes milder, the Sun returns back again to themidst of the heaven, and from that time onwards he draws equally from allrivers; but in the meanwhile they flow in large volume, since water ofrain mingles with them in great quantity, because their country receivesrain then and is filled with torrent streams. In summer however they areweak, since not only the showers of rain fail then, but also they aredrawn by the Sun. The Nile however, alone of all rivers, not having rainand being drawn by the Sun, naturally flows during this time of winter inmuch less than its proper volume, that is much less than in summer; 33for then it is drawn equally with all the other waters, but in winter itbears the burden alone. Thus I suppose the Sun to be the cause of thesethings.

26. He is also the cause in my opinion that the air in these parts is dry,since he makes it so by scorching up his path through the heaven: 34thus summer prevails always in the upper parts of Libya. If however thestation of the seasons had been changed, and where now in the heaven areplaced the North Wind and winter, there was the station of the South Windand of the midday, and where now is placed the South Wind, there was theNorth, if this had been so, the Sun being driven from the midst of theheaven by the winter and the North Wind would go to the upper parts ofEurope, just as now he comes to the upper parts of Libya, and passing inhis course throughout the whole of Europe I suppose that he would do tothe Ister that which he now works upon the Nile.

27. As to the breeze, why none blows from the river, my opinion is thatfrom very hot places it is not natural that anything should blow, and thata breeze is wont to blow from something cold.

28. Let these matters then be as they are and as they were at the first:but as to the sources of the Nile, not one either of the Egyptians or ofthe Libyans or of the Hellenes, who came to speech with me, professed toknow anything, except the scribe of the sacred treasury of Athene at thecity of Saïs in Egypt. To me however this man seemed not to be speakingseriously when he said that he had certain knowledge of it; and he said asfollows, namely that there were two mountains of which the tops ran up toa sharp point, situated between the city of Syene, which is in thedistrict of Thebes, and Elephantine, and the names of the mountains were,of the one Crophi and of the other Mophi. From the middle between thesetwo mountains flowed (he said) the sources of the Nile, which werefathomless in depth, and half of the water flowed to Egypt and towards theNorth Wind, the other half to Ethiopia and the South Wind. As for thefathomless depth of the source, he said that Psammetichos king of Egyptcame to a trial of this matter; for he had a rope twisted of manythousands of fathoms and let it down in this place, and it found nobottom. By this the scribe (if this which he told me was really as hesaid) gave me to understand 35 that there were certain strong eddies thereand a backward flow, and that since the water dashed against themountains, therefore the sounding-line could not come to any bottom whenit was let down.

29. From no other person was I able to learn anything about this matter;but for the rest I learnt so much as here follows by the most diligentinquiry; 36 for I went myself as an eye-witness as far asthe city of Elephantine and from that point onwards I gathered knowledgeby report. From the city of Elephantine as one goes up the river there iscountry which slopes steeply; so that here one must attach ropes to thevessel on both sides, as one fastens an ox, and so make one's way onward;and if the rope break, the vessel is gone at once, carried away by theviolence of the stream. Through this country it is a voyage of about fourdays in length, and in this part the Nile is winding like the riverMaiander, and the distance amounts to twelve schoines, which onemust traverse in this manner. Then you will come to a level plain, inwhich the Nile flows round an island named Tachompso. (Now in the regionsabove Elephantine there dwell Ethiopians at once succeeding, who alsooccupy half of the island, 37 and Egyptians the other half.) Adjoining thisisland there is a great lake, round which dwell Ethiopian nomad tribes;and when you have sailed through this you will come to the stream of theNile again, which flows into this lake. After this you will disembark andmake a journey by land of forty days; for in the Nile sharp rocks standforth out of the water, and there are many reefs, by which it is notpossible for a vessel to pass. Then after having passed through thiscountry in the forty days which I have said, you will embark again inanother vessel and sail for twelve days; and after this you will come to agreat city called Meroe. This city is said to be the mother-city of allthe other Ethiopians: and they who dwell in it reverence of the gods Zeusand Dionysos alone, and these they greatly honour; and they have an Oracleof Zeus established, and make warlike marches whensoever this god commandsthem by prophesyings and to whatsoever place he commands.

30. Sailing from this city you will come to the "Deserters" in anotherperiod of time equal to that in which you came from Elephantine to themother-city of the Ethiopians. Now the name of these "Deserters" is Asmach,and this word signifies, when translated into the tongue of the Hellenes,"those who stand on the left hand of the king." These were two hundred andforty thousand Egyptians of the warrior class, who revolted and went overto the Ethiopians for the following cause:—In the reign ofPsammetichos garrisons were set, one towards the Ethiopians at the city ofElephantine, another towards the Arabians and Assyrians at Daphnai ofPelusion, and another towards Libya at Marea: and even in my own time thegarrisons of the Persians too are ordered in the same manner as these werein the reign of Psammetichos, for both at Elephantine and at Daphnai thePersians have outposts. The Egyptians then of whom I speak had served asoutposts for three years and no one relieved them from their guard;accordingly they took counsel together, and adopting a common plan theyall in a body revolted from Psammetichos and set out for Ethiopia. Hearingthis Psammetichos set forth in pursuit, and when he came up with them heentreated them much and endeavoured to persuade them not to desert thegods of their country and their children and wives: upon which it is saidthat one of them pointed to his privy member and said that wherever thiswas, there would they have both children and wives. When these came toEthiopia they gave themselves over to the king of the Ethiopians; and herewarded them as follows:—there were certain of the Ethiopians whohad come to be at variance with him; and he bade them drive these out anddwell in their land. So since these men settled in the land of theEthiopians, the Ethiopians have come to be of milder manners, from havinglearnt the customs of the Egyptians.

31. The Nile then, besides that part of its course which is in Egypt, isknown as far as a four months' journey by river and land: for that is thenumber of months which are found by reckoning to be spent in going fromElephantine to these "Deserters": and the river runs from the West and thesetting of the sun. But what comes after that no one can clearly say; forthis land is desert by reason of the burning heat.

32. Thus much however I heard from men of Kyrene, who told me that theyhad been to the Oracle of Ammon, and had come to speech with Etearchosking of the Ammonians: and it happened that after speaking of othermatters they fell to discourse about the Nile and how no one knew thesources of it; and Etearchos said that once there had come to him men ofthe Nasamonians (this is a Libyan race which dwells in the Syrtis, andalso in the land to the East of the Syrtis reaching to no great distance),and when the Nasamonians came and were asked by him whether they were ableto tell him anything more than he knew about the desert parts of Libya,they said that there had been among them certain sons of chief men, whowere of unruly disposition; and these when they grew up to be men haddevised various other extravagant things and also they had told off by lotfive of themselves to go to see the desert parts of Libya and to trywhether they could discover more than those who had previously exploredfurthest: for in those parts of Libya which are by the Northern Sea,beginning from Egypt and going as far as the headland of Soloeis, which isthe extreme point of Libya, Libyans (and of them many races) extend alongthe whole coast, except so much as the Hellenes and Phenicians hold; butin the upper parts, which lie above the sea-coast and above those peoplewhose land comes down to the sea, Libya is full of wild beasts; and in theparts above the land of wild beasts it is full of sand, terribly waterlessand utterly desert. These young men then (said they), being sent out bytheir companions well furnished with supplies of water and provisions,went first through the inhabited country, and after they had passedthrough this they came to the country of wild beasts, and after this theypassed through the desert, making their journey towards the West Wind; andhaving passed through a great tract of sand in many days, they saw at lasttrees growing in a level place; and having come up to them, they werebeginning to pluck the fruit which was upon the trees: but as they beganto pluck it, there came upon them small men, of less stature than men ofthe common size, and these seized them and carried them away; and neithercould the Nasamonians understand anything of their speech nor could thosewho were carrying them off understand anything of the speech of theNasamonians: and they led them (so it was said) through very great swamps,and after passing through these they came to a city in which all the menwere in size like those who carried them off and in colour of skin black;and by the city ran a great river, which ran from the West towards thesunrising, and in it were seen crocodiles.

33. Of the account given by Etearchos the Ammonian let so much suffice asis here said, except that, as the men of Kyrene told me, he alleged thatthe Nasamonians returned safe home, and that the people to whom they hadcome were all wizards. Now this river which ran by the city, Etearchosconjectured to be the Nile, and moreover reason compels us to think so;for the Nile flows from Libya and cuts Libya through in the midst, and asI conjecture, judging of what is not known by that which is evident to theview, it starts at a distance from its mouth equal to that of the Ister:for the river Ister begins from the Keltoi and the city of Pyrene and soruns that it divides Europe in the midst (now the Keltoi are outside thePillars of Heracles and border upon the Kynesians, who dwell furthesttowards the sunset of all those who have their dwelling in Europe); andthe Ister ends, having its course through the whole of Europe, by flowinginto the Euxine Sea at the place where the Milesians have their settlementof Istria.

34. Now the Ister, since it flows through land which is inhabited, isknown by the reports of many; but of the sources of the Nile no one cangive an account, for the part of Libya through which it flows isuninhabited and desert. About its course however so much as it waspossible to learn by the most diligent inquiry has been told; and it runsout into Egypt. Now Egypt lies nearly opposite to the mountain districtsof Kilikia; and from thence to Sinope, which lies upon the Euxine Sea, isa journey in the same straight line of five days for a man withoutencumbrance; 3701 and Sinope lies opposite to the placewhere the Ister runs out into the sea: thus I think that the Nile passesthrough the whole of Libya and is of equal measure with the Ister.

Of the Nile then let so much suffice as has been said.

35. Of Egypt however I shall make my report at length, because it haswonders more in number than any other land, and works too it has to showas much as any land, which are beyond expression great: for this reasonthen more shall be said concerning it.

The Egyptians in agreement with their climate, which is unlike any other,and with the river, which shows a nature different from all other rivers,established for themselves manners and customs in a way opposite to othermen in almost all matters: for among them the women frequent the marketand carry on trade, while the men remain at home and weave; and whereasothers weave pushing the woof upwards, the Egyptians push it downwards:the men carry their burdens upon their heads and the women upon theirshoulders: the women make water standing up and the men crouching down:they ease themselves in their houses and they eat without in the streets,alleging as reason for this that it is right to do secretly the thingsthat are unseemly though necessary, but those which are not unseemly, inpublic: no woman is a minister either of male or female divinity, but menof all, both male and female: to support their parents the sons are in noway compelled, if they do not desire to do so, but the daughters areforced to do so, be they never so unwilling.

36. The priests of the gods in other lands wear long hair, but in Egyptthey shave their heads: among other men the custom is that in mourningthose whom the matter concerns most nearly have their hair cut short, butthe Egyptians, when deaths occur, let their hair grow long, both that onthe head and that on the chin, having before been close shaven: other menhave their daily living separated from beasts, but the Egyptians havetheirs together with beasts: other men live on wheat and barley, but toany one of the Egyptians who makes his living on these it is a greatreproach; they make their bread of maize, 38 which some call spelt;39they knead dough with their feet and clay with their hands, with whichalso they gather up dung: and whereas other men, except such as havelearnt otherwise from the Egyptians, have their members as nature madethem, the Egyptians practise circumcision: as to garments, the men weartwo each and the women but one: and whereas others make fast the rings andropes of the sails outside the ship, the Egyptians do this inside: finallyin the writing of characters and reckoning with pebbles, while theHellenes carry the hand from the left to the right, the Egyptians do thisfrom the right to the left; and doing so they say that they do itthemselves rightwise and the Hellenes leftwise: and they use two kinds ofcharacters for writing, of which the one kind is called sacred and theother common. 40

37. They are religious excessively beyond all other men, and with regardto this they have customs as follows:—they drink from cups of bronzeand rinse them out every day, and not some only do this but all: they weargarments of linen always newly washed, and this they make a special pointof practice: they circumcise themselves for the sake of cleanliness,preferring to be clean rather than comely. The priests shave themselvesall over their body every other day, so that no lice or any other foulthing may come to be upon them when they minister to the gods; and thepriests wear garments of linen only and sandals of papyrus, and any othergarment they may not take nor other sandals; these wash themselves in coldwater twice in the day and twice again in the night; and other religiousservices they perform (one may almost say) of infinite number. 41They enjoy also good things not a few, for they do not consume or spendanything of their own substance, but there is sacred bread baked for themand they have each great quantity of flesh of oxen and geese coming in tothem each day, and also wine of grapes is given to them; but it is notpermitted to them to taste of fish: beans moreover the Egyptians do not atall sow in their land, and those which grow they neither eat raw nor boilfor food; nay the priests do not endure even to look upon them, thinkingthis to be an unclean kind of pulse: and there is not one priest only foreach of the gods but many, and of them one is chief-priest, and whenever apriest dies his son is appointed to his place.

38. The males of the ox kind they consider to belong to Epaphos, and onaccount of him they test them in the following manner:—If the priestsees one single black hair upon the beast he counts it not clean forsacrifice; and one of the priests who is appointed for the purpose makesinvestigation of these matters, both when the beast is standing uprightand when it is lying on its back, drawing out its tongue moreover, to seeif it is clean in respect of the appointed signs, which I shall tell of inanother part of the history: 42 he looks also at the hairs of the tail to seeif it has them growing in the natural manner: and if it be clean inrespect of all these things, he marks it with a piece of papyrus, rollingthis round the horns, and then when he has plastered sealing-earth over ithe sets upon it the seal of his signet-ring, and after that they take theanimal away. But for one who sacrifices a beast not sealed the penaltyappointed is death.

39. In this way then the beast is tested; and their appointed manner ofsacrifice is as follows:—they lead the sealed beast to the altarwhere they happen to be sacrificing and then kindle a fire: after that,having poured libations of wine over the altar so that it runs down uponthe victim and having called upon the god, they cut its throat, and havingcut its throat they sever the head from the body. The body then of thebeast they flay, but upon the head 43 they make manyimprecations first, and then they who have a market and Hellenessojourning among them for trade, these carry it to the market-place andsell it, while they who have no Hellenes among them cast it away into theriver: and this is the form of imprecation which they utter upon theheads, praying that if any evil be about to befall either themselves whoare offering sacrifice or the land of Egypt in general, it may come ratherupon this head. Now as regards the heads of the beasts which aresacrificed and the pouring over them of the wine, all the Egyptians havethe same customs equally for all their sacrifices; and by reason of thiscustom none of the Egyptians eat of the head either of this or of anyother kind of animal:

40, but the manner of disembowelling the victims and of burning them isappointed among them differently for different sacrifices; I shall speakhowever of the sacrifices to that goddess whom they regard as the greatestof all, and to whom they celebrate the greatest feast.—When theyhave flayed the bullock and made imprecation, they take out the whole ofits lower entrails but leave in the body the upper entrails and the fat;and they sever from it the legs and the end of the loin and the shouldersand the neck: and this done, they fill the rest of the body of the animalwith consecrated 44 loaves and honey and raisins and figs andfrankincense and myrrh and every other kind of spices, and having filledit with these they offer it, pouring over it great abundance of oil. Theymake their sacrifice after fasting, and while the offerings are beingburnt, they all beat themselves for mourning, and when they have finishedbeating themselves they set forth as a feast that which they left unburntof the sacrifice.

41. The clean males then of the ox kind, both full-grown animals andcalves, are sacrificed by all the Egyptians; the females however they maynot sacrifice, but these are sacred to Isis; for the figure of Isis is inthe form of a woman with cow's horns, just as the Hellenes present Io inpictures, and all the Egyptians without distinction reverence cows farmore than any other kind of cattle; for which reason neither man nor womanof Egyptian race would kiss a man who is a Hellene on the mouth, nor willthey use a knife or roasting-spits or a caldron belonging to a Hellene,nor taste of the flesh even of a clean animal if it has been cut with theknife of a Hellene. And the cattle of this kind which die they bury in thefollowing manner:—the females they cast into the river, but themales they bury, each people in the suburb of their town, with one of thehorns, or sometimes both, protruding to mark the place; and when thebodies have rotted away and the appointed time comes on, then to each citycomes a boat 45 from that which is called the island ofProsopitis (this is in the Delta, and the extent of its circuit is nine schoines).In this island of Prosopitis is situated, besides many other cities, thatone from which the boats come to take up the bones of the oxen, and thename of the city is Atarbechis, and in it there is set up a holy temple ofAphrodite. From this city many go abroad in various directions, some toone city and others to another, and when they have dug up the bones of theoxen they carry them off, and coming together they bury them in one singleplace. In the same manner as they bury the oxen they bury also their othercattle when they die; for about them also they have the same law laiddown, and these also they abstain from killing.

42. Now all who have a temple set up to the Theban Zeus or who are of thedistrict of Thebes, these, I say, all sacrifice goats and abstain fromsheep: for not all the Egyptians equally reverence the same gods, exceptonly Isis and Osiris (who they say is Dionysos), these they all reverencealike: but they who have a temple of Mendes or belong to the Mendesiandistrict, these abstain from goats and sacrifice sheep. Now the men ofThebes and those who after their example abstain from sheep, say that thiscustom was established among them for the cause which follows:—Heracles(they say) had an earnest desire to see Zeus, and Zeus did not desire tobe seen of him; and at last when Heracles was urgent in entreaty Zeuscontrived this device, that is to say, he flayed a ram and held in frontof him the head of the ram which he had cut off, and he put on over himthe fleece and then showed himself to him. Hence the Egyptians make theimage of Zeus into the face of a ram; and the Ammonians do so also aftertheir example, being settlers both from the Egyptians and from theEthiopians, and using a language which is a medley of both tongues: and inmy opinion it is from this god that the Ammonians took the name which theyhave, for the Egyptians call Zeus Amun. The Thebans then do notsacrifice rams but hold them sacred for this reason; on one day however inthe year, on the feast of Zeus, they cut up in the same manner and flayone single ram and cover with its skin the image of Zeus, and then theybring up to it another image of Heracles. This done, all who are in thetemple beat themselves in lamentation for the ram, and then they bury itin a sacred tomb.

43. About Heracles I heard the account given that he was of the number ofthe twelve gods; but of the other Heracles whom the Hellenes know I wasnot able to hear in any part of Egypt: and moreover to prove that theEgyptians did not take the name of Heracles from the Hellenes, but ratherthe Hellenes from the Egyptians,—that is to say those of theHellenes who gave the name Heracles to the son of Amphitryon,—ofthat, I say, besides many other evidences there is chiefly this, namelythat the parents of this Heracles, Amphitryon and Alcmene, were both ofEgypt by descent, 46 and also that the Egyptians say that they donot know the names either of Poseidon or of the Dioscuroi, nor have thesebeen accepted by them as gods among the other gods; whereas if they hadreceived from the Hellenes the name of any divinity, they would naturallyhave preserved the memory of these most of all, assuming that in thosetimes as now some of the Hellenes were wont to make voyages 4601and were sea-faring folk, as I suppose and as my judgment compels me tothink; so that the Egyptians would have learnt the names of these godseven more than that of Heracles. In fact however Heracles is a veryancient Egyptian god; and (as they say themselves) it is seventeenthousand years to the beginning of the reign of Amasis from the time whenthe twelve gods, of whom they count that Heracles is one, were begotten ofthe eight gods.

44. I moreover, desiring to know something certain of these matters so faras might be, made a voyage also to Tyre of Phenicia, hearing that in thatplace there was a holy temple of Heracles; and I saw that it was richlyfurnished with many votive offerings besides, and especially there were init two pillars, 47 the one of pure gold and the other of anemerald stone of such size as to shine by night: 48 and having come tospeech with the priests of the god, I asked them how long time it wassince their temple had been set up: and these also I found to be atvariance with the Hellenes, for they said that at the same time when Tyrewas founded, the temple of the god also had been set up, and that it was aperiod of two thousand three hundred years since their people began todwell at Tyre. I saw also at Tyre another temple of Heracles, with thesurname Thasian; and I came to Thasos also and there I found a temple ofHeracles set up by the Phenicians, who had sailed out to seek for Europaand had colonised Thasos; and these things happened full five generationsof men before Heracles the son of Amphitryon was born in Hellas. So thenmy inquiries show clearly that Heracles is an ancient god, and those ofthe Hellenes seem to me to act most rightly who have two temples ofHeracles set up, and who sacrifice to the one as an immortal god and withthe title Olympian, and make offerings of the dead 49 to the other as a hero.

45. Moreover, besides many other stories which the Hellenes tell withoutdue consideration, this tale is especially foolish which they tell aboutHeracles, namely that when he came to Egypt, the Egyptians put on himwreaths and led him forth in procession to sacrifice him to Zeus; and hefor some time kept quiet, but when they were beginning the sacrifice ofhim at the altar, he betook himself to prowess and slew them all. I for mypart am of opinion that the Hellenes when they tell this tale arealtogether without knowledge of the nature and customs of the Egyptians;for how should they for whom it is not lawful to sacrifice even beasts,except swine 50 and the males of oxen and calves (such of themas are clean) and geese, how should these sacrifice human beings? Besidesthis, how is it in nature possible that Heracles, being one person onlyand moreover a man (as they assert), should slay many myriads? Having saidso much of these matters, we pray that we may have grace from both thegods and the heroes for our speech.

46. Now the reason why those of the Egyptians whom I have mentioned do notsacrifice goats, female or male, is this:—the Mendesians count Panto be one of the eight gods (now these eight gods they say came into beingbefore the twelve gods), and the painters and image-makers represent inpainting and in sculpture the figure of Pan, just as the Hellenes do, withgoat's face and legs, not supposing him to be really like this but toresemble the other gods; the cause however why they represent him in thisform I prefer not to say. The Mendesians then reverence all goats and themales more than the females (and the goatherds too have greater honourthan other herdsmen), but of the goats one especially is reverenced, andwhen he dies there is great mourning in all the Mendesian district: andboth the goat and Pan are called in the Egyptian tongue Mendes.Moreover in my lifetime there happened in that district this marvel, thatis to say a he-goat had intercourse with a woman publicly, and this was sodone that all men might have evidence of it.

47. The pig is accounted by the Egyptians an abominable animal; and first,if any of them in passing by touch a pig, he goes into the river and dipshimself forthwith in the water together with his garments; and then tooswineherds, though they be native Egyptians, unlike all others do notenter any of the temples in Egypt, nor is anyone willing to give hisdaughter in marriage to one of them or to take a wife from among them; butthe swineherds both give in marriage to one another and take from oneanother. Now to the other gods the Egyptians do not think it right tosacrifice swine; but to the Moon and to Dionysos alone at the same timeand on the same full-moon they sacrifice swine, and then eat their flesh:and as to the reason why, when they abominate swine at all their otherfeasts, they sacrifice them at this, there is a story told by theEgyptians; and this story I know, but it is not a seemly one for me totell. Now the sacrifice of the swine to the Moon is performed as follows:—whenthe priest has slain the victim, he puts together the end of the tail andthe spleen and the caul, and covers them up with the whole of the fat ofthe animal which is about the paunch, and then he offers them with fire;and the rest of the flesh they eat on that day of full moon upon whichthey have held the sacrifice, but on any day after this they will nottaste of it: the poor however among them by reason of the scantiness oftheir means shape pigs of dough and having baked them they offer these asa sacrifice.

48. Then for Dionysos on the eve of the festival each one kills a pig bycutting its throat before his own doors, and after that he gives the pigto the swineherd who sold it to him, to carry away again; and the rest ofthe feast of Dionysos is celebrated by the Egyptians in the same way as bythe Hellenes in almost all things except choral dances, but instead of thephallos they have invented another contrivance, namely figures ofabout a cubit in height worked by strings, which women carry about thevillages, with the privy member made to move and not much less in sizethan the rest of the body: and a flute goes before and they follow singingthe praises of Dionysos. As to the reason why the figure has this memberlarger than is natural and moves it, though it moves no other part of thebody, about this there is a sacred story told.

49. Now I think that Melampus the son of Amytheon was not withoutknowledge of these rites of sacrifice, but was acquainted with them: forMelampus is he who first set forth to the Hellenes the name of Dionysosand the manner of sacrifice and the procession of the phallos.Strictly speaking indeed, he when he made it known did not take in thewhole, but those wise men who came after him made it known more at large.Melampus then is he who taught of the phallos which is carried inprocession for Dionysos, and from him the Hellenes learnt to do that whichthey do. I say then that Melampus being a man of ability contrived forhimself an art of divination, and having learnt from Egypt he taught theHellenes many things, and among them those that concern Dionysos, makingchanges in some few points of them: for I shall not say that that which isdone in worship of the god in Egypt came accidentally to be the same withthat which is done among the Hellenes, for then these rites would havebeen in character with the Hellenic worship and not lately brought in; norcertainly shall I say that the Egyptians took from the Hellenes eitherthis or any other customary observance: but I think it most probable thatMelampus learnt the matters concerning Dionysos from Cadmos the Tyrian andfrom those who came with him from Phenicia to the land which we now callBoeotia.

50. Moreover the naming 51 of almost all the gods has come to Hellas fromEgypt: for that it has come from the Barbarians I find by inquiry is true,and I am of opinion that most probably it has come from Egypt, because,except in the case of Poseidon and the Dioscuroi (in accordance with thatwhich I have said before), and also of Hera and Hestia and Themis and theCharites and Nereïds, the Egyptians have had the names of all the othergods in their country for all time. What I say here is that which theEgyptians think themselves: but as for the gods whose names they professthat they do not know, these I think received their naming from thePelasgians, except Poseidon; but about this god the Hellenes learnt fromthe Libyans, for no people except the Libyans have had the name ofPoseidon from the first and have paid honour to this god always. Nor, itmay be added, have the Egyptians any custom of worshipping heroes.

51. These observances then, and others besides these which I shallmention, the Hellenes have adopted from the Egyptians; but to make, asthey do, the images of Hermes with the phallos they have learnt notfrom the Egyptians but from the Pelasgians, the custom having beenreceived by the Athenians first of all the Hellenes and from these by therest; for just at the time when the Athenians were beginning to rank amongthe Hellenes, the Pelasgians became dwellers with them in their land, andfrom this very cause it was that they began to be counted as Hellenes.Whosoever has been initiated in the mysteries of the Cabeiroi, which theSamothrakians perform having received them from the Pelasgians, that manknows the meaning of my speech; for these very Pelasgians who becamedwellers with the Athenians used to dwell before that time in Samothrake,and from them the Samothrakians received their mysteries. So then theAthenians were the first of the Hellenes who made the images of Hermeswith the phallos, having learnt from the Pelasgians; and thePelasgians told a sacred story about it, which is set forth in themysteries in Samothrake.

52. Now the Pelasgians formerly were wont to make all their sacrificescalling upon the gods in prayer, as I know from that which I heard atDodona, but they gave no title or name to any of them, for they had notyet heard any, but they called them gods ({theous}) from some such notionas this, that they had set ({thentes}) in order all things and so had thedistribution of everything. Afterwards, when much time had elapsed, theylearnt from Egypt the names of the gods, all except Dionysos, for his namethey learnt long afterwards; and after a time the Pelasgians consulted theOracle at Dodona about the names, for this prophetic seat is accounted tobe the most ancient of the Oracles which are among the Hellenes, and atthat time it was the only one. So when the Pelasgians asked the Oracle atDodona whether they should adopt the names which had come from theBarbarians, the Oracle in reply bade them make use of the names. From thistime they sacrificed using the names of the gods, and from the Pelasgiansthe Hellenes afterwards received them:

53, but whence the several gods had their birth, or whether they all werefrom the beginning, and of what form they are, they did not learn tillyesterday, as it were, or the day before: for Hesiod and Homer I supposewere four hundred years before my time and not more, and these are theywho made a theogony for the Hellenes and gave the titles to the gods anddistributed to them honours and arts, and set forth their forms: but thepoets who are said to have been before these men were really in my opinionafter them. Of these things the first are said by the priestesses ofDodona, and the latter things, those namely which have regard to Hesiodand Homer, by myself.

54. As regards the Oracles both that among the Hellenes and that in Libya,the Egyptians tell the following tale. The priests of the Theban Zeus toldme that two women in the service of the temple had been carried away fromThebes by Phenicians, and that they had heard that one of them had beensold to go into Libya and the other to the Hellenes; and these women, theysaid, were they who first founded the prophetic seats among the nationswhich have been named: and when I inquired whence they knew so perfectlyof this tale which they told, they said in reply that a great search hadbeen made by the priests after these women, and that they had not beenable to find them, but they had heard afterwards this tale about themwhich they were telling.

55. This I heard from the priests at Thebes, and what follows is said bythe prophetesses 52 of Dodona. They say that two black doves flewfrom Thebes to Egypt, and came one of them to Libya and the other to theirland. And this latter settled upon an oak-tree 53 and spoke with humanvoice, saying that it was necessary that a prophetic seat of Zeus shouldbe established in that place; and they supposed that that was of the godswhich was announced to them, and made one accordingly: and the dove whichwent away to the Libyans, they say, bade the Libyans to make an Oracle ofAmmon; and this also is of Zeus. The priestesses of Dodona told me thesethings, of whom the eldest was named Promeneia, the next after herTimarete, and the youngest Nicandra; and the other people of Dodona whowere engaged about the temple gave accounts agreeing with theirs.

56. I however have an opinion about the matter as follows:—If thePhenicians did in truth carry away the consecrated women and sold one ofthem into Libya and the other into Hellas, I suppose that in the countrynow called Hellas, which was formerly called Pelasgia, this woman was soldinto the land of the Thesprotians; and then being a slave there she set upa sanctuary of Zeus under a real oak-tree; 54 as indeed it wasnatural that being an attendant of the sanctuary of Zeus at Thebes, sheshould there, in the place to which she had come, have a memory of him;and after this, when she got understanding of the Hellenic tongue, sheestablished an Oracle, and she reported, I suppose, that her sister hadbeen sold in Libya by the same Phenicians by whom she herself had beensold.

57. Moreover, I think that the women were called doves by the people ofDodona for the reason that they were Barbarians and because it seemed tothem that they uttered voice like birds; but after a time (they say) thedove spoke with human voice, that is when the woman began to speak so thatthey could understand; but so long as she spoke a Barbarian tongue sheseemed to them to be uttering voice like a bird: for had it been really adove, how could it speak with human voice? And in saying that the dove wasblack, they indicate that the woman was Egyptian. The ways of deliveringoracles too at Thebes in Egypt and at Dodona closely resemble one another,as it happens, and also the method of divination by victims has come fromEgypt.

58. Moreover, it is true also that the Egyptians were the first of men whomade solemn assemblies 55 and processions and approaches to the temples,56and from them the Hellenes have learnt them, and my evidence for this isthat the Egyptian celebrations of these have been held from a very ancienttime, whereas the Hellenic were introduced 57 but lately.

59. The Egyptians hold their solemn assemblies not once in the year butoften, especially and with the greatest zeal and devotion 58 atthe city of Bubastis for Artemis, and next at Busiris for Isis; for inthis last-named city there is a very great temple of Isis, and this citystands in the middle of the Delta of Egypt; now Isis is in the tongue ofthe Hellenes Demeter: thirdly, they have a solemn assembly at the city ofSaïs for Athene, fourthly at Heliopolis for the Sun (Helios), fifthly atthe city of Buto in honour of Leto, and sixthly at the city of Papremisfor Ares.

60. Now, when they are coming to the city of Bubastis they do as follows:—theysail men and women together, and a great multitude of each sex in everyboat; and some of the women have rattles and rattle with them, while someof the men play the flute during the whole time of the voyage, and therest, both women and men, sing and clap their hands; and when as they sailthey come opposite to any city on the way they bring the boat to land, andsome of the women continue to do as I have said, others cry aloud and jeerat the women in that city, some dance, and some stand up and pull up theirgarments. This they do by every city along the river-bank; and when theycome to Bubastis they hold festival celebrating great sacrifices, and morewine of grapes is consumed upon that festival than during the whole of therest of the year. To this place (so say the natives) they come togetheryear by year 59 even to the number of seventy myriads 5901of men and women, besides children.

61. Thus it is done here; and how they celebrate the festival in honour ofIsis at the city of Busiris has been told by me before: 60for, as I said, they beat themselves in mourning after the sacrifice, allof them both men and women, very many myriads of people; but for whom theybeat themselves it is not permitted to me by religion to say: and so manyas there are of the Carians dwelling in Egypt do this even more than theEgyptians themselves, inasmuch as they cut their foreheads also withknives; and by this it is manifested that they are strangers and notEgyptians.

62. At the times when they gather together at the city of Saïs for theirsacrifices, on a certain night 61 they all kindle lampsmany in number in the open air round about the houses; now the lamps aresaucers full of salt and oil mixed, and the wick floats by itself on thesurface, and this burns during the whole night; and to the festival isgiven the name Lychnocaia (the lighting of the lamps). Moreoverthose of the Egyptians who have not come to this solemn assembly observethe night of the festival and themselves also light lamps all of them, andthus not in Saïs alone are they lighted, but over all Egypt: and as to thereason why light and honour are allotted to this night, 62about this there is a sacred story told.

63. To Heliopolis and Buto they go year by year and do sacrifice only: butat Papremis they do sacrifice and worship as elsewhere, and besides that,when the sun begins to go down, while some few of the priests are occupiedwith the image of the god, the greater number of them stand in theentrance of the temple with wooden clubs, and other persons to the numberof more than a thousand men with purpose to perform a vow, these alsohaving all of them staves of wood, stand in a body opposite to those: andthe image, which is in a small shrine of wood covered over with gold, theytake out on the day before to another sacred building. The few then whohave been left about the image, draw a wain with four wheels, which bearsthe shrine and the image that is within the shrine, and the other priestsstanding in the gateway try to prevent it from entering, and the men whoare under a vow come to the assistance of the god and strike them, whilethe others defend themselves. 63 Then there comes to bea hard fight with staves, and they break one another's heads, and I am ofopinion that many even die of the wounds they receive; the Egyptianshowever told me that no one died. This solemn assembly the people of theplace say that they established for the following reason:—the motherof Ares, they say, used to dwell in this temple, and Ares, having beenbrought up away from her, when he grew up came thither desiring to visithis mother, and the attendants of his mother's temple, not having seen himbefore, did not permit him to pass in, but kept him away; and he broughtmen to help him from another city and handled roughly the attendants ofthe temple, and entered to visit his mother. Hence, they say, thisexchange of blows has become the custom in honour of Ares upon hisfestival.

64. The Egyptians were the first who made it a point of religion not tolie with women in temples, nor to enter into temples after going away fromwomen without first bathing: for almost all other men except the Egyptiansand the Hellenes lie with women in temples and enter into a temple aftergoing away from women without bathing, since they hold that there is nodifference in this respect between men and beasts: for they say that theysee beasts and the various kinds of birds coupling together both in thetemples and in the sacred enclosures of the gods; if then this were notpleasing to the god, the beasts would not do so.

65. Thus do these defend that which they do, which by me is disallowed:but the Egyptians are excessively careful in their observances, both inother matters which concern the sacred rites and also in those whichfollow:—Egypt, though it borders upon Libya, 6301does not very much abound in wild animals, but such as they have are oneand all accounted by them sacred, some of them living with men and othersnot. But if I should say for what reasons the sacred animals have beenthus dedicated, I should fall into discourse of matters pertaining to thegods, of which I most desire not to speak; and what I have actually saidtouching slightly upon them, I said because I was constrained bynecessity. About these animals there is a custom of this kind:—personshave been appointed of the Egyptians, both men and women, to provide thefood for each kind of beast separately, and their office goes down fromfather to son; and those who dwell in the various cities perform vows tothem thus, that is, when they make a vow to the god to whom the animalbelongs, they shave the head of their children either the whole or thehalf or the third part of it, and then set the hair in the balance againstsilver, and whatever it weighs, this the man gives to the person whoprovides for the animals, and she cuts up fish of equal value and gives itfor food to the animals. Thus food for their support has been appointed:and if any one kill any of these animals, the penalty, if he do it withhis own will, is death, and if against his will, such penalty as thepriests may appoint: but whosoever shall kill an ibis or a hawk, whetherit be with his will or against his will, must die.

66. Of the animals that live with men there are great numbers, and wouldbe many more but for the accidents which befall the cats. For when thefemales have produced young they are no longer in the habit of going tothe males, and these seeking to be united with them are not able. To thisend then they contrive as follows,—they either take away by force orremove secretly the young from the females and kill them (but afterkilling they do not eat them), and the females being deprived of theiryoung and desiring more, therefore come to the males, for it is a creaturethat is fond of its young. Moreover when a fire occurs, the cats seem tobe divinely possessed; 64 for while the Egyptians stand at intervals andlook after the cats, not taking any care to extinguish the fire, the catsslipping through or leaping over the men, jump into the fire; and whenthis happens, great mourning comes upon the Egyptians. And in whateverhouses a cat has died by a natural death, all those who dwell in thishouse shave their eyebrows only, but those in whose houses a dog has diedshave their whole body and also their head.

67. The cats when they are dead are carried away to sacred buildings inthe city of Bubastis, where after being embalmed they are buried; but thedogs they bury each people in their own city in sacred tombs; and theichneumons are buried just in the same way as the dogs. The shrew-micehowever and the hawks they carry away to the city of Buto, and the ibisesto Hermopolis; 65 the bears (which are not commonly seen) andthe wolves, not much larger in size than foxes, they bury on the spotwhere they are found lying.

68. Of the crocodile the nature is as follows:—during the four mostwintry months this creature eats nothing: she has four feet and is ananimal belonging to the land and the water both; for she produces andhatches eggs on the land, and the most part of the day she remains upondry land, but the whole of the night in the river, for the water in truthis warmer than the unclouded open air and the dew. Of all the mortalcreatures of which we have knowledge this grows to the greatest bulk fromthe smallest beginning; for the eggs which she produces are not muchlarger than those of geese and the newly-hatched young one is inproportion to the egg, but as he grows he becomes as much as seventeencubits long and sometimes yet larger. He has eyes like those of a pig andteeth large and tusky, in proportion to the size of his body; but unlikeall other beasts he grows no tongue, neither does he move his lower jaw,but brings the upper jaw towards the lower, being in this too unlike allother beasts. He has moreover strong claws and a scaly hide upon his backwhich cannot be pierced; and he is blind in the water, but in the air heis of very keen sight. Since he has his living in the water he keeps hismouth all full within of leeches; and whereas all other birds and beastsfly from him, the trochilus is a creature which is at peace with him,seeing that from her he receives benefit; for the crocodile having comeout of the water to the land and then having opened his mouth (this he iswont to do generally towards the West Wind), the trochilus upon thatenters into his mouth and swallows down the leeches, and he beingbenefited is pleased and does no harm to the trochilus.

69. Now for some of the Egyptians the crocodiles are sacred animals, andfor others not so, but they treat them on the contrary as enemies: thosehowever who dwell about Thebes and about the lake of Moiris hold them tobe most sacred, and each of these two peoples keeps one crocodile selectedfrom the whole number, which has been trained to tameness, and they puthanging ornaments of molten stone and of gold into the ears of these andanklets round the front feet, and they give them food appointed andvictims of sacrifices and treat them as well as possible while they live,and after they are dead they bury them in sacred tombs, embalming them:but those who dwell about the city of Elephantine even eat them, notholding them to be sacred. They are called not crocodiles but champsai,and the Ionians gave them the name of crocodile, comparing their form tothat of the crocodiles (lizards) which appear in their country in thestone walls.

70. There are many ways in use of catching them and of various kinds: Ishall describe that which to me seems the most worthy of being told. A manputs the back of a pig upon a hook as bait, and lets it go into the middleof the river, while he himself upon the bank of the river has a young livepig, which he beats; and the crocodile hearing its cries makes for thedirection of the sound, and when he finds the pig's back he swallows itdown: then they pull, and when he is drawn out to land, first of all thehunter forthwith plasters up his eyes with mud, and having so done he veryeasily gets the mastery of him, but if he does not do so he has muchtrouble.

71. The river-horse is sacred in the district of Papremis, but for theother Egyptians he is not sacred; and this is the appearance which hepresents: he is four-footed, cloven-hoofed like an ox, 66flat-nosed, with a mane like a horse and showing teeth like tusks, with atail and voice like a horse, and in size as large as the largest ox; andhis hide is so exceedingly thick that when it has been dried shafts ofjavelins are made of it.

72. There are moreover otters in the river, which they consider to besacred; and of fish also they esteem that which is called the lepidotosto be sacred, and also the eel; and these they say are sacred to the Nile:and of birds the fox-goose.

73. There is also another sacred bird called the phoenix which I did notmyself see except in painting, for in truth he comes to them very rarely,at intervals, as the people of Heliopolis say, of five hundred years; andthese say that he comes regularly when his father dies; and if he be likethe painting, he is of this size and nature, that is to say, some of hisfeathers are of gold colour and others red, and in outline and size he isas nearly as possible like an eagle. This bird they say (but I cannotbelieve the story) contrives as follows:—setting forth from Arabiahe conveys his father, they say, to the temple of the Sun (Helios)plastered up in myrrh, and buries him in the temple of the Sun; and heconveys him thus:—he forms first an egg of myrrh as large as he isable to carry, and then he makes trial of carrying it, and when he hasmade trial sufficiently, then he hollows out the egg and places his fatherwithin it and plasters over with other myrrh that part of the egg where hehollowed it out to put his father in, and when his father is laid in it,it proves (they say) to be of the same weight as it was; and after he hasplastered it up, he conveys the whole to Egypt to the temple of the Sun.Thus they say that this bird does.

74. There are also about Thebes sacred serpents, not at all harmful tomen, which are small in size and have two horns growing from the top ofthe head: these they bury when they die in the temple of Zeus, for to thisgod they say that they are sacred.

75. There is a region moreover in Arabia, situated nearly over against thecity of Buto, to which place I came to inquire about the winged serpents:and when I came thither I saw bones of serpents and spines in quantity sogreat that it is impossible to make report of the number, and there wereheaps of spines, some heaps large and others less large and others smallerstill than these, and these heaps were many in number. This region inwhich the spines are scattered upon the ground is of the nature of anentrance from a narrow mountain pass to a great plain, which plain adjoinsthe plain of Egypt; and the story goes that at the beginning of springwinged serpents from Arabia fly towards Egypt, and the birds called ibisesmeet them at the entrance to this country and do not suffer the serpentsto go by but kill them. On account of this deed it is (say the Arabians)that the ibis has come to be greatly honoured by the Egyptians, and theEgyptians also agree that it is for this reason that they honour thesebirds.

76. The outward form of the ibis is this:—it is a deep black allover, and has legs like those of a crane and a very curved beak, and insize it is about equal to a rail: this is the appearance of the black kindwhich fight with the serpents, but of those which most crowd round men'sfeet (for there are two several kinds of ibises) the head is bare and alsothe whole of the throat, and it is white in feathering except the head andneck and the extremities of the wings and the rump (in all these parts ofwhich I have spoken it is a deep black), while in legs and in the form ofthe head it resembles the other. As for the serpent its form is like thatof the watersnake; and it has wings not feathered but most nearlyresembling the wings of the bat. Let so much suffice as has been said nowconcerning sacred animals.

77. Of the Egyptians themselves, those who dwell in the part of Egyptwhich is sown for crops 67 practise memory more than any other men andare the most learned in history by far of all those of whom I have hadexperience: and their manner of life is as follows:—For threesuccessive days in each month they purge, hunting after health withemetics and clysters, and they think that all the diseases which exist areproduced in men by the food on which they live; for the Egyptians are fromother causes also the most healthy of all men next after the Libyans (inmy opinion on account of the seasons, because the seasons do not change,for by the changes of things generally, and especially of the seasons,diseases are most apt to be produced in men), and as to their diet, it isas follows:—they eat bread, making loaves of maize, which they callkyllestis, and they use habitually a wine made out of barley, forvines they have not in their land. Of their fish some they dry in the sunand then eat them without cooking, others they eat cured in brine. Ofbirds they eat quails and ducks and small birds without cooking, afterfirst curing them; and everything else which they have belonging to theclass of birds or fishes, except such as have been set apart by them assacred, they eat roasted or boiled.

78. In the entertainments of the rich among them, when they have finishedeating, a man bears round a wooden figure of a dead body in a coffin, madeas like the reality as may be both by painting and carving, and measuringabout a cubit or two cubits each way; 68 and this he shows toeach of those who are drinking together, saying: "When thou lookest uponthis, drink and be merry, for thou shalt be such as this when thou artdead." Thus they do at their carousals.

79. The customs which they practise are derived from their fathers andthey do not acquire others in addition; but besides other customary thingsamong them which are worthy of mention, they have one song, 6801that of Linos, the same who is sung of both in Phenicia and in Cyprus andelsewhere, having however a name different according to the variousnations. This song agrees exactly with that which the Hellenes singcalling on the name of Linos, 69 so that besides manyother things about which I wonder among those matters which concern Egypt,I wonder especially about this, namely whence they got the song of Linos.70It is evident however that they have sung this song from immemorial time,and in the Egyptian tongue Linos is called Maneros. The Egyptians told methat he was the only son of him who first became king of Egypt, and thathe died before his time and was honoured with these lamentations by theEgyptians, and that this was their first and only song.

80. In another respect the Egyptians are in agreement with some of theHellenes, namely with the Lacedemonians, but not with the rest, that is tosay, the younger of them when they meet the elder give way and move out ofthe path, and when their elders approach they rise out of their seat. Inthis which follows however they are not in agreement with any of theHellenes,—instead of addressing one another in the roads they doreverence, lowering their hand down to their knee.

81. They wear tunics of linen about their legs with fringes, which theycall calasiris; above these they have garments of white wool thrownover: woollen garments however are not taken into the temples, nor arethey buried with them, for this is not permitted by religion. In thesepoints they are in agreement with the observances called Orphic andBacchic (which are really Egyptian), 71 and also with those ofthe Pythagoreans, for one who takes part in these mysteries is alsoforbidden by religious rule to be buried in woollen garments; and aboutthis there is a sacred story told.

82. Besides these things the Egyptians have found out also to what godeach month and each day belongs, and what fortunes a man will meet withwho is born on any particular day, and how he will die, and what kind of aman he will be: and these inventions were taken up by those of theHellenes who occupied themselves about poesy. Portents too have been foundout by them more than by all other men besides; for when a portent hashappened, they observe and write down the event which comes of it, and ifever afterwards anything resembling this happens, they believe that theevent which comes of it will be similar.

83. Their divination is ordered thus:—the art is assigned not to anyman, but to certain of the gods, for there are in their land Oracles ofHeracles, of Apollo, of Athene, of Artemis, of Ares, and of Zeus, andmoreover that which they hold most in honour of all, namely the Oracle ofLeto which is in the city of Buto. The manner of divination however is notyet established among them according to the same fashion everywhere, butis different in different places.

84. The art of medicine among them is distributed thus:—eachphysician is a physician of one disease and of no more; and the wholecountry is full of physicians, for some profess themselves to bephysicians of the eyes, others of the head, others of the teeth, others ofthe affections of the stomach, and others of the more obscure ailments.

85. Their fashions of mourning and of burial are these:—Whenever anyhousehold has lost a man who is of any regard amongst them, the wholenumber of women of that house forthwith plaster over their heads or eventheir faces with mud. Then leaving the corpse within the house they gothemselves to and fro about the city and beat themselves, with theirgarments bound up by a girdle 72 and their breastsexposed, and with them go all the women who are related to the dead man,and on the other side the men beat themselves, they too having theirgarments bound up by a girdle; and when they have done this, they thenconvey the body to the embalming.

86. In this occupation certain persons employ themselves regularly andinherit this as a craft. These, whenever a corpse is conveyed to them,show to those who brought it wooden models of corpses made like reality bypainting, and the best of the ways of embalming they say is that of himwhose name I think it impiety to mention when speaking of a matter of sucha kind; 73the second which they show is less good than this and also less expensive;and the third is the least expensive of all. Having told them about this,they inquire of them in which way they desire the corpse of their friendto be prepared. Then they after they have agreed for a certain pricedepart out of the way, and the others being left behind in the buildingsembalm according to the best of these ways thus:—First with acrooked iron tool they draw out the brain through the nostrils, extractingit partly thus and partly by pouring in drugs; and after this with a sharpstone of Ethiopia they make a cut along the side and take out the wholecontents of the belly, and when they have cleared out the cavity andcleansed it with palm-wine they cleanse it again with spices pounded up:then they fill the belly with pure myrrh pounded up and with cassia andother spices except frankincense, and sew it together again. Having sodone they keep it for embalming covered up in natron for seventy days, butfor a longer time than this it is not permitted to embalm it; and when theseventy days are past, they wash the corpse and roll its whole body up infine linen 74 cut into bands, smearing these beneath withgum, 75which the Egyptians use generally instead of glue. Then the kinsfolkreceive it from them and have a wooden figure made in the shape of a man,and when they have had this made they enclose the corpse, and having shutit up within, they store it then in a sepulchral chamber, setting it tostand upright against the wall.

87. Thus they deal with the corpses which are prepared in the most costlyway; but for those who desire the middle way and wish to avoid great costthey prepare the corpse as follows:—having filled their syringeswith the oil which is got from cedar-wood, with this they forthwith fillthe belly of the corpse, and this they do without having either cut itopen or taken out the bowels, but they inject the oil by the breech, andhaving stopped the drench from returning back they keep it then theappointed number of days for embalming, and on the last of the days theylet the cedar oil come out from the belly, which they before put in; andit has such power that it brings out with it the bowels and interiororgans of the body dissolved; and the natron dissolves the flesh, so thatthere is left of the corpse only the skin and the bones. When they havedone this they give back the corpse at once in that condition withoutworking upon it any more.

88. The third kind of embalming, by which are prepared the bodies of thosewho have less means, is as follows:—they cleanse out the belly witha purge and then keep the body for embalming during the seventy days, andat once after that they give it back to the bringers to carry away.

89. The wives of men of rank when they die are not given at once to beembalmed, nor such women as are very beautiful or of greater regard thanothers, but on the third or fourth day after their death (and not before)they are delivered to the embalmers. They do so about this matter in orderthat the embalmers may not abuse their women, for they say that one ofthem was taken once doing so to the corpse of a woman lately dead, and hisfellow-craftsman gave information.

90. Whenever any one, either of the Egyptians themselves or of strangers,is found to have been carried off by a crocodile or brought to his deathby the river itself, the people of any city by which he may have been castup on land must embalm him and lay him out in the fairest way they can andbury him in a sacred burial-place, nor may any of his relations or friendsbesides touch him, but the priests of the Nile themselves handle thecorpse and bury it as that of one who was something more than man.

91. Hellenic usages they will by no means follow, and to speak generallythey follow those of no other men whatever. This rule is observed by mostof the Egyptians; but there is a large city named Chemmis in the Thebandistrict near Neapolis, and in this city there is a temple of Perseus theson of Danae which is of a square shape, and round it grow date-palms: thegateway of the temple is built of stone and of very great size, and at theentrance of it stand two great statues of stone. Within this enclosure isa temple-house 76 and in it stands an image of Perseus. Thesepeople of Chemmis say that Perseus is wont often to appear in their landand often within the temple, and that a sandal which has been worn by himis found sometimes, being in length two cubits, and whenever this appearsall Egypt prospers. This they say, and they do in honour of Perseus afterHellenic fashion thus,—they hold an athletic contest, which includesthe whole list of games, and they offer in prizes cattle and cloaks andskins: and when I inquired why to them alone Perseus was wont to appear,and wherefore they were separated from all the other Egyptians in thatthey held an athletic contest, they said that Perseus had been born oftheir city, for Danaos and Lynkeus were men of Chemmis and had sailed toHellas, and from them they traced a descent and came down to Perseus: andthey told me that he had come to Egypt for the reason which the Hellenesalso say, namely to bring from Libya the Gorgon's head, and had thenvisited them also and recognised all his kinsfolk, and they said that hehad well learnt the name of Chemmis before he came to Egypt, since he hadheard it from his mother, and that they celebrated an athletic contest forhim by his own command.

92. All these are customs practised by the Egyptians who dwell above thefens: and those who are settled in the fen-land have the same customs forthe most part as the other Egyptians, both in other matters and also inthat they live each with one wife only, as do the Hellenes; but foreconomy in respect of food they have invented these things besides:—whenthe river has become full and the plains have been flooded, there grow inthe water great numbers of lilies, which the Egyptians call lotos;these they cut with a sickle and dry in the sun, and then they pound thatwhich grows in the middle of the lotos and which is like the head of apoppy, and they make of it loaves baked with fire. The root also of thislotos is edible and has a rather sweet taste: 77 it is round in shapeand about the size of an apple. There are other lilies too, in flowerresembling roses, which also grow in the river, and from them the fruit isproduced in a separate vessel springing from the root by the side of theplant itself, and very nearly resembles a wasp's comb: in this there growedible seeds in great numbers of the size of an olive-stone, and they areeaten either fresh 78 or dried. Besides this they pull up from thefens the papyrus which grows every year, and the upper parts of it theycut off and turn to other uses, but that which is left below for about acubit in length they eat or sell: and those who desire to have the papyrusat its very best bake it in an oven heated red-hot, and then eat it. Sometoo of these people live on fish alone, which they dry in the sun afterhaving caught them and taken out the entrails, and then when they are dry,they use them for food.

93. Fish which swim in shoals are not much produced in the rivers, but arebred in the lakes, and they do as follows:—When there comes uponthem the desire to breed, they swim out in shoals towards the sea; and themales lead the way shedding forth their milt as they go, while thefemales, coming after and swallowing it up, from it become impregnated:and when they have become full of young in the sea they swim up backagain, each shoal to its own haunts. The same however no longer lead theway as before, but the lead comes now to the females, and they leading theway in shoals do just as the males did, that is to say they shed forththeir eggs by a few grains at a time, 79 and the males comingafter swallow them up. Now these grains are fish, and from the grainswhich survive and are not swallowed, the fish grow which afterwards arebred up. Now those of the fish which are caught as they swim out to seaare found to be rubbed on the left side of the head, but those which arecaught as they swim up again are rubbed on the right side. This happens tothem because as they swim down to the sea they keep close to the land onthe left side of the river, and again as they swim up they keep to thesame side, approaching and touching the bank as much as they can, for feardoubtless of straying from their course by reason of the stream. When theNile begins to swell, the hollow places of the land and the depressions bythe side of the river first begin to fill, as the water soaks through fromthe river, and so soon as they become full of water, at once they are allfilled with little fishes; and whence these are in all likelihoodproduced, I think that I perceive. In the preceding year, when the Nilegoes down, the fish first lay eggs in the mud and then retire with thelast of the retreating waters; and when the time comes round again, andthe water once more comes over the land, from these eggs forthwith areproduced the fishes of which I speak.

94. Thus it is as regards the fish. And for anointing those of theEgyptians who dwell in the fens use oil from the castor-berry, 80which oil the Egyptians call kiki, and thus they do:—they sowalong the banks of the rivers and pools these plants, which in a wild formgrow of themselves in the land of the Hellenes; these are sown in Egyptand produce berries in great quantity but of an evil smell; and when theyhave gathered these, some cut them up and press the oil from them, othersagain roast them first and then boil them down and collect that which runsaway from them. The oil is fat and not less suitable for burning thanolive-oil, but it gives forth a disagreeable smell.

95. Against the gnats, which are very abundant, they have contrived asfollows:—those who dwell above the fen-land are helped by thetowers, to which they ascend when they go to rest; for the gnats by reasonof the winds are not able to fly up high: but those who dwell in thefen-land have contrived another way instead of the towers, and this is it:—everyman of them has got a casting net, with which by day he catches fish, butin the night he uses it for this purpose, that is to say he puts thecasting-net round about the bed in which he sleeps, and then creeps inunder it and goes to sleep: and the gnats, if he sleeps rolled up in agarment or a linen sheet, bite through these, but through the net they donot even attempt to bite.

96. Their boats with which they carry cargoes are made of the thornyacacia, of which the form is very like that of the Kyrenian lotos, andthat which exudes from it is gum. From this tree they cut pieces of woodabout two cubits in length and arrange them like bricks, fastening theboat together by running a great number of long bolts through thetwo-cubit pieces; and when they have thus fastened the boat together, theylay cross-pieces 81 over the top, using no ribs for the sides; andwithin they caulk the seams with papyrus. They make one steering-oar forit, which is passed through the bottom of the boat; and they have a mastof acacia and sails of papyrus. These boats cannot sail up the riverunless there be a very fresh wind blowing, but are towed from the shore:down-stream however they travel as follows:—they have a door-shapedcrate made of tamarisk wood and reed mats sewn together, and also a stoneof about two talents weight bored with a hole; and of these the boatmanlets the crate float on in front of the boat, fastened with a rope, andthe stone drag behind by another rope. The crate then, as the force of thestream presses upon it, goes on swiftly and draws on the baris (forso these boats are called), while the stone dragging after it behind andsunk deep in the water keeps its course straight. These boats they have ingreat numbers and some of them carry many thousands of talents' burden.

97. When the Nile comes over the land, the cities alone are seen risingabove the water, resembling more nearly than anything else the islands inthe Egean sea; for the rest of Egypt becomes a sea and the cities alonerise above water. Accordingly, whenever this happens, they pass by waternot now by the channels of the river but over the midst of the plain: forexample, as one sails up from Naucratis to Memphis the passage is thenclose by the pyramids, whereas the usual passage is not the same evenhere, 82but goes by the point of the Delta and the city of Kercasoros; while ifyou sail over the plain to Naucratis from the sea and from Canobos, youwill go by Anthylla and the city called after Archander.

98. Of these Anthylla is a city of note and is especially assigned to thewife of him who reigns over Egypt, to supply her with sandals, (this isthe case since the time when Egypt came to be under the Persians): theother city seems to me to have its name from Archander the son-in-law ofDanaos, who was the son of Phthios, the son of Achaios; for it is calledthe City of Archander. There might indeed be another Archander, but in anycase the name is not Egyptian.

99. Hitherto my own observation and judgment and inquiry are the vouchersfor that which I have said; but from this point onwards I am about to tellthe history of Egypt according to that which I heard, to which will beadded also something of that which I have myself seen.

Of Min, who first became king of Egypt, the priests said that on the onehand he banked off the site of Memphis from the river: for the wholestream of the river used to flow along by the sandy mountain-range on theside of Libya, but Min formed by embankments that bend of the river whichlies to the South about a hundred furlongs above Memphis, and thus hedried up the old stream and conducted the river so that it flowed in themiddle between the mountains: and even now this bend of the Nile is by thePersians kept under very careful watch, that it may flow in the channel towhich it is confined, 83 and the bank is repaired every year; for ifthe river should break through and overflow in this direction, Memphiswould be in danger of being overwhelmed by flood. When this Min, who firstbecame king, had made into dry land the part which was dammed off, on theone hand, I say, he founded in it that city which is now called Memphis;for Memphis too is in the narrow part of Egypt; 84 and outside the city hedug round it on the North and West a lake communicating with the river,for the side towards the East is barred by the Nile itself. Then secondlyhe established in the city the temple of Hephaistos a great work and mostworthy of mention.

100. After this man the priests enumerated to me from a papyrus roll thenames of other kings, three hundred and thirty in number; and in all thesegenerations of men eighteen were Ethiopians, one was a woman, a nativeEgyptian, and the rest were men and of Egyptian race: and the name of thewoman who reigned was the same as that of the Babylonian queen, namelyNitocris. Of her they said that desiring to take vengeance for herbrother, whom the Egyptians had slain when he was their king and then,after having slain him, had given his kingdom to her,—desiring, Isay, to take vengeance for him, she destroyed by craft many of theEgyptians. For she caused to be constructed a very large chamber underground, and making as though she would handsel it but in her mind devisingother things, she invited those of the Egyptians whom she knew to have hadmost part in the murder, and gave a great banquet. Then while they werefeasting, she let in the river upon them by a secret conduit of largesize. Of her they told no more than this, except that, when this had beenaccomplished, she threw herself into a room full of embers, in order thatshe might escape vengeance.

101. As for the other kings, they could tell me of no great works whichhad been produced by them, and they said that they had no renown 85except only the last of them, Moris: he (they said) produced as a memorialof himself the gateway of the temple of Hephaistos which is turned towardsthe North Wind, and dug a lake, about which I shall set forth afterwardshow many furlongs of circuit it has, and in it built pyramids of the sizewhich I shall mention at the same time when I speak of the lake itself.He, they said, produced these works, but of the rest none produced any.

102. Therefore passing these by I shall make mention of the king who cameafter these, whose name was Sesostris. He (the priests said) first of allset out with ships of war from the Arabian gulf and subdued those whodwelt by the shores of the Erythraian Sea, until as he sailed he came to asea which could no further be navigated by reason of shoals: thensecondly, after he had returned to Egypt, according to the report of thepriests he took a great army 86 and marched over the continent, subduing everynation which stood in his way: and those of them whom he found valiant andfighting desperately for their freedom, in their lands he set up pillarswhich told by inscriptions his own name and the name of his country, andhow he had subdued them by his power; but as to those of whose cities heobtained possession without fighting or with ease, on their pillars heinscribed words after the same tenor as he did for the nations which hadshown themselves courageous, and in addition he drew upon them the hiddenparts of a woman, desiring to signify by this that the people were cowardsand effeminate.

103. Thus doing he traversed the continent, until at last he passed overto Europe from Asia and subdued the Scythians and also the Thracians.These, I am of opinion, were the furthest 87 people to which theEgyptian army came, for in their country the pillars are found to havebeen set up, but in the land beyond this they are no longer found. Fromthis point he turned and began to go back; and when he came to the riverPhasis, what happened then I cannot say for certain, whether the kingSesostris himself divided off a certain portion of his army and left themen there as settlers in the land, or whether some of his soldiers werewearied by his distant marches and remained by the river Phasis.

104. For the people of Colchis are evidently Egyptian, and this Iperceived for myself before I heard it from others. So when I had come toconsider the matter I asked them both; and the Colchians had remembranceof the Egyptians more than the Egyptians of the Colchians; but theEgyptians said they believed that the Colchians were a portion of the armyof Sesostris. That this was so I conjectured myself not only because theyare dark-skinned and have curly hair (this of itself amounts to nothing,for there are other races which are so), but also still more because theColchians, Egyptians, and Ethiopians alone of all the races of men havepractised circumcision from the first. The Phenicians and the Syrians 88who dwell in Palestine confess themselves that they have learnt it fromthe Egyptians, and the Syrians 89 about the riverThermodon and the river Parthenios, and the Macronians, who are theirneighbours, say that they have learnt it lately from the Colchians. Theseare the only races of men who practise circumcision, and these evidentlypractise it in the same manner as the Egyptians. Of the Egyptiansthemselves however and the Ethiopians, I am not able to say which learntfrom the other, for undoubtedly it is a most ancient custom; but that theother nations learnt it by intercourse with the Egyptians, this amongothers is to me a strong proof, namely that those of the Phenicians whohave intercourse with Hellas cease to follow the example of the Egyptiansin this matter, and do not circumcise their children.

105. Now let me tell another thing about the Colchians to show how theyresemble the Egyptians:—they alone work flax in the same fashion asthe Egyptians, 90 and the two nations are like one another intheir whole manner of living and also in their language: now the linen ofColchis is called by the Hellenes Sardonic, whereas that from Egypt iscalled Egyptian.

106. The pillars which Sesostris of Egypt set up in the various countriesare for the most part no longer to be seen extant; but in Syria PalestineI myself saw them existing with the inscription upon them which I havementioned and the emblem. Moreover in Ionia there are two figures of thisman carved upon rocks, one on the road by which one goes from the land ofEphesos to Phocaia, and the other on the road from Sardis to Smyrna. Ineach place there is a figure of a man cut in the rock, of four cubits anda span in height, holding in his right hand a spear and in his left a bowand arrows, and the other equipment which he has is similar to this, forit is both Egyptian and Ethiopian: and from the one shoulder to the otheracross the breast runs an inscription carved in sacred Egyptiancharacters, saying thus, "This land with my shoulders I won for myself."But who he is and from whence, he does not declare in these places, thoughin other places he has declared this. Some of those who have seen thesecarvings conjecture that the figure is that of Memnon, but herein they arevery far from the truth.

107. As this Egyptian Sesostris was returning and bringing back many menof the nations whose lands he had subdued, when he came (said the priests)to Daphnai in the district of Pelusion on his journey home, his brother towhom Sesostris had entrusted the charge of Egypt invited him and with himhis sons to a feast; and then he piled the house round with brushwood andset it on fire: and Sesostris when he discovered this forthwith tookcounsel with his wife, for he was bringing with him (they said) his wifealso; and she counselled him to lay out upon the pyre two of his sons,which were six in number, and so to make a bridge over the burning mass,and that they passing over their bodies should thus escape. This, theysaid, Sesostris did, and two of his sons were burnt to death in thismanner, but the rest got away safe with their father.

108. Then Sesostris, having returned to Egypt and having taken vengeanceon his brother, employed the multitude which he had brought in of thosewhose lands he had subdued, as follows:—these were they who drew thestones which in the reign of this king were brought to the temple ofHephaistos, being of very great size; and also these were compelled to digall the channels which now are in Egypt; and thus (having no such purpose)they caused Egypt, which before was all fit for riding and driving, to beno longer fit for this from thenceforth: for from that time forward Egypt,though it is plain land, has become all unfit for riding and driving, andthe cause has been these channels, which are many and run in alldirections. But the reason why the king cut up the land was this, namelybecause those of the Egyptians who had their cities not on the river butin the middle of the country, being in want of water when the river wentdown from them, found their drink brackish because they had it from wells.

109. For this reason Egypt was cut up; and they said that this kingdistributed the land to all the Egyptians, giving an equal square portionto each man, and from this he made his revenue, having appointed them topay a certain rent every year: and if the river should take away anythingfrom any man's portion, he would come to the king and declare that whichhad happened, and the king used to send men to examine and to find out bymeasurement how much less the piece of land had become, in order that forthe future the man might pay less, in proportion to the rent appointed:and I think that thus the art of geometry was found out and afterwardscame into Hellas also. For as touching the sun-dial 91 and the gnomon 92and the twelve divisions of the day, they were learnt by the Hellenes fromthe Babylonians.

110. He moreover alone of all the Egyptian kings had rule over Ethiopia;and he left as memorials of himself in front of the temple of Hephaistostwo stone statues of thirty cubits each, representing himself and hiswife, and others of twenty cubits each representing his four sons: andlong afterwards the priest of Hephaistos refused to permit Dareios thePersian to set up a statue of himself in front of them, saying that deedshad not been done by him equal to those which were done by Sesostris theEgyptian; for Sesostris had subdued other nations besides, not fewer thanhe, and also the Scythians; but Dareios had not been able to conquer theScythians: wherefore it was not just that he should set up a statue infront of those which Sesostris had dedicated, if he did not surpass him inhis deeds. Which speech, they say, Dareios took in good part.

111. Now after Sesostris had brought his life to an end, his son Pheros,they told me, received in succession the kingdom, and he made no warlikeexpedition, and moreover it chanced to him to become blind by reason ofthe following accident:—when the river had come down in flood risingto a height of eighteen cubits, higher than ever before that time, and hadgone over the fields, a wind fell upon it and the river became agitated bywaves: and this king (they say) moved by presumptuous folly took a spearand cast it into the midst of the eddies of the stream; and immediatelyupon this he had a disease of the eyes and was by it made blind. For tenyears then he was blind, and in the eleventh year there came to him anoracle from the city of Buto saying that the time of his punishment hadexpired, and that he should see again if he washed his eyes with the waterof a woman who had accompanied with her own husband only and had notknowledge of other men: and first he made trial of his own wife, and then,as he continued blind, he went on to try all the women in turn; and whenhe had at last regained his sight he gathered together all the women ofwhom he had made trial, excepting her by whose means he had regained hissight, to one city which now is named Erythrabolos, 93 and having gatheredthem to this he consumed them all by fire, as well as the city itself; butas for her by whose means he had regained his sight, he had her himself towife. Then after he had escaped the malady of his eyes he dedicatedofferings at each one of the temples which were of renown, and especially(to mention only that which is most worthy of mention) he dedicated at thetemple of the Sun works which are worth seeing, namely two obelisks ofstone, each of a single block, measuring in length a hundred cubits eachone and in breadth eight cubits.

112. After him, they said, there succeeded to the throne a man of Memphis,whose name in the tongue of the Hellenes was Proteus; for whom there isnow a sacred enclosure at Memphis, very fair and well ordered, lying onthat side of the temple of Hephaistos which faces the North Wind. Roundabout this enclosure dwell Phenicians of Tyre, and this whole region iscalled the Camp of the Tyrians. 94 Within the enclosure ofProteus there is a temple called the temple of the "foreign Aphrodite,"which temple I conjecture to be one of Helen the daughter of Tyndareus,not only because I have heard the tale how Helen dwelt with Proteus, butalso especially because it is called by the name of the "foreignAphrodite," for the other temples of Aphrodite which there are have noneof them the addition of the word "foreign" to the name.

113. And the priests told me, when I inquired, that the things concerningHelen happened thus:—Alexander having carried off Helen was sailingaway from Sparta to his own land, and when he had come to the Egean Seacontrary winds drove him from his course to the Sea of Egypt; and afterthat, since the blasts did not cease to blow, he came to Egypt itself, andin Egypt to that which is now named the Canobic mouth of the Nile and toTaricheiai. Now there was upon the shore, as still there is now, a templeof Heracles, in which if any man's slave take refuge and have the sacredmarks set upon him, giving himself over to the god, it is not lawful tolay hands upon him; and this custom has continued still unchanged from thebeginning down to my own time. Accordingly the attendants of Alexander,having heard of the custom which existed about the temple, ran away fromhim, and sitting down as suppliants of the god, accused Alexander, becausethey desired to do him hurt, telling the whole tale how things were aboutHelen and about the wrong done to Menelaos; and this accusation they madenot only to the priests but also to the warden of this river-mouth, whosename was Thonis.

114. Thonis then having heard their tale sent forthwith a message toProteus at Memphis, which said as follows: "There hath come a stranger, aTeucrian by race, who hath done in Hellas an unholy deed; for he hathdeceived the wife of his own host, and is come hither bringing with himthis woman herself and very much wealth, having been carried out of hisway by winds to thy land. 95 Shall we then allow him to sail out unharmed,or shall we first take away from him that which he brought with him?" Inreply to this Proteus sent back a messenger who said thus: "Seize thisman, whosoever he may be, who has done impiety to his own host, and bringhim away into my presence, that I may know what he will find to say."

115. Hearing this, Thonis seized Alexander and detained his ships, andafter that he brought the man himself up to Memphis and with him Helen andthe wealth he had, and also in addition to them the suppliants. So whenall had been conveyed up thither, Proteus began to ask Alexander who hewas and from whence he was voyaging; and he both recounted to him hisdescent and told him the name of his native land, and moreover related ofhis voyage, from whence he was sailing. After this Proteus asked himwhence he had taken Helen; and when Alexander went astray in his accountand did not speak the truth, those who had become suppliants convicted himof falsehood, relating in full the whole tale of the wrong done. At lengthProteus declared to them this sentence, saying, "Were it not that I countit a matter of great moment not to slay any of those strangers who beingdriven from their course by winds have come to my land hitherto, I shouldhave taken vengeance on thee on behalf of the man of Hellas, seeing thatthou, most base of men, having received from him hospitality, didst workagainst him a most impious deed. For thou didst go in to the wife of thineown host; and even this was not enough for thee, but thou didst stir herup with desire and hast gone away with her like a thief. Moreover not eventhis by itself was enough for thee, but thou art come hither with plundertaken from the house of thy host. Now therefore depart, seeing that I havecounted it of great moment not to be a slayer of strangers. This womanindeed and the wealth which thou hast I will not allow thee to carry away,but I shall keep them safe for the Hellene who was thy host, until he comehimself and desire to carry them off to his home; to thyself however andthy fellow-voyagers I proclaim that ye depart from your anchoring withinthree days and go from my land to some other; and if not, that ye will bedealt with as enemies."

116. This the priests said was the manner of Helen's coming to Proteus;and I suppose that Homer also had heard this story, but since it was notso suitable to the composition of his poem as the other which he followed,he dismissed it finally, 96 making it clear at the same time that he wasacquainted with that story also: and according to the manner in which hedescribed 97 the wanderings of Alexander in the Iliad (nordid he elsewhere retract that which he had said) it is clear that when hebrought Helen he was carried out of his course, wandering to variouslands, and that he came among other places to Sidon in Phenicia. Of thisthe poet has made mention in the "prowess of Diomede," and the verses runthis: 98 

 "There she had robes many-coloured, the works of women of Sidon,
  Those whom her son himself the god-like of form Alexander
  Carried from Sidon, what time the broad sea-path he sailed over
  Bringing back Helene home, of a noble father begotten."

And in the Odyssey also he has made mention of it in these verses: 99 

 "Such had the daughter of Zeus, such drugs of exquisite cunning,
  Good, which to her the wife of Thon, Polydamna, had given,
  Dwelling in Egypt, the land where the bountiful meadow produces
  Drugs more than all lands else, many good being mixed, many evil."

And thus too Menelaos says to Telemachos: 100 

 "Still the gods stayed me in Egypt, to come back hither desiring,
  Stayed me from voyaging home, since sacrifice was due I performed not."

In these lines he makes it clear that he knew of the wandering ofAlexander to Egypt, for Syria borders upon Egypt and the Phenicians, ofwhom is Sidon, dwell in Syria.

117. By these lines and by this passage 101 it is also mostclearly shown that the "Cyprian Epic" was not written by Homer but by someother man: for in this it is said that on the third day after leavingSparta Alexander came to Ilion bringing with him Helen, having had a"gently-blowing wind and a smooth sea," whereas in the Iliad it says thathe wandered from his course when he brought her.

118. Let us now leave Homer and the "Cyprian" Epic; but this I will say,namely that I asked the priests whether it is but an idle tale which theHellenes tell of that which they say happened about Ilion; and theyanswered me thus, saying that they had their knowledge by inquiries fromMenelaos himself. After the rape of Helen there came indeed, they said, tothe Teucrian land a large army of Hellenes to help Menelaos; and when thearmy had come out of the ships to land and had pitched its camp there,they sent messengers to Ilion, with whom went also Menelaos himself; andwhen these entered within the wall they demanded back Helen and the wealthwhich Alexander had stolen from Menelaos and had taken away; and moreoverthey demanded satisfaction for the wrongs done: and the Teucrians told thesame tale then and afterwards, both with oath and without oath, namelythat in deed and in truth they had not Helen nor the wealth for whichdemand was made, but that both were in Egypt; and that they could notjustly be compelled to give satisfaction for that which Proteus the kingof Egypt had. The Hellenes however thought that they were being mocked bythem and besieged the city, until at last they took it; and when they hadtaken the wall and did not find Helen, but heard the same tale as before,then they believed the former tale and sent Menelaos himself to Proteus.

119. And Menelaos having come to Egypt and having sailed up to Memphis,told the truth of these matters, and not only found great entertainment,but also received Helen unhurt, and all his own wealth besides. Thenhowever, after he had been thus dealt with, Menelaos showed himselfungrateful to the Egyptians; for when he set forth to sail away, contrarywinds detained him, and as this condition of things lasted long, hedevised an impious deed; for he took two children of natives and madesacrifice of them. After this, when it was known that he had done so, hebecame abhorred, and being pursued he escaped and got away in his ships toLibya; but whither he went besides after this, the Egyptians were not ableto tell. Of these things they said that they found out part by inquiries,and the rest, namely that which happened in their own land, they relatedfrom sure and certain knowledge.

120. Thus the priests of the Egyptians told me; and I myself also agreewith the story which was told of Helen, adding this consideration, namelythat if Helen had been in Ilion she would have been given up to theHellenes, whether Alexander consented or no; for Priam assuredly was notso mad, nor yet the others of his house, that they were desirous to runrisk of ruin for themselves and their children and their city, in orderthat Alexander might have Helen as his wife: and even supposing thatduring the first part of the time they had been so inclined, yet when manyothers of the Trojans besides were losing their lives as often as theyfought with the Hellenes, and of the sons of Priam himself always two orthree or even more were slain when a battle took place (if one may trustat all to the Epic poets),—when, I say, things were coming thus topass, I consider that even if Priam himself had had Helen as his wife, hewould have given her back to the Achaians, if at least by so doing hemight be freed from the evils which oppressed him. Nor even was thekingdom coming to Alexander next, so that when Priam was old thegovernment was in his hands; but Hector, who was both older and more of aman than he, would have received it after the death of Priam; and him itbehoved not to allow his brother to go on with his wrong-doing,considering that great evils were coming to pass on his account both tohimself privately and in general to the other Trojans. In truth howeverthey lacked the power to give Helen back; and the Hellenes did not believethem, though they spoke the truth; because, as I declare my opinion, thedivine power was purposing to cause them utterly to perish, and so make itevident to men that for great wrongs great also are the chastisementswhich come from the gods. And thus have I delivered my opinion concerningthese matters.

121. After Proteus, they told me, Rhampsinitos received in succession thekingdom, who left as a memorial of himself that gateway to the temple ofHephaistos which is turned towards the West, and in front of the gatewayhe set up two statues, in height five-and-twenty cubits, of which the onewhich stands on the North side is called by the Egyptians Summer and theone on the South side Winter; and to that one which they call Summer theydo reverence and make offerings, while to the other which is called Winterthey do the opposite of these things. (a) This king, they said, got greatwealth of silver, which none of the kings born after him could surpass oreven come near to; and wishing to store his wealth in safety he caused tobe built a chamber of stone, one of the walls whereof was towards theoutside of his palace: and the builder of this, having a design againstit, contrived as follows, that is, he disposed one of the stones in such amanner that it could be taken out easily from the wall either by two menor even by one. So when the chamber was finished, the king stored hismoney in it, and after some time the builder, being near the end of hislife, called to him his sons (for he had two) and to them he related howhe had contrived in building the treasury of the king, and all inforethought for them, that they might have ample means of living. And whenhe had clearly set forth to them everything concerning the taking out ofthe stone, he gave them the measurements, saying that if they paid heed tothis matter they would be stewards of the king's treasury. So he ended hislife, and his sons made no long delay in setting to work, but went to thepalace by night, and having found the stone in the wall of the chamberthey dealt with it easily and carried forth for themselves great quantityof the wealth within. (b) And the king happening to open the chamber, hemarvelled when he saw the vessels falling short of the full amount, and hedid not know on whom he should lay the blame, since the seals wereunbroken and the chamber had been close shut; but when upon his openingthe chamber a second and a third time the money was each time seen to bediminished, for the thieves did not slacken in their assaults upon it, hedid as follows:—having ordered traps to be made he set these roundabout the vessels in which the money was; and when the thieves had come asat former times and one of them had entered, then so soon as he came nearto one of the vessels he was straightway caught in the trap: and when heperceived in what evil case he was, straightway calling his brother heshowed him what the matter was, and bade him enter as quickly as possibleand cut off his head, for fear lest being seen and known he might bringabout the destruction of his brother also. And to the other it seemed thathe spoke well, and he was persuaded and did so; and fitting the stone intoits place he departed home bearing with him the head of his brother. (c)Now when it became day, the king entered into the chamber and was verygreatly amazed, seeing the body of the thief held in the trap without hishead, and the chamber unbroken, with no way to come in or go out: andbeing at a loss he hung up the dead body of the thief upon the wall andset guards there, with charge if they saw any one weeping or bewailinghimself to seize him and bring him before the king. And when the dead bodyhad been hung up, the mother was greatly grieved, and speaking with theson who survived she enjoined him, in whatever way he could, to contrivemeans by which he might take down and bring home the body of his deadbrother; and if he should neglect to do this, she earnestly threatenedthat she would go and give information to the king that he had the money.(d) So as the mother dealt hardly with the surviving son, and he thoughsaying many things to her did not persuade her, he contrived for hispurpose a device as follows:—Providing himself with asses he filledsome skins with wine and laid them upon the asses, and after that he drovethem along: and when he came opposite to those who were guarding thecorpse hung up, he drew towards him two or three of the necks 102of the skins and loosened the cords with which they were tied. Then whenthe wine was running out, he began to beat his head and cry out loudly, asif he did not know to which of the asses he should first turn; and whenthe guards saw the wine flowing out in streams, they ran together to theroad with drinking vessels in their hands and collected the wine that waspoured out, counting it so much gain; and he abused them all violently,making as if he were angry, but when the guards tried to appease him,after a time he feigned to be pacified and to abate his anger, and atlength he drove his asses out of the road and began to set their loadsright. Then more talk arose among them, and one or two of them made jestsat him and brought him to laugh with them; and in the end he made them apresent of one of the skins in addition to what they had. Upon that theylay down there without more ado, being minded to drink, and they took himinto their company and invited him to remain with them and join them intheir drinking: so he (as may be supposed) was persuaded and stayed. Thenas they in their drinking bade him welcome in a friendly manner, he made apresent to them also of another of the skins; and so at length havingdrunk liberally the guards became completely intoxicated; and beingovercome by sleep they went to bed on the spot where they had beendrinking. He then, as it was now far on in the night, first took down thebody of his brother, and then in mockery shaved the right cheeks of allthe guards; and after that he put the dead body upon the asses and drovethem away home, having accomplished that which was enjoined him by hismother. (e) Upon this the king, when it was reported to him that the deadbody of the thief had been stolen away, displayed great anger; anddesiring by all means that it should be found out who it might be whodevised these things, did this (so at least they said, but I do notbelieve the account),—he caused his own daughter to sit in thestews, and enjoined her to receive all equally, and before having commercewith any one to compel him to tell her what was the most cunning and whatthe most unholy deed which had been done by him in all his life-time; andwhosoever should relate that which had happened about the thief, him shemust seize and not let him go out. Then as she was doing that which wasenjoined by her father, the thief, hearing for what purpose this was doneand having a desire to get the better of the king in resource, did thus:—fromthe body of one lately dead he cut off the arm at the shoulder and wentwith it under his mantle: and having gone in to the daughter of the king,and being asked that which the others also were asked, he related that hehad done the most unholy deed when he cut off the head of his brother, whohad been caught in a trap in the king's treasure-chamber, and the mostcunning deed in that he made drunk the guards and took down the dead bodyof his brother hanging up; and she when she heard it tried to take hold ofhim, but the thief held out to her in the darkness the arm of the corpse,which she grasped and held, thinking that she was holding the arm of theman himself; but the thief left it in her hands and departed, escapingthrough the door. (f) Now when this also was reported to the king, he wasat first amazed at the ready invention and daring of the fellow, and thenafterwards he sent round to all the cities and made proclamation grantinga free pardon to the thief, and also promising a great reward if he wouldcome into his presence. The thief accordingly trusting to the proclamationcame to the king, and Rhampsinitos greatly marvelled at him, and gave himthis daughter of his to wife, counting him to be the most knowing of allmen; for as the Egyptians were distinguished from all other men, so was hefrom the other Egyptians.

122. After these things they said this king went down alive to that placewhich by the Hellenes is called Hades, and there played at dice withDemeter, and in some throws he overcame her and in others he was overcomeby her; and he came back again having as a gift from her a handkerchief ofgold: and they told me that because of the going down of Rhampsinitos theEgyptians after he came back celebrated a feast, which I know of my ownknowledge also that they still observe even to my time; but whether it isfor this cause that they keep the feast or for some other, I am not ableto say. However, the priests weave a robe completely on the very day ofthe feast, and forthwith they bind up the eyes of one of them with afillet, and having led him with the robe to the way by which one goes tothe temple of Demeter, they depart back again themselves. This priest,they say, with his eyes bound up is led by two wolves to the temple ofDemeter, which is distant from the city twenty furlongs, and thenafterwards the wolves lead him back again from the temple to the samespot.

123. Now as to the tales told by the Egyptians, any man may accept them towhom such things appear credible; as for me, it is to be understoodthroughout the whole of the history 103 that I write byhearsay that which is reported by the people in each place. The Egyptianssay that Demeter and Dionysos are rulers of the world below; and theEgyptians are also the first who reported the doctrine that the soul ofman is immortal, and that when the body dies, the soul enters into anothercreature which chances then to be coming to the birth, and when it hasgone the round of all the creatures of land and sea and of the air, itenters again into a human body as it comes to the birth; and that it makesthis round in a period of three thousand years. This doctrine certainHellenes adopted, some earlier and some later, as if it were of their owninvention, and of these men I know the names but I abstain from recordingthem.

124. Down to the time when Rhampsinitos was king, they told me there wasin Egypt nothing but orderly rule, and Egypt prospered greatly; but afterhim Cheops became king over them and brought them 104 to every kind ofevil: for he shut up all the temples, and having first kept them fromsacrificing there, he then bade all the Egyptians work for him. So somewere appointed to draw stones from the stone-quarries in the Arabianmountains to the Nile, and others he ordered to receive the stones afterthey had been carried over the river in boats, and to draw them to thosewhich are called the Libyan mountains; and they worked by a hundredthousand men at a time, for each three months continually. Of thisoppression there passed ten years while the causeway was made by whichthey drew the stones, which causeway they built, and it is a work not muchless, as it appears to me, than the pyramid; for the length of it is fivefurlongs 105 and the breadth ten fathoms and the height,where it is highest, eight fathoms, and it is made of stone smoothed andwith figures carved upon it. For this, they said, the ten years werespent, and for the underground chambers on the hill upon which thepyramids stand, which he caused to be made as sepulchral chambers forhimself in an island, having conducted thither a channel from the Nile.For the making of the pyramid itself there passed a period of twentyyears; and the pyramid is square, each side measuring eight hundred feet,and the height of it is the same. It is built of stone smoothed and fittedtogether in the most perfect manner, not one of the stones being less thanthirty feet in length.

125. This pyramid was made after the manner of steps, which some call"rows" 106 and others "bases": 107 and when they hadfirst made it thus, they raised the remaining stones with machines made ofshort pieces of timber, raising them first from the ground to the firststage of the steps, and when the stone got up to this it was placed uponanother machine standing on the first stage, and so from this it was drawnto the second upon another machine; for as many as were the courses of thesteps, so many machines there were also, or perhaps they transferred oneand the same machine, made so as easily to be carried, to each stagesuccessively, in order that they might take up the stones; for let it betold in both ways, according as it is reported. However that may be, thehighest parts of it were finished first, and afterwards they proceeded tofinish that which came next to them, and lastly they finished the parts ofit near the ground and the lowest ranges. On the pyramid it is declared inEgyptian writing how much was spent on radishes and onions and leeks forthe workmen, and if I rightly remember that which the interpreter said inreading to me this inscription, a sum of one thousand six hundred talentsof silver was spent; and if this is so, how much besides is likely to havebeen expended upon the iron with which they worked, and upon bread andclothing for the workmen, seeing that they were building the works for thetime which has been mentioned and were occupied for no small time besides,as I suppose, in the cutting and bringing of the stones and in working atthe excavation under the ground?

126. Cheops moreover came, they said, to such a pitch of wickedness, thatbeing in want of money he caused his own daughter to sit in the stews, andordered her to obtain from those who came a certain amount of money (howmuch it was they did not tell me); but she not only obtained the sumappointed by her father, but also she formed a design for herselfprivately to leave behind her a memorial, and she requested each man whocame in to her to give her one stone upon her building: and of thesestones, they told me, the pyramid was built which stands in front of thegreat pyramid in the middle of the three, 108 each side being onehundred and fifty feet in length.

127. This Cheops, the Egyptians said, reigned fifty years; and after hewas dead his brother Chephren succeeded to the kingdom. This king followedthe same manner as the other, both in all the rest and also in that hemade a pyramid, not indeed attaining to the measurements of that which wasbuilt by the former (this I know, having myself also measured it), andmoreover 109 there are no underground chambers beneathnor does a channel come from the Nile flowing to this one as to the other,in which the water coming through a conduit built for it flows round anisland within, where they say that Cheops himself is laid: but for abasement he built the first course of Ethiopian stone of divers colours;and this pyramid he made forty feet lower than the other as regards size,110building it close to the great pyramid. These stand both upon the samehill, which is about a hundred feet high. And Chephren they said reignedfifty and six years.

128. Here then they reckon one hundred and six years, during which theysay that there was nothing but evil for the Egyptians, and the templeswere kept closed and not opened during all that time. These kings theEgyptians by reason of their hatred of them are not very willing to name;nay, they even call the pyramids after the name of Philitis 111the shepherd, who at that time pastured flocks in those regions.

129. After him, they said, Mykerinos became king over Egypt, who was theson of Cheops; and to him his father's deeds were displeasing, and he bothopened the temples and gave liberty to the people, who were ground down tothe last extremity of evil, to return to their own business and to theirsacrifices;: also he gave decisions of their causes juster than those ofall the other kings besides. In regard to this then they commend this kingmore than all the other kings who had arisen in Egypt before him; for henot only gave good decisions, but also when a man complained of thedecision, he gave him recompense from his own goods and thus satisfied hisdesire. But while Mykerinos was acting mercifully to his subjects andpractising this conduct which has been said, calamities befell him, ofwhich the first was this, namely that his daughter died, the only childwhom he had in his house: and being above measure grieved by that whichhad befallen him, and desiring to bury his daughter in a manner moreremarkable than others, he made a cow of wood, which he covered over withgold, and then within it he buried this daughter who, as I said, had died.

130. This cow was not covered up in the ground, but it might be seen evendown to my own time in the city of Saïs, placed within the royal palace ina chamber which was greatly adorned; and they offer incense of all kindsbefore it every day, and each night a lamp burns beside it all through thenight. Near this cow in another chamber stand images of the concubines ofMykerinos, as the priests at Saïs told me; for there are in fact colossalwooden statues, in number about twenty, made with naked bodies; but whothey are I am not able to say, except only that which is reported.

131. Some however tell about this cow and the colossal statues thefollowing tale, namely that Mykerinos was enamoured of his own daughterand afterwards ravished her; and upon this they say that the girlstrangled herself for grief, and he buried her in this cow; and her mothercut off the hands of the maids who had betrayed the daughter to herfather; wherefore now the images of them have suffered that which themaids suffered in their life. In thus saying they speak idly, as it seemsto me, especially in what they say about the hands of the statues; for asto this, even we ourselves saw that their hands had dropped off from lapseof time, and they were to be seen still lying at their feet even down tomy time.

132. The cow is covered up with a crimson robe, except only the head andthe neck, which are seen, overlaid with gold very thickly; and between thehorns there is the disc of the sun figured in gold. The cow is notstanding up but kneeling, and in size it is equal to a large living cow.Every year it is carried forth from the chamber, at those times, I say,the Egyptians beat themselves for that god whom I will not name uponoccasion of such a matter; at these times, I say, they also carry forththe cow to the light of day, for they say that she asked of her fatherMykerinos, when she was dying, that she might look upon the sun once inthe year.

133. After the misfortune of his daughter it happened, they said, secondlyto this king as follows:—An oracle came to him from the city ofButo, saying that he was destined to live but six years more, in theseventh year to end his life: and he being indignant at it sent to theOracle a reproach against the god, 112 making complaint inreply that whereas his father and uncle, who had shut up the temples andhad not only not remembered the gods, but also had been destroyers of men,had lived for a long time, he himself, who practised piety, was destinedto end his life so soon: and from the Oracle there came a second message,which said that it was for this very cause that he was bringing his lifeto a swift close; 113 for he had not done that which it wasappointed for him to do, since it was destined that Egypt should sufferevils for a hundred and fifty years, and the two kings who had risenbefore him had perceived this, but he had not. Mykerinos having heardthis, and considering that this sentence had been passed upon him beyondrecall, procured many lamps, and whenever night came on he lighted theseand began to drink and take his pleasure, ceasing neither by day nor bynight; and he went about to the fen-country and to the woods and whereverhe heard there were the most suitable places for enjoyment. This hedevised (having a mind to prove that the Oracle spoke falsely) in orderthat he might have twelve years of life instead of six, the nights beingturned into days.

134. This king also left behind him a pyramid, much smaller than that ofhis father, of a square shape and measuring on each side three hundredfeet lacking twenty, built moreover of Ethiopian stone up to half theheight. This pyramid some of the Hellenes say was built by the courtesanRhodopis, not therein speaking rightly: and besides this it is evident tome that they who speak thus do not even know who Rhodopis was, forotherwise they would not have attributed to her the building of a pyramidlike this, on which have been spent (so to speak) innumerable thousands oftalents: moreover they do not know that Rhodopis flourished in the reignof Amasis, and not in this king's reign; for Rhodopis lived very manyyears later than the kings who left behind the pyramids. By descent shewas of Thrace, and she was a slave of Iadmon the son of Hephaistopolis aSamian, and a fellow-slave of Esop the maker of fables; for he too wasonce the slave of Iadmon, as was proved especially in this fact, namelythat when the people of Delphi repeatedly made proclamation in accordancewith an oracle, to find some one who would take up 114 the blood-money forthe death of Esop, no one else appeared, but at length the grandson ofIadmon, called Iadmon also, took it up; and thus it is shown that Esop toowas the slave of Iadmon.

135. As for Rhodopis, she came to Egypt brought by Xanthes the Samian, andhaving come thither to exercise her calling she was redeemed from slaveryfor a great sum by a man of Mytilene, Charaxos son of Scamandronymos andbrother of Sappho the lyric poet. Thus was Rhodopis set free, and sheremained in Egypt and by her beauty won so much liking that she made greatgain of money for one like Rhodopis, 115 though not enough tosuffice for the cost of such a pyramid as this. In truth there is no needto ascribe to her very great riches, considering that the tithe of herwealth may still be seen even to this time by any one who desires it: forRhodopis wished to leave behind her a memorial of herself in Hellas,namely to cause a thing to be made such as happens not to have beenthought of or dedicated in a temple by any besides, and to dedicate thisat Delphi as a memorial of herself. Accordingly with the tithe of herwealth she caused to be made spits of iron of size large enough to piercea whole ox, and many in number, going as far therein as her tithe allowedher, and she sent them to Delphi: these are even at the present time lyingthere, heaped all together behind the altar which the Chians dedicated,and just opposite to the cell of the temple. 116 Now at Naucratis, asit happens, the courtesans are rather apt to win credit; 117for this woman first, about whom the story to which I refer is told,became so famous that all the Hellenes without exception come to know thename of Rhodopis, and then after her one whose name was Archidiche becamea subject of song over all Hellas, though she was less talked of than theother. As for Charaxos, when after redeeming Rhodopis he returned back toMytilene, Sappho in an ode violently abused him. 118 Of Rhodopis then Ishall say no more.

136. After Mykerinos the priests said Asychis became king of Egypt, and hemade for Hephaistos the temple gateway 119 which is towards thesunrising, by far the most beautiful and the largest of the gateways; forwhile they all have figures carved upon them and innumerable ornaments ofbuilding 120 besides, this has them very much more thanthe rest. In this king's reign they told me that, as the circulation ofmoney was very slow, a law was made for the Egyptians that a man mighthave that money lent to him which he needed, by offering as security thedead body of his father; and there was added moreover to this law another,namely that he who lent the money should have a claim also to the wholesepulchral chamber belonging to him who received it, and that the man whooffered that security should be subject to this penalty, if he refused topay back the debt, namely that neither the man himself should be allowedto have burial when he died, either in that family burial-place or in anyother, nor should he be allowed to bury any one of his kinsmen whom helost by death. This king desiring to surpass the kings of Egypt who hadarisen before him left as a memorial of himself a pyramid which he made ofbricks, and on it there is an inscription carved in stone and saying thus:"Despise not me in comparison with the pyramids of stone, seeing that Iexcel them as much as Zeus excels the other gods; for with a pole theystruck into the lake, and whatever of the mud attached itself to the pole,this they gathered up and made bricks, and in such manner they finishedme."

Such were the deeds which this king performed;

137, and after him reigned a blind man of the city of Anysis, whose namewas Anysis. In his reign the Ethiopians and Sabacos the king of theEthiopians marched upon Egypt with a great host of men; so this blind mandeparted, flying to the fen-country, and the Ethiopian was king over Egyptfor fifty years, during which he performed deeds as follows:—wheneverany man of the Egyptians committed any transgression, he would never puthim to death, but he gave sentence upon each man according to thegreatness of the wrong-doing, appointing them work at throwing up anembankment before that city from whence each man came of those whocommitted wrong. Thus the cities were made higher still than before; forthey were embanked first by those who dug the channels in the reign ofSesostris, and then secondly in the reign of the Ethiopian, and thus theywere made very high: and while other cities in Egypt also stood 121high, I think in the town at Bubastis especially the earth was piled up.In this city there is a temple very well worthy of mention, for thoughthere are other temples which are larger and built with more cost, nonemore than this is a pleasure to the eyes. Now Bubastis in the Hellenictongue is Artemis,

138, and her temple is ordered thus:—Except the entrance it iscompletely surrounded by water; for channels come in from the Nile, notjoining one another, but each extending as far as the entrance of thetemple, one flowing round on the one side and the other on the other side,each a hundred feet broad and shaded over with trees; and the gateway hasa height of ten fathoms, and it is adorned with figures six cubits high,very noteworthy. This temple is in the middle of the city and is lookeddown upon from all sides as one goes round, for since the city has beenbanked up to a height, while the temple has not been moved from the placewhere it was at the first built, it is possible to look down into it: andround it runs a stone wall with figures carved upon it, while within itthere is a grove of very large trees planted round a large temple-house,within which is the image of the goddess: and the breadth and length ofthe temple is a furlong every way. Opposite the entrance there is a roadpaved with stone for about three furlongs, which leads through themarket-place towards the East, with a breadth of about four hundred feet;and on this side and on that grow trees of height reaching to heaven: andthe road leads to the temple of Hermes. This temple then is thus ordered.

139. The final deliverance from the Ethiopian came about (they said) asfollows:—he fled away because he had seen in his sleep a vision, inwhich it seemed to him that a man came and stood by him and counselled himto gather together all the priests of Egypt and cut them asunder in themidst. Having seen this dream, he said that it seemed to him that the godswere foreshowing him this to furnish an occasion against him, 122in order that he might do an impious deed with respect to religion, and soreceive some evil either from the gods or from men: he would not howeverdo so, but in truth (he said) the time had expired, during which it hadbeen prophesied to him that he should rule Egypt before he departedthence. For when he was in Ethiopia the Oracles which the Ethiopiansconsult had told him that it was fated for him to rule Egypt fifty years:since then this time was now expiring, and the vision of the dream alsodisturbed him, Sabacos departed out of Egypt of his own free will.

140. Then when the Ethiopian had gone away out of Egypt, the blind mancame back from the fen-country and began to rule again, having lived thereduring fifty years upon an island which he had made by heaping up ashesand earth: for whenever any of the Egyptians visited him bringing food,according as it had been appointed to them severally to do without theknowledge of the Ethiopian, he bade them bring also some ashes for theirgift. 123 This island none was able to find beforeAmyrtaios; that is, for more than seven hundred years 124the kings who arose before Amyrtaios were not able to find it. Now thename of this island is Elbo, and its size is ten furlongs each way.

141. After him there came to the throne the priest of Hephaistos, whosename was Sethos. This man, they said, neglected and held in no regard thewarrior class of the Egyptians, considering that he would have no need ofthem; and besides other slights which he put upon them, he also took fromthem the yokes of corn-land 125 which had been givento them as a special gift in the reigns of the former kings, twelve yokesto each man. After this, Sanacharib king of the Arabians and of theAssyrians marched a great host against Egypt. Then the warriors of theEgyptians refused to come to the rescue, and the priest, being driven intoa strait, entered into the sanctuary of the temple 126 and bewailed to theimage of the god the danger which was impending over him; and as he wasthus lamenting, sleep came upon him, and it seemed to him in his visionthat the god came and stood by him and encouraged him, saying that heshould suffer no evil if he went forth to meet the army of the Arabians;for he himself would send him helpers. Trusting in these things seen insleep, he took with him, they said, those of the Egyptians who werewilling to follow him, and encamped in Pelusion, for by this way theinvasion came: and not one of the warrior class followed him, butshop-keepers and artisans and men of the market. Then after they came,there swarmed by night upon their enemies mice of the fields, and ate uptheir quivers and their bows, and moreover the handles of their shields,so that on the next day they fled, and being without defence of arms greatnumbers fell. And at the present time this king stands in the temple ofHephaistos in stone, holding upon his hand a mouse, and by lettersinscribed he says these words: "Let him who looks upon me learn to fearthe gods."

142. So far in the story the Egyptians and the priests were they who madethe report, declaring that from the first king down to this priest ofHephaistos who reigned last, there had been three hundred and forty-onegenerations of men, and that in them there had been the same number ofchief-priests and of kings: but three hundred generations of men are equalto ten thousand years, for a hundred years is three generations of men;and in the one-and-forty generations which remain, those I mean which wereadded to the three hundred, there are one thousand three hundred and fortyyears. Thus in the period of eleven thousand three hundred and forty yearsthey said that there had arisen no god in human form; nor even before thattime or afterwards among the remaining kings who arose in Egypt, did theyreport that anything of that kind had come to pass. In this time they saidthat the sun had moved four times from his accustomed place of rising, andwhere he now sets he had thence twice had his rising, and in the placefrom whence he now rises he had twice had his setting; 127and in the meantime nothing in Egypt had been changed from its usualstate, neither that which comes from the earth nor that which comes tothem from the river nor that which concerns diseases or deaths.

143. And formerly when Hecataios the historian was in Thebes, and hadtraced his descent and connected his family with a god in the sixteenthgeneration before, the priests of Zeus did for him much the same as theydid for me (though I had not traced my descent). They led me into thesanctuary of the temple, which is of great size, and they counted up thenumber, showing colossal wooden statues in number the same as they said;for each chief-priest there sets up in his lifetime an image of himself:accordingly the priests, counting and showing me these, declared to methat each one of them was a son succeeding his own father, and they wentup through the series of images from the image of the one who had diedlast, until they had declared this of the whole number. And when Hecataioshad traced his descent and connected his family with a god in thesixteenth generation, they traced a descent in opposition to this, besidestheir numbering, not accepting it from him that a man had been born from agod; and they traced their counter-descent thus, saying that each one ofthe statues had been piromis son of piromis, until they haddeclared this of the whole three hundred and forty-five statues, each onebeing surnamed piromis; and neither with a god nor a hero did theyconnect their descent. Now piromis means in the tongue of Hellas"honourable and good man."

144. From their declaration then it followed, that they of whom the imageswere had been of form like this, and far removed from being gods: but inthe time before these men they said that gods were the rulers in Egypt,not mingling 128 with men, and that of these always one hadpower at a time; and the last of them who was king over Egypt was Oros theson of Osiris, whom the Hellenes call Apollo: he was king over Egypt last,having deposed Typhon. Now Osiris in the tongue of Hellas is Dionysos.

145. Among the Hellenes Heracles and Dionysos and Pan are accounted thelatest-born of the gods; but with the Egyptians Pan is a very ancient god,and he is one of those which are called the eight gods, while Heracles isof the second rank, who are called the twelve gods, and Dionysos is of thethird rank, namely of those who were born of the twelve gods. Now as toHeracles I have shown already how many years old he is according to theEgyptians themselves, reckoning down to the reign of Amasis, and Pan issaid to have existed for yet more years than these, and Dionysos for thesmallest number of years as compared with the others; and even for thislast they reckon down to the reign of Amasis fifteen thousand years. Thisthe Egyptians say that they know for a certainty, since they always kept areckoning and wrote down the years as they came. Now the Dionysos who issaid to have been born of Semele the daughter of Cadmos, was born aboutsixteen hundred years before my time, and Heracles who was the son ofAlcmene, about nine hundred years, and that Pan who was born of Penelope,for of her and of Hermes Pan is said by the Hellenes to have been born,came into being later than the wars of Troy, about eight hundred yearsbefore my time.

146. Of these two accounts every man may adopt that one which he shallfind the more credible when he hears it. I however, for my part, havealready declared my opinion about them. 129 For if these also,like Heracles the son of Amphitryon, had appeared before all men's eyesand had lived their lives to old age in Hellas, I mean Dionysos the son ofSemele and Pan the son of Penelope, then one would have said that thesealso 130had been born mere men, having the names of those gods who had come intobeing long before: but as it is, with regard to Dionysos the Hellenes saythat as soon as he was born Zeus sewed him up in his thigh and carried himto Nysa, which is above Egypt in the land of Ethiopia; and as to Pan, theycannot say whither he went after he was born. Hence it has become clear tome that the Hellenes learnt the names of these gods later than those ofthe other gods, and trace their descent as if their birth occurred at thetime when they first learnt their names.

Thus far then the history is told by the Egyptians themselves;

147, but I will now recount that which other nations also tell, and theEgyptians in agreement with the others, of that which happened in thisland: and there will be added to this also something of that which I havemyself seen.

Being set free after the reign of the priest of Hephaistos, the Egyptians,since they could not live any time without a king, set up over them twelvekings, having divided all Egypt into twelve parts. These madeintermarriages with one another and reigned, making agreement that theywould not put down one another by force, nor seek to get an advantage overone another, but would live in perfect friendship: and the reason why theymade these agreements, guarding them very strongly from violation, wasthis, namely that an oracle had been given to them at first when theybegan to exercise their rule, that he of them who should pour a libationwith a bronze cup in the temple of Hephaistos, should be king of all Egypt(for they used to assemble together in all the temples).

148. Moreover they resolved to join all together and leave a memorial ofthemselves; and having so resolved they caused to be made a labyrinth,situated a little above the lake of Moiris and nearly opposite to thatwhich is called the City of Crocodiles. This I saw myself, and I found itgreater than words can say. For if one should put together and reckon upall the buildings and all the great works produced by the Hellenes, theywould prove to be inferior in labour and expense to this labyrinth, thoughit is true that both the temple at Ephesos and that at Samos are worksworthy of note. The pyramids also were greater than words can say, andeach one of them is equal to many works of the Hellenes, great as they maybe; but the labyrinth surpasses even the pyramids. It has twelve courtscovered in, with gates facing one another, six upon the North side and sixupon the South, joining on one to another, and the same wall surroundsthem all outside; and there are in it two kinds of chambers, the one kindbelow the ground and the other above upon these, three thousand in number,of each kind fifteen hundred. The upper set of chambers we ourselves saw,going through them, and we tell of them having looked upon them with ourown eyes; but the chambers under ground we heard about only; for theEgyptians who had charge of them were not willing on any account to showthem, saying that here were the sepulchres of the kings who had firstbuilt this labyrinth and of the sacred crocodiles. Accordingly we speak ofthe chambers below by what we received from hearsay, while those above wesaw ourselves and found them to be works of more than human greatness. Forthe passages through the chambers, and the goings this way and that waythrough the courts, which were admirably adorned, afforded endless matterfor marvel, as we went through from a court to the chambers beyond it, andfrom the chambers to colonnades, and from the colonnades to other rooms,and then from the chambers again to other courts. Over the whole of theseis a roof made of stone like the walls; and the walls are covered withfigures carved upon them, each court being surrounded with pillars ofwhite stone fitted together most perfectly; and at the end of thelabyrinth, by the corner of it, there is a pyramid of forty fathoms, uponwhich large figures are carved, and to this there is a way made underground.

149. Such is this labyrinth; but a cause for marvel even greater than thisis afforded by the lake, which is called the lake of Moiris, along theside of which this labyrinth is built. The measure of its circuit is threethousand six hundred furlongs 131 (being sixty schoines),and this is the same number of furlongs as the extent of Egypt itselfalong the sea. The lake lies extended lengthwise from North to South, andin depth where it is deepest it is fifty fathoms. That this lake isartificial and formed by digging is self-evident, for about in the middleof the lake stand two pyramids, each rising above the water to a height offifty fathoms, the part which is built below the water being of just thesame height; and upon each is placed a colossal statue of stone sittingupon a chair. Thus the pyramids are a hundred fathoms high; and thesehundred fathoms are equal to a furlong of six hundred feet, the fathombeing measured as six feet or four cubits, the feet being four palms each,and the cubits six. The water in the lake does not come from the placewhere it is, for the country there is very deficient in water, but it hasbeen brought thither from the Nile by a canal: and for six months thewater flows into the lake, and for six months out into the Nile again; andwhenever it flows out, then for the six months it brings into the royaltreasury a talent of silver a day from the fish which are caught, andtwenty pounds 132 when the water comes in.

150. The natives of the place moreover said that this lake had an outletunder ground to the Syrtis which is in Libya, turning towards the interiorof the continent upon the Western side and running along by the mountainwhich is above Memphis. Now since I did not see anywhere existing theearth dug out of this excavation (for that was a matter which drew myattention), I asked those who dwelt nearest to the lake where the earthwas which had been dug out. These told me to what place it had beencarried away; and I readily believed them, for I knew by report that asimilar thing had been done at Nineveh, the city of the Assyrians. Therecertain thieves formed a design once to carry away the wealth ofSardanapallos son of Ninos, the king, which wealth was very great and waskept in treasure-houses under the earth. Accordingly they began from theirown dwelling, and making estimate of their direction they dug under groundtowards the king's palace; and the earth which was brought out of theexcavation they used to carry away, when night came on, to the riverTigris which flows by the city of Nineveh, until at last they accomplishedthat which they desired. Similarly, as I heard, the digging of the lake inEgypt was effected, except that it was done not by night but during theday; for as they dug the Egyptians carried to the Nile the earth which wasdug out; and the river, when it received it, would naturally bear it awayand disperse it. Thus is this lake said to have been dug out.

151. Now the twelve kings continued to rule justly, but in course of timeit happened thus:—After sacrifice in the temple of Hephaistos theywere about to make libation on the last day of the feast, and thechief-priest, in bringing out for them the golden cups with which they hadbeen wont to pour libations, missed his reckoning and brought eleven onlyfor the twelve kings. Then that one of them who was standing last inorder, namely Psammetichos, since he had no cup took off from his head hishelmet, which was of bronze, and having held it out to receive the wine heproceeded to make libation: likewise all the other kings were wont to wearhelmets and they happened to have them then. Now Psammetichos held out hishelmet with no treacherous meaning; but they taking note of that which hadbeen done by Psammetichos and of the oracle, namely how it had beendeclared to them that whosoever of them should make libation with a bronzecup should be sole king of Egypt, recollecting, I say, the saying of theOracle, they did not indeed deem it right to slay Psammetichos, since theyfound by examination that he had not done it with any forethought, butthey determined to strip him of almost all his power and to drive him awayinto the fen-country, and that from the fen-country he should not hold anydealings with the rest of Egypt.

152. This Psammetichos had formerly been a fugitive from the EthiopianSabacos who had killed his father Necos, from him, I say, he had then beena fugitive in Syria; and when the Ethiopian had departed in consequence ofthe vision of the dream, the Egyptians who were of the district of Saïsbrought him back to his own country. Then afterwards, when he was king, itwas his fate to be a fugitive a second time on account of the helmet,being driven by the eleven kings into the fen-country. So then holdingthat he had been grievously wronged by them, he thought how he might takevengeance on those who had driven him out: and when he had sent to theOracle of Leto in the city of Buto, where the Egyptians have their mosttruthful Oracle, there was given to him the reply that vengeance wouldcome when men of bronze appeared from the sea. And he was stronglydisposed not to believe that bronze men would come to help him; but afterno long time had passed, certain Ionians and Carians who had sailed forthfor plunder were compelled to come to shore in Egypt, and they havinglanded and being clad in bronze armour, one of the Egyptians, not havingbefore seen men clad in bronze armour, came to the fen-land and brought areport to Psammetichos that bronze men had come from the sea and wereplundering the plain. So he, perceiving that the saying of the Oracle wascoming to pass, dealt in a friendly manner with the Ionians and Carians,and with large promises he persuaded them to take his part. Then when hehad persuaded them, with the help of those Egyptians who favoured hiscause and of these foreign mercenaries he overthrew the kings.

153. Having thus got power over all Egypt, Psammetichos made forHephaistos that gateway of the temple at Memphis which is turned towardsthe South Wind; and he built a court for Apis, in which Apis is kept whenhe appears, opposite to the gateway of the temple, surrounded all withpillars and covered with figures; and instead of columns there stand tosupport the roof of the court colossal statues twelve cubits high. NowApis is in the tongue of the Hellenes Epaphos.

154. To the Ionians and to the Carians who had helped him Psammetichosgranted portions of land to dwell in, opposite to one another with theriver Nile between, and these were called "Encampments": 133these portions of land he gave them, and he paid them besides all that hehad promised: moreover he placed with them Egyptian boys to have themtaught the Hellenic tongue; and from these, who learnt the languagethoroughly, are descended the present class of interpreters in Egypt. Nowthe Ionians and Carians occupied these portions of land for a long time,and they are towards the sea a little below the city of Bubastis, on thatwhich is called the Pelusian mouth of the Nile. These men king Amasisafterwards removed from thence and established them at Memphis, makingthem into a guard for himself against the Egyptians: and they beingsettled in Egypt, we who are Hellenes know by intercourse with them thecertainty of all that which happened in Egypt beginning from kingPsammetichos and afterwards; for these were the first men of foreigntongue who settled in Egypt: and in the land from which they were removedthere still remained down to my time the sheds where their ships weredrawn up and the ruins of their houses.

Thus then Psammetichos obtained Egypt:

155, and of the Oracle which is in Egypt I have made mention often beforethis, and now I will give an account of it, seeing that it is worthy to bedescribed. This Oracle which is in Egypt is sacred to Leto, and it isestablished in a great city near that mouth of the Nile which is calledSebennytic, as one sails up the river from the sea; and the name of thiscity where the Oracle is found is Buto, as I have said before inmentioning it. In this Buto there is a temple of Apollo and Artemis; andthe temple-house 134 of Leto, in which the Oracle is, is bothgreat in itself and has a gateway of the height of ten fathoms: but thatwhich caused me most to marvel of the things to be seen there, I will nowtell. There is in this sacred enclosure a house of Leto made of one singlestone as regards both height and length, and of which all the walls are inthese two directions equal, each being forty cubits; and for the coveringin of the roof there lies another stone upon the top, the cornicemeasuring four cubits. 135

156. This house then of all the things that were to be seen by me in thattemple is the most marvellous, and among those which come next is theisland called Chemmis. This is situated in a deep and broad lake by theside of the temple at Buto, and it is said by the Egyptians that thisisland is a floating island. I myself did not see it either floating aboutor moved from its place, and I feel surprise at hearing of it, wonderingif it be indeed a floating island. In this island of which I speak thereis a great temple-house of Apollo, and three several altars are set upwithin, and there are planted in the island many palm-trees and othertrees, both bearing fruit and not bearing fruit. And the Egyptians, whenthey say that it is floating, add this story, namely that in this island,which formerly was not floating, Leto, being one of the eight gods whocame into existence first, and dwelling in the city of Buto where she hasthis Oracle, received Apollo from Isis as a charge and preserved him,concealing him in the island which is said now to be a floating island, atthat time when Typhon came after him seeking everywhere and desiring tofind the son of Osiris. Now they say that Apollo and Artemis are childrenof Dionysos and of Isis, and that Leto became their nurse and preserver;and in the Egyptian tongue Apollo is Oros, Demeter is Isis, and Artemis isBubastis. From this story and from no other Æschylus the son of Euphoriontook 136this which I shall say, wherein he differs from all the preceding poets;he represented namely that Artemis was the daughter of Demeter. For thisreason then, they say, it became a floating island.

Such is the story which they tell;

157, but as for Psammetichos, he was king over Egypt for four-and-fiftyyears, of which for thirty years save one he was sitting before Azotos, agreat city of Syria, besieging it, until at last he took it: and thisAzotos of all cities about which we have knowledge held out for thelongest time under a siege.

158. The son of Psammetichos was Necos, and he became king of Egypt. Thisman was the first who attempted the channel leading to the Erythraian Sea,which Dareios the Persian afterwards completed: the length of this is avoyage of four days, and in breadth it was so dug that two triremes couldgo side by side driven by oars; and the water is brought into it from theNile. The channel is conducted a little above the city of Bubastis byPatumos the Arabian city, and runs into the Erythraian Sea: and it is dugfirst along those parts of the plain of Egypt which lie towards Arabia,just above which run the mountains which extend opposite Memphis, whereare the stone-quarries,—along the base of these mountains thechannel is conducted from West to East for a great way; and after that itis directed towards a break in the hills and tends from these mountainstowards the noon-day and the South Wind to the Arabian gulf. Now in theplace where the journey is least and shortest from the Northern to theSouthern Sea (which is also called Erythraian), that is from Mount Casion,which is the boundary between Egypt and Syria, the distance is exactly 137a thousand furlongs to the Arabian gulf; but the channel is much longer,since it is more winding; and in the reign of Necos there perished whiledigging it twelve myriads 13701 of theEgyptians. Now Necos ceased in the midst of his digging, because theutterance of an Oracle impeded him, which was to the effect that he wasworking for the Barbarian: and the Egyptians call all men Barbarians whodo not agree with them in speech.

159. Thus having ceased from the work of the channel, Necos betook himselfto waging wars, and triremes were built by him, some for the Northern Seaand others in the Arabian gulf for the Erythraian Sea; and of these thesheds are still to be seen. These ships he used when he needed them; andalso on land Necos engaged battle at Magdolos with the Syrians, andconquered them; and after this he took Cadytis, which is a great city ofSyria: and the dress which he wore when he made these conquests hededicated to Apollo, sending it to Branchidai of the Milesians. Afterthis, having reigned in all sixteen years, he brought his life to an end,and handed on the kingdom to Psammis his son.

160. While this Psammis was king of Egypt, there came to him men sent bythe Eleians, who boasted that they ordered the contest at Olympia in themost just and honourable manner possible and thought that not even theEgyptians, the wisest of men, could find out anything besides, to be addedto their rules. Now when the Eleians came to Egypt and said that for whichthey had come, then this king called together those of the Egyptians whowere reputed the wisest, and when the Egyptians had come together theyheard the Eleians tell of all that which it was their part to do in regardto the contest; and when they had related everything, they said that theyhad come to learn in addition anything which the Egyptians might be ableto find out besides, which was juster than this. They then havingconsulted together asked the Eleians whether their own citizens took partin the contest; and they said that it was permitted to any one who desiredit, both of their own people and of the other Hellenes equally, to takepart in the contest: upon which the Egyptians said that in so ordering thegames they had wholly missed the mark of justice; for it could not be butthat they would take part with the man of their own State, if he wascontending, and so act unfairly to the stranger: but if they reallydesired, as they said, to order the games justly, and if this was thecause for which they had come to Egypt, they advised them to order thecontest so as to be for strangers alone to contend in, and that no Eleianshould be permitted to contend. Such was the suggestion made by theEgyptians to the Eleians.

161. When Psammis had been king of Egypt for only six years and had madean expedition to Ethiopia and immediately afterwards had ended his life,Apries the son of Psammis received the kingdom in succession. This mancame to be the most prosperous of all the kings up to that time exceptonly his forefather Psammetichos; and he reigned five-and-twenty years,during which he led an army against Sidon and fought a sea-fight with theking of Tyre. Since however it was fated that evil should come upon him,it came by occasion of a matter which I shall relate at greater length inthe Libyan history, 138 and at present but shortly. Apries havingsent a great expedition against the Kyrenians, met with correspondinglygreat disaster; and the Egyptians considering him to blame for thisrevolted from him, supposing that Apries had with forethought sent themout to evident calamity, in order (as they said) that there might be aslaughter of them, and he might the more securely rule over the otherEgyptians. Being indignant at this, both these men who had returned fromthe expedition and also the friends of those who had perished made revoltopenly.

162. Hearing this Apries sent to them Amasis, to cause them to cease bypersuasion; and when he had come and was seeking to restrain theEgyptians, as he was speaking and telling them not to do so, one of theEgyptians stood up behind him and put a helmet 139 upon his head,saying as he did so that he put it on to crown him king. And to him thisthat was done was in some degree not unwelcome, as he proved by hisbehaviour; for as soon as the revolted Egyptians had set him up as king,he prepared to march against Apries: and Apries hearing this sent toAmasis one of the Egyptians who were about his own person, a man ofreputation, whose name was Patarbemis, enjoining him to bring Amasis aliveinto his presence. When this Patarbemis came and summoned Amasis, thelatter, who happened to be sitting on horseback, lifted up his leg andbehaved in an unseemly manner, 140 bidding him takethat back to Apries. Nevertheless, they say, Patarbemis made demand of himthat he should go to the king, seeing that the king had sent to summonhim; and he answered him that he had for some time past been preparing todo so, and that Apries would have no occasion to find fault with him. ThenPatarbemis both perceiving his intention from that which he said, and alsoseeing his preparations, departed in haste, desiring to make known asquickly as possible to the king the things which were being done: and whenhe came back to Apries not bringing Amasis, the king paying no regard tothat which he said, 141 but being moved by violent anger, orderedhis ears and his nose to be cut off. And the rest of the Egyptians whostill remained on his side, when they saw the man of most repute amongthem thus suffering shameful outrage, waited no longer but joined theothers in revolt, and delivered themselves over to Amasis.

163. Then Apries having heard this also, armed his foreign mercenaries andmarched against the Egyptians: now he had about him Carian and Ionianmercenaries to the number of thirty thousand; and his royal palace was inthe city of Saïs, of great size and worthy to be seen. So Apries and hisarmy were going against the Egyptians, and Amasis and those with him weregoing against the mercenaries; and both sides came to the city ofMomemphis and were about to make trial of one another in fight.

164. Now of the Egyptians there are seven classes, and of these one classis called that of the priests, and another that of the warriors, while theothers are the cowherds, swineherds, shopkeepers, interpreters, andboatmen. This is the number of the classes of the Egyptians, and theirnames are given them from the occupations which they follow. Of them thewarriors are called Calasirians and Hermotybians, and they are of thefollowing districts, 142—for all Egypt is divided intodistricts.

165. The districts of the Hermotybians are those of Busiris, Saïs,Chemmis, Papremis, the island called Prosopitis, and the half of Natho,—ofthese districts are the Hermotybians, who reached when most numerous thenumber of sixteen myriads. 14201 Of these notone has learnt anything of handicraft, but they are given up to warentirely.

166. Again the districts of the Calasirians are those of Thebes, Bubastis,Aphthis, Tanis, Mendes, Sebennytos, Athribis, Pharbaithos, Thmuïs Onuphis,Anytis, Myecphoris,—this last is on an island opposite to the cityof Bubastis. These are the districts of the Calasirians; and they reached,when most numerous, to the number of five-and-twenty myriads 14202of men; nor is it lawful for these, any more than for the others, topractise any craft; but they practise that which has to do with war only,handing down the tradition from father to son.

167. Now whether the Hellenes have learnt this also from the Egyptians, Iam not able to say for certain, since I see that the Thracians also andScythians and Persians and Lydians and almost all the Barbarians esteemthose of their citizens who learn the arts, and the descendants of them,as less honourable than the rest; while those who have got free from allpractice of manual arts are accounted noble, and especially those who aredevoted to war: however that may be, the Hellenes have all learnt this,and especially the Lacedemonians; but the Corinthians least of all castslight upon those who practise handicrafts.

168. The following privilege was specially granted to this class and tonone others of the Egyptians except the priests, that is to say, each manhad twelve yokes 143 of land specially granted to him free fromimposts: now the yoke of land measures a hundred Egyptian cubits everyway, and the Egyptian cubit is, as it happens, equal to that of Samos.This, I say, was a special privilege granted to all, and they also hadcertain advantages in turn and not the same men twice; that is to say, athousand of the Calasirians and a thousand of the Hermotybians acted asbody-guard to the king during each year; 144 and these hadbesides their yokes of land an allowance given them for each day of fivepounds weight 14401 of bread to each man, and two pounds ofbeef, and four half-pints 145 of wine. This was the allowance given tothose who were serving as the king's bodyguard for the time being.

169. So when Apries leading his foreign mercenaries, and Amasis at thehead of the whole body of the Egyptians, in their approach to one anotherhad come to the city of Momemphis, they engaged battle: and although theforeign troops fought well, yet being much inferior in number they wereworsted by reason of this. But Apries is said to have supposed that noteven a god would be able to cause him to cease from his rule, so firmlydid he think that it was established. In that battle then, I say, he wasworsted, and being taken alive was brought away to the city of Saïs, tothat which had formerly been his own dwelling but from thenceforth was thepalace of Amasis. There for some time he was kept in the palace, andAmasis dealt well with him; but at last, since the Egyptians blamed him,saying that he acted not rightly in keeping alive him who was the greatestfoe both to themselves and to him, therefore he delivered Apries over tothe Egyptians; and they strangled him, and after that buried him in theburial-place of his fathers: this is in the temple of Athene, close to thesanctuary, on the left hand as you enter. Now the men of Saïs buried allthose of this district who had been kings, within the temple; for the tombof Amasis also, though it is further from the sanctuary than that ofApries and his forefathers, yet this too is within the court of thetemple, and it consists of a colonnade of stone of great size, withpillars carved to imitate date-palms, and otherwise sumptuously adorned;and within the colonnade are double-doors, and inside the doors asepulchral chamber.

170. Also at Saïs there is the burial-place of him whom I account it notpious to name in connexion with such a matter, which is in the temple ofAthene behind the house of the goddess, 146 stretching along thewhole wall of it; and in the sacred enclosure stand great obelisks ofstone, and near them is a lake adorned with an edging of stone and fairlymade in a circle, being in size, as it seemed to me, equal to that whichis called the "Round Pool" 147 in Delos.

171. On this lake they perform by night the show of his sufferings, andthis the Egyptians call Mysteries. Of these things I know more fully indetail how they take place, but I shall leave this unspoken; and of themystic rites of Demeter, which the Hellenes call thesmophoria, ofthese also, although I know, I shall leave unspoken all except so much aspiety permits me to tell. The daughters of Danaos were they who broughtthis rite out of Egypt and taught it to the women of the Pelasgians; thenafterwards when all the inhabitants of Peloponnese were driven out by theDorians, the rite was lost, and only those who were left behind of thePeloponnesians and not driven out, that is to say the Arcadians, preservedit.

172. Apries having thus been overthrown, Amasis became king, being of thedistrict of Saïs, and the name of the city whence he was is Siuph. Now atthe first the Egyptians despised Amasis and held him in no great regard,because he had been a man of the people and was of no distinguishedfamily; but afterwards Amasis won them over to himself by wisdom and notwilfulness. Among innumerable other things of price which he had, therewas a foot-basin of gold in which both Amasis himself and all his guestswere wont always to wash their feet. This he broke up, and of it he causedto be made the image of a god, and set it up in the city, where it wasmost convenient; and the Egyptians went continually to visit the image anddid great reverence to it. Then Amasis, having learnt that which was doneby the men of the city, called together the Egyptians and made known tothem the matter, saying that the image had been produced from thefoot-basin, into which formerly the Egyptians used to vomit and makewater, and in which they washed their feet, whereas now they did to itgreat reverence; and just so, he continued, had he himself now fared, asthe foot-basin; for though formerly he was a man of the people, yet now hewas their king, and he bade them accordingly honour him and have regardfor him.

173. In such manner he won the Egyptians to himself, so that theyconsented to be his subjects; and his ordering of affairs was thus:—Inthe early morning, and until the time of the filling of the market he didwith a good will the business which was brought before him; but after thishe passed the time in drinking and in jesting at his boon-companions, andwas frivolous and playful. And his friends being troubled at it admonishedhim in some such words as these: "O king, thou dost not rightly governthyself in thus letting thyself descend to behaviour so trifling; for thououghtest rather to have been sitting throughout the day stately upon astately throne and administering thy business; and so the Egyptians wouldhave been assured that they were ruled by a great man, and thou wouldesthave had a better report: but as it is, thou art acting by no means in akingly fashion." And he answered them thus: "They who have bows stretchthem at such time as they wish to use them, and when they have finishedusing them they loose them again; 148 for if they werestretched tight always they would break, so that the men would not be ableto use them when they needed them. So also is the state of man: if heshould always be in earnest and not relax himself for sport at the duetime, he would either go mad or be struck with stupor before he was aware;and knowing this well, I distribute a portion of the time to each of thetwo ways of living." Thus he replied to his friends.

174. It is said however that Amasis, even when he was in a privatestation, was a lover of drinking and of jesting, and not at all seriouslydisposed; and whenever his means of livelihood failed him through hisdrinking and luxurious living, he would go about and steal; and they fromwhom he stole would charge him with having their property, and when hedenied it would bring him before the judgment of an Oracle, whenever therewas one in their place; and many times he was convicted by the Oracles andmany times he was absolved: and then when finally he became king he did asfollows:—as many of the gods as had absolved him and pronounced himnot to be a thief, to their temples he paid no regard, nor gave anythingfor the further adornment of them, nor even visited them to offersacrifice, considering them to be worth nothing and to possess lyingOracles; but as many as had convicted him of being a thief, to these hepaid very great regard, considering them to be truly gods, and to presentOracles which did not lie.

175. First in Saïs he built and completed for Athene a temple-gatewaywhich is a great marvel, and he far surpassed herein all who had done thelike before, both in regard to height and greatness, so large are thestones and of such quality. Then secondly he dedicated great colossalstatues and man-headed sphinxes very large, and for restoration he broughtother stones of monstrous size. Some of these he caused to be brought fromthe stone-quarries which are opposite Memphis, others of very great sizefrom the city of Elephantine, distant a voyage of not less than twentydays from Saïs: and of them all I marvel most at this, namely a monolithchamber which he brought from the city of Elephantine; and they were threeyears engaged in bringing this, and two thousand men were appointed toconvey it, who all were of the class of boatmen. Of this house the lengthoutside is one-and-twenty cubits, the breadth is fourteen cubits, and theheight eight. These are the measures of the monolith house outside; butthe length inside is eighteen cubits and five-sixths of a cubit, 149the breadth twelve cubits, and the height five cubits. This lies by theside of the entrance to the temple; for within the temple they did notdraw it, because, as it said, while the house was being drawn along, thechief artificer of it groaned aloud, seeing that much time had been spentand he was wearied by the work; and Amasis took it to heart as a warningand did not allow them to draw it further onwards. Some say on the otherhand that a man was killed by it, of those who were heaving it withlevers, and that it was not drawn in for that reason.

176. Amasis also dedicated in all the other temples which were of repute,works which are worth seeing for their size, and among them also atMemphis the colossal statue which lies on its back in front of the templeof Hephaistos, whose length is five-and-seventy feet; and on the same basemade of the same stone 150 are set two colossal statues, each of twentyfeet in length, one on this side and the other on that side of the largestatue. 151 There is also another of stone of the samesize in Saïs, lying in the same manner as that at Memphis. Moreover Amasiswas he who built and finished for Isis her temple at Memphis, which is ofgreat size and very worthy to be seen.

177. In the reign of Amasis it is said that Egypt became more prosperousthan at any other time before, both in regard to that which comes to theland from the river and in regard to that which comes from the land to itsinhabitants, and that at this time the inhabited towns in it numbered inall twenty thousand. It was Amasis too who established the law that everyyear each one of the Egyptians should declare to the ruler of hisdistrict, from what source he got his livelihood, and if any man did notdo this or did not make declaration of an honest way of living, he shouldbe punished with death. Now Solon the Athenian received from Egypt thislaw and had it enacted for the Athenians, and they have continued toobserve it, since it is a law with which none can find fault.

178. Moreover Amasis became a lover of the Hellenes; and besides otherproofs of friendship which he gave to several among them, he also grantedthe city of Naucratis for those of them who came to Egypt to dwell in; andto those who did not desire to stay, but who made voyages thither, hegranted portions of land to set up altars and make sacred enclosures fortheir gods. Their greatest enclosure and that one which has most name andis most frequented is called the Hellenion, and this was established bythe following cities in common:—of the Ionians Chios, Teos, Phocaia,Clazomenai, of the Dorians Rhodes, Cnidos, Halicarnassos, Phaselis, and ofthe Aiolians Mytilene alone. To these belongs this enclosure and these arethe cities which appoint superintendents of the port; and all other citieswhich claim a share in it, are making a claim without any right. 152Besides this the Eginetans established on their own account a sacredenclosure dedicated to Zeus, the Samians one to Hera, and the Milesiansone to Apollo.

179. Now in old times Naucratis alone was an open trading-place, and noother place in Egypt: and if any one came to any other of the Nile mouths,he was compelled to swear that he came not thither of his own will, andwhen he had thus sworn his innocence he had to sail with his ship to theCanobic mouth, or if it were not possible to sail by reason of contrarywinds, then he had to carry his cargo round the head of the Delta in boatsto Naucratis: thus highly was Naucratis privileged.

180. Moreover when the Amphictyons had let out the contract for buildingthe temple which now exists at Delphi, agreeing to pay a sum of threehundred talents, (for the temple which formerly stood there had been burntdown of itself), it fell to the share of the people of Delphi to providethe fourth part of the payment; and accordingly the Delphians went aboutto various cities and collected contributions. And when they did this theygot from Egypt as much as from any place, for Amasis gave them a thousandtalents' weight of alum, while the Hellenes who dwelt in Egypt gave themtwenty pounds of silver. 153

181. Also with the people of Kyrene Amasis made an agreement forfriendship and alliance; and he resolved too to marry a wife from thence,whether because he desired to have a wife of Hellenic race, or apart fromthat, on account of friendship for the people of Kyrene: however that maybe, he married, some say the daughter of Battos, others of Arkesilaos, 154and others of Critobulos, a man of repute among the citizens; and her namewas Ladike. Now whenever Amasis lay with her he found himself unable tohave intercourse, but with his other wives he associated as he was wont;and as this happened repeatedly, Amasis said to his wife, whose name wasLadike: "Woman, thou hast given me drugs, and thou shalt surely perish 155more miserably than any other woman." Then Ladike, when by her denialsAmasis was not at all appeased in his anger against her, made a vow in hersoul to Aphrodite, that if Amasis on that night had intercourse with her(seeing that this was the remedy for her danger), she would send an imageto be dedicated to her at Kyrene; and after the vow immediately Amasis hadintercourse, and from thenceforth whenever Amasis came in to her he hadintercourse with her; and after this he became very greatly attached toher. And Ladike paid the vow that she had made to the goddess; for she hadan image made and sent it to Kyrene, and it was still preserved even to myown time, standing with its face turned away from the city of theKyrenians. This Ladike Cambyses, having conquered Egypt and heard from herwho she was, sent back unharmed to Kyrene.

182. Amasis also dedicated offerings in Hellas, first at Kyrene an imageof Athene covered over with gold and a figure of himself made like bypainting; then in the temple of Athene at Lindson two images of stone anda corslet of linen worthy to be seen; and also at Samos two wooden figuresof himself dedicated to Hera, which were standing even to my own time inthe great temple, behind the doors. Now at Samos he dedicated offeringsbecause of the guest-friendship between himself and Polycrates the son ofAiakes; at Lindos for no guest-friendship but because the temple of Atheneat Lindos is said to have been founded by the daughters of Danaos, who hadtouched land there at the time when they were fleeing from the sons ofAigyptos. These offerings were dedicated by Amasis; and he was the firstof men who conquered Cyprus and subdued it so that it paid him tribute.

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NOTES TO BOOK II

1 (return)
[ Some write "Psammitichos"with less authority.]

2 (return)
[ {tou en Memphi}: manyEditors read {en Memphi}, "I heard at Memphis from the priests ofHephaistos," but with less authority.]

3 (return)
[ {'Eliou polin} or{'Elioupolin}, cp. {'Elioupolitai} below.]

4 (return)
[ {exo e ta ounamata autonmounon}. Some understand "them" to mean "the gods"; rather perhaps themeaning is that accounts of such things will not be related in full, butonly touched upon.]

5 (return)
[ {ison peri autonepistasthai}.]

6 (return)
[ {anthropon}, emphatic, forthe rulers before him were gods (ch. 144).]

7 (return)
[ {Mina}: others read{Mena}, but the authority of the MSS. is strong for {Mina} both here andin ch. 99.]

8 (return)
[ {tou Thebaikou nomou}, cp.ch. 164.]

9 (return)
[ {tautes on apo}: some MSS.omit {apo}, "this then is the land for which the sixty schoines arereckoned."]

10 (return)
[ For the measures oflength cp. ch. 149. The furlong ({stadion}) is equal to 100 fathoms({orguiai}), i.e. 606 feet 9 inches.]

11 (return)
[ Or "without rain": theword {anudros} is altered by some Editors to {enudros} or {euudros}, "wellwatered."]

12 (return)
[ I have followed Stein intaking {es ta eiretai} with {legon}, meaning "at the Erythraian Sea,"{taute men} being a repetition of {te men} above. The bend back would makethe range double, and hence partly its great breadth. Others translate,"Here (at the quarries) the range stops, and bends round to the partsmentioned (i.e. the Erythraian Sea)."]

13 (return)
[ {os einai Aiguptou}: cp.iv. 81. Others translate, "considering that it belongs to Egypt" (acountry so vast), i.e. "as measures go in Egypt." In any case {Aiguptoseousa} just below seems to repeat the same meaning.]

14 (return)
[ Some Editors alter thisto "fourteen."]

15 (return)
[ {pentastomou}: some lessgood MSS. have {eptastomou}, "which has seven mouths."]

16 (return)
[ See note on i. 203.]

17 (return)
[ {ton erkhomai lexon}:these words are by many Editors marked as spurious, and they certainlyseem to be out of place here.]

18 (return)
[ {kou ge de}: "where thenwould not a gulf be filled up?"]

19 (return)
[ {katarregnumenen}: someEditors read {katerregmenen} ("broken up by cracks") from{katerregnumenen}, which is given by many MSS.]

1901 (return)
[ Or possibly "withrock below," in which case perhaps {upopsammoteren} would mean "rathersandy underneath."]

20 (return)
[ We do not know whetherthese measurements are in the larger Egyptian cubit of 21 inches or thesmaller (equal to the ordinary Hellenic cubit) of 18½ inches, cp. i. 178.]

21 (return)
[ {kai to omoion apodidoes auxesin}, "and to yield the like return as regards increased extent."(Mr. Woods); but the clause may be only a repetition of the precedingone.]

22 (return)
[ i.e. Zeus.]

23 (return)
[ i.e. of the district ofThebes, the Thebaïs.]

24 (return)
[ {te Libue}.]

25 (return)
[ The meaning seems to bethis: "The Ionians say that Egypt is the Delta, and at the same time theydivide the world into three parts, Europe, Asia, and Libya, the last twobeing divided from one another by the Nile. Thus they have left out Egyptaltogether; and either they must add the Delta as a fourth part of theworld, or they must give up the Nile as a boundary. If the name Egypt beextended, as it is by the other Hellenes, to the upper course of the Nile,it is then possible to retain the Nile as a boundary, saying that half ofEgypt belongs to Asia and half to Libya, and disregarding the Delta (ch.17). This also would be an error of reckoning, but less serious than toomit Egypt together." The reasoning is obscure because it alludes totheories (of Hecataios and other writers) which are presumed to be alreadyknown to the reader.]

26 (return)
[ {Katadoupon}, i.e. thefirst cataract.]

27 (return)
[ "and it gives us here,etc." ({parekhomenos}).]

28 (return)
[ {logo de eipeinthoumasiotere}. Or perhaps, "and it is more marvellous, so to speak."]

29 (return)
[ {ton ta polla esti andrike k.t.l.} I take {ton} to refer to the nature of the country, asmentioned above; but the use of {os} can hardly be paralleled, and thepassage probably requires correction. Some Editors read {ton tekmeriapolla esti k.t.l.} "wherein there are many evidences to prove, etc." Steinomits {ton} and alters the punctuation, so that the clauses run thus,"when it flows from the hottest parts to those which for the most part arecooler? For a man who is capable of reasoning about such matters the firstand greatest evidence to prove that it is not likely to flow from snow, isafforded by the winds, etc."]

30 (return)
[ {ouk ekhei elegkhon},"cannot be refuted" (because we cannot argue with him), cp. Thuc. iii. 53,{ta de pseude elegkhon ekhei}. Some translate, "does not prove his case."]

31 (return)
[ {tes arkhaies diexodou},"his original (normal) course."]

32 (return)
[ {ouk eonton anemonpsukhron}: the best MSS. read {kai anemon psukhron} ("and there are coldwinds"), which Stein retains, explaining that the cold North winds wouldassist evaporation.]

33 (return)
[ {autos eoutou peei polloupodeesteros e tou thereos}.]

34 (return)
[ {diakaion ten diexodonauto}, i.e. {to reri}. Some Editors read {autou} (with inferior MSS.) oralter the word to {eoutou}.]

35 (return)
[ "set forth, so far as Iunderstood."]

36 (return)
[ {epi makrotaton},"carrying the inquiry as far as possible," cp. ch. 34.]

37 (return)
[ I have little doubt thatthis means the island of Elephantine; for at this point only would such amixture of races be found. To this the writer here goes backparenthetically, and then resumes the account of the journey upwards fromTachompso. This view is confirmed by the fact that Strabo relates the samething with regard to the island of Philai just above Elephantine.]

3701 (return)
[ Cp. i. 72, note 86.]

38 (return)
[ {oleureon}.]

39 (return)
[ {zeias}.]

40 (return)
[ i.e. the hieratic andthe demotic characters.]

41 (return)
[ {murias, os eipeinlogo}.]

42 (return)
[ Referring apparently toiii. 28, where the marks of Apis are given. Perhaps no animal could besacrificed which had any of these marks.]

43 (return)
[ {kephale keine}, "thathead," cp. {koilien keinen} in the next chapter.]

44 (return)
[ {katharon}.]

45 (return)
[ {baris}, cp. ch. 96.]

46 (return)
[ Or, "descended fromAigyptos."]

4601 (return)
[ Or, "assuming thatin those days as now, they were wont to make voyages, and that some of theHellenes were seafaring folk."]

47 (return)
[ {stelai}, "uprightblocks."]

48 (return)
[ {lampontos tas nuktasmegathos}: some Editors alter {megathos} to {megalos} or {mega phos}.]

49 (return)
[ {enagizousi}.]

50 (return)
[ {uon}: some Editors read{oion} "sheep," on the authority of one MS.]

51 (return)
[ {ta ounamata}, whichmeans here rather the forms of personification than the actual names.]

52 (return)
[ {ai pramanteis}.]

53 (return)
[ {phegon}.]

54 (return)
[ {upo phego pephukuie},i.e. the oak-tree of the legend was a real growing tree, though the dovewas symbolical.]

55 (return)
[ {panegurias}.]

56 (return)
[ {prosagogas}, with theidea of bringing offerings or introducing persons.]

57 (return)
[ {epoiethesan}, "werefirst celebrated."]

58 (return)
[ So B.R.]

59 (return)
[ {sumphoiteousi}.]

5901 (return)
[ i.e. 700,000.]

60 (return)
[ See ch. 40.]

61 (return)
[ {tesi thusiesi, en tininukti}: some MSS. give {en te nukti}: hence several Editors read {testhusies en te nukti}, "on the night of the sacrifice."]

62 (return)
[ Or, "for what end thisnight is held solemn by lighting of lamps" (B.R.), making {phos kai timen}one idea.]

63 (return)
[ {alexomenous}: this,which is adopted by most Editors, is the reading of some less good MSS.;the rest have {alexomenoi}, "strike them and defend themselves."]

6301 (return)
[ {eousa e Aiguptosk.t.l.}: the MSS. have {eousa de Aiguptos}: Stein reads {eousa garAiguptos}.]

64 (return)
[ {theia pregmatakatalambanei tous aielourous}, which may mean only, "a marvellous thinghappens to the cats."]

65 (return)
[ {es 'Ermeo polin}.]

66 (return)
[ {dikhelon, oplai boos},"he is cloven-footed, and his foot is that of an ox." The words {oplaiboos} are marked as spurious by Stein.]

67 (return)
[ i.e. above the marshes,cp. ch. 92.]

68 (return)
[ {pante}, which by someis translated "taken all together," "at most." Perhaps there is somecorruption of text, and the writer meant to say that it measured twocubits by one cubit.]

6801 (return)
[ The reading of theMedicean MS. is {en esti}, not {enesti} as hitherto reported.]

69 (return)
[ Or, "calling the songLinos."]

70 (return)
[ {ton Linon okothenelabon}: the MSS. have {to ounoma} after {elabon}, but this is omitted byalmost all Editors except Stein, who justifies it by a reference to ch.50, and understands it to mean "the person of Linos." No doubt the songand the person are here spoken off indiscriminately, but this explanationwould require the reading {tou Linou}, as indeed Stein partly admits bysuggesting the alteration.]

71 (return)
[ The words "and Bacchic(which are really Egyptian)," are omitted by several of the best MSS.]

72 (return)
[ {epezosmenai}.]

73 (return)
[ In connexion with deathapparently, cp. ch. 132, 170. Osiris is meant.]

74 (return)
[ {sindonos bussines}.]

75 (return)
[ {to kommi}.]

76 (return)
[ {nros}.]

77 (return)
[ Or, "a pleasant sweettaste."]

78 (return)
[ {apala}, "soft."]

79 (return)
[ {kat oligous tonkegkhron}.]

80 (return)
[ {apo ton sillikupriontou karpou}.]

81 (return)
[ {zuga}, to tie the sidesand serve as a partial deck.]

82 (return)
[ {esti de oud' outos}: afew MSS. have {ouk} instead of {oud'}, and most Editors follow them. Themeaning however seems to be that even here the course in time of flood isdifferent, and much more in the lower parts.]

83 (return)
[ {os apergmenos ree}: theMSS. mostly have {os apergmenos reei}, in place of which I have adoptedthe correction of Stein. Most other Editors read {os apergmenos peei}(following a few inferior MSS.), "the bend of the Nile which flows thusconfined."]

84 (return)
[ Not therefore in theDelta, to which in ch. 15 was assigned a later origin than this.]

85 (return)
[ {kat' ouden einailamprotetos}: Stein reads {kai} for {kat'}, thus making the whole chapterparenthetical, with {ou gar elegon} answered by {parameipsamenos on}, aconjecture which is ingenious but not quite convincing.]

86 (return)
[ {stratien pollen labon}:most of the MSS. have {ton} after {pollen}, which perhaps indicates thatsome words are lost.]

87 (return)
[ {kai prosotata}: manyMSS. have {kai ou prosotata}, which is defended by some Editors in thesense of a comparative, "and not further."]

88 (return)
[ {Suroi} in the betterMSS.; see note in i.6.]

89 (return)
[ {Surioi}.]

90 (return)
[ {kata tauta}: the betterMSS. have {kai kata tauta}, which might be taken with what follows,punctuating after {ergazontai} (as in the Medicean MS.): "they and theEgyptians alone of all nations work flax; and so likewise they resembleone another in their whole manner of living."]

91 (return)
[ {polon}, i.e. theconcave sun-dial, in shape like the vault of heaven.]

92 (return)
[ The gnomon would be anupright staff or an obelisk for observation of the length of the shadow.]

93 (return)
[ i.e. Red Clod.]

94 (return)
[ {Turion stratopedon},i.e. "the Tyrian quarter" of the town: cp. ch. 154.]

95 (return)
[ {ten sen}, or {tauten},"this land."]

96 (return)
[ {es o meteke auton},"until at last he dismissed it"; but the construction is very irregular,and there is probably some corruption of text. Stein reads {ekon} byconjecture for {es o}.]

97 (return)
[ {delon de kata perepoiese}: a conjectural emendation of {delon de' kata gar epoiese}, whichsome editors retain, translating thus, "and this is clear; for accordingto the manner in which Homer described the wanderings of Alexander, etc.,it is clear how, etc."]

98 (return)
[ Il. vi. 289. The sixthbook is not ordinarily included in the {Diomedeos aristeia}.]

99 (return)
[ Od. iv. 227. Thesereferences to the Odyssey are by some thought to be interpolations,because they refer only to the visit of Menelaos to Egypt after the fallof Troy; but Herodotus is arguing that Homer, while rejecting the legendof Helen's stay in Egypt during the war, yet has traces of it left in thislater visit to Egypt of Menelaos and Helen, as well as in the visit ofParis and Helen to Sidon.]

100 (return)
[ Od. iv. 351.]

101 (return)
[ {kai tode to khorion}:probably {to khorion} ought to be struck out: "this also is evident."]

102 (return)
[ {podeonas}, being thefeet of the animals whose skins they were.]

103 (return)
[ Cp. vii. 152.]

104 (return)
[ {elasai}, which may beintransitive, "rushed into every kind of evil."]

105 (return)
[ {stadioi}.]

106 (return)
[ {krossas}.]

107 (return)
[ {bomidas}.]

108 (return)
[ i.e. the three smallpyramids just to the East of the great pyramid.]

109 (return)
[ {oute gar k.t.l.},"for there are no underground chambers," etc. Something which was in themind of the writer has been omitted either by himself or his copyists,"and inferior to it also in other respects, for," etc. unless, as Steinsupposes, we have here a later addition thrown in without regard to theconnexion.]

110 (return)
[ {touto megathos}, "asregards attaining the same size," but probably the text is corrupt. Steinreads {to megathos} in his later editions.]

111 (return)
[ Or, "Philition."]

112 (return)
[ {to theo}, the goddessLeto, cp. i. 105.]

113 (return)
[ {suntakhunein autonton bion}: some MSS. and Editors read {auto} for {auton}, "that heaven wasshortening his life."]

114 (return)
[ More literally,"bidding him take up the blood-money, who would." The people of Delphi aresaid to have put Esop to death and to have been ordered by the Oracle tomake compensation.]

115 (return)
[ {os an einai'Podopin}: so the MSS. Some Editors read {'Podopios}, others {'Podopi}.]

116 (return)
[ {antion de autout touneou}.]

117 (return)
[ {epaphroditoiginesthai}.]

118 (return)
[ {katekertomese min}:Athenæus says that Sappho attacked the mistress of Charaxos; but here{min} can hardly refer to any one but Charaxos himself, who doubtlesswould be included in the same condemnation.]

119 (return)
[ {propulaia}.]

120 (return)
[ "innumerable sights ofbuildings."]

121 (return)
[ {tassomenon},"posted," like an army; but the text is probably unsound: so also in thenext line, where the better MSS. have {men Boubasti poli}, others {e enBoubasti polis}. Stein reads {e en Boubasti poli}, "the earth at the cityof Bubastis." Perhaps {e en Boubasti polis} might mean the town as opposedto the temple, as Mr. Woods suggests.]

122 (return)
[ Cp. ch. 161, {egenetoapo prophasios, ton k.t.l.} Perhaps however {prophasin} is here from{prophaino} (cp. Soph. Trach. 662), and it means merely "that the godswere foreshowing him this in order that," etc. So Stein.]

123 (return)
[ i.e. for theircustomary gift or tribute to him as king.]

124 (return)
[ The chronology isinconsistent, and some propose, without authority, to read "three hundredyears."]

125 (return)
[ {tas arouras}, cp. ch.168, where the {aroura} is defined as a hundred Egyptian units square,about three-quarters of an acre.]

126 (return)
[ {es to megaron}.]

127 (return)
[ Not on two singleoccasions, but for two separate periods of time it was stated that the sunhad risen in the West and set in the East; i.e. from East to West, thenfrom West to East, then again from East to West, and finally back to Eastagain. This seems to be the meaning attached by Herodotus to somethingwhich he was told about astronomical cycles.]

128 (return)
[ {ouk eontas}: this isthe reading of all the best MSS., and also fits in best with the argument,which was that in Egypt gods were quite distinct from men. Most Editorshowever read {oikeontas} on the authority of a few MSS., "dwelling withmen." (The reading of the Medicean MS. is {ouk eontas}, not {oukeontas} asstated by Stein.)]

129 (return)
[ i.e. that the Hellenesborrowed these divinities from Egypt, see ch. 43 ff. This refers to allthe three gods above mentioned and not (as Stein contended) to Pan andDionysos only.]

130 (return)
[ {kai toutous allous},i.e. as well as Heracles; but it may mean "that these also, distinct fromthe gods, had been born," etc. The connexion seems to be this: "Iexpressed my opinion on all these cases when I spoke of the case ofHeracles; for though the statement there about Heracles was in one respectinapplicable to the rest, yet in the main conclusion that gods are notborn of men it applies to all."]

131 (return)
[ {stadioi}.]

132 (return)
[ {mneas}, of which 60go to the talent.]

133 (return)
[ Cp. ch. 112.]

134 (return)
[ {neos}.]

135 (return)
[ I understand that eachwall consisted of a single stone, which gave the dimensions each way: "asregards height and length" therefore it was made of a single stone. Thatit should have been a monolith, except the roof, is almost impossible, notonly because of the size mentioned (which in any case is suspicious), butbecause no one would so hollow out a monolith that it would be necessaryafterwards to put on another stone for the roof. The monolith chambermentioned in ch. 175, which it took three years to convey fromElephantine, measured only 21 cubits by 14 by 8. The {parorophis} or"cornice" is not an "eave projecting four cubits," but (as the word isexplained by Pollux) a cornice between ceiling and roof, measuring in thisinstance four cubits in height and formed by the thickness of the singlestone: see Letronne, Recherches pour servir, etc. p. 80 (quoted by Bähr).]

136 (return)
[ {erpase}, "took asplunder."]

137 (return)
[ {aparti}: this word isnot found in any MS. but was read here by the Greek grammarians.]

13701 (return)
[ i.e. 120,000.]

138 (return)
[ Cp. iv. 159.]

139 (return)
[ {kuneen}, perhaps theroyal helmet or Pschent, cp. ch. 151.]

140 (return)
[ {apemataise},euphemism for breaking wind.]

141 (return)
[ {oudena logon autodonta}: many Editors change {auto} to {eouto}, in which case it means"taking no time to consider the matter," as elsewhere in Herodotus; butcp. iii. 50 {istoreonti logon audena edidou}.]

142 (return)
[ {nomon}, and sothroughout the passage.]

14201 (return)
[ i.e. 160,000.]

14202 (return)
[ i.e. 250,000.]

143 (return)
[ {arourai}, cp. ch.141.]

144 (return)
[ {ekaston}: if{ekastoi} be read (for which there is more MS. authority) the meaning willbe that "a thousand Calasirians and a thousand Hermotybians acted asguards alternately, each for a year," the number at a time being 1000 not2000.]

14401 (return)
[ {pente mneai}.]

145 (return)
[{arusteres},={kotulai}.]

146 (return)
[ {tou neou}.]

147 (return)
[ {e trokhoiedeskaleomene}, "the Wheel."]

148 (return)
[ The last words, "andwhen—again," are not found in the best MSS., and are omitted byStein. However their meaning, if not expressed, is implied.]

149 (return)
[ {pugonos}.]

150 (return)
[ {tou autou eonteslithou}: some MSS. and many Editors have {Aithiopikou} for {tou autou},"of Ethiopian stone." For {eontes} the MSS. have {eontos}, which may beright, referring to {tou bathrou} understood, "the base being made of,"etc.]

151 (return)
[ {tou megalou}, aconjecture founded upon Valla's version, which has been confirmed by a MS.The other MSS. have {tou megarou}, which is retained by some Editors, "oneach side of the sanctuary."]

152 (return)
[ "are claiming a sharewhen no part in it belongs to them."]

153 (return)
[ Or possibly of alum:but the gift seems a very small one in any case. Some propose to read{eikosi mneas khrusou}.]

154 (return)
[ Or, according to a fewMSS., "Battos the son of Arkesilaos."]

155 (return)
[ "thou hast surelyperished."]

HERODOTUS, HISTORIES - BOOK III

Thalia

1. Against this Amasis then Cambyses the son of Cyrus was making hismarch, taking with him not only other nations of which he was ruler, butalso Hellenes, both Ionians and Aiolians: 1 and the cause of theexpedition was as follows:—Cambyses sent an envoy to Egypt and askedAmasis to give him his daughter; and he made the request by counsel of anEgyptian, who brought this upon Amasis 2 having a quarrel withhim for the following reason:—at the time when Cyrus sent to Amasisand asked him for a physician of the eyes, whosoever was the best of thosein Egypt, Amasis had selected him from all the physicians in Egypt and hadtorn him away from his wife and children and delivered him up to Persia.Having, I say, this cause of quarrel, the Egyptian urged Cambyses on byhis counsel bidding him ask Amasis for his daughter, in order that hemight either be grieved if he gave her, or if he refused to give her,might offend Cambyses. So Amasis, who was vexed by the power of thePersians and afraid of it, knew neither how to give nor how to refuse: forhe was well assured that Cambyses did not intend to have her as his wifebut as a concubine. So making account of the matter thus, he did asfollows:—there was a daughter of Apries the former king, very talland comely of form and the only person left of his house, and her name wasNitetis. This girl Amasis adorned with raiment and with gold, and sent heraway to Persia as his own daughter: but after a time, when Cambysessaluted her calling her by the name of her father, the girl said to him:"O king, thou dost not perceive how thou hast been deceived by Amasis; forhe adorned me with ornaments and sent me away giving me to thee as his owndaughter, whereas in truth I am the daughter of Apries against whom Amasisrose up with the Egyptians and murdered him, who was his lord and master."These words uttered and this occasion having arisen, led Cambyses the sonof Cyrus against Egypt, moved to very great anger.

2. Such is the report made by the Persians; but as for the Egyptians theyclaim Cambyses as one of themselves, saying that he was born of this verydaughter of Apries; for they say that Cyrus was he who sent to Amasis forhis daughter, and not Cambyses. In saying this however they say notrightly; nor can they have failed to observe (for the Egyptians fully aswell as any other people are acquainted with the laws and customs of thePersians), first that it is not customary among them for a bastard tobecome king, when there is a son born of a true marriage, and secondlythat Cambyses was the son of Cassandane the daughter of Pharnaspes, a manof the Achaimenid family, and not the son of the Egyptian woman: but theypervert the truth of history, claiming to be kindred with the house ofCyrus. Thus it is with these matters;

3, and the following story is also told, which for my part I do notbelieve, namely that one of the Persian women came in to the wives ofCyrus, and when she saw standing by the side of Cassandane children comelyof form and tall, she was loud in her praises of them, expressing greatadmiration; and Cassandane, who was the wife of Cyrus, spoke as follows:"Nevertheless, though I am the mother of such children of these, Cyrustreats me with dishonour and holds in honour her whom he has brought infrom Egypt." Thus she spoke, they say, being vexed by Nitetis, and uponthat Cambyses the elder of her sons said: "For this cause, mother, when Iam grown to be a man, I will make that which is above in Egypt to bebelow, and that which is below above." This he is reported to have saidwhen he was perhaps about ten years old, and the women were astonished byit: and he, they say, kept it ever in mind, and so at last when he hadbecome a man and had obtained the royal power, he made the expeditionagainst Egypt.

4. Another thing also contributed to this expedition, which was asfollows:—There was among the foreign mercenaries 3 ofAmasis a man who was by race of Halicarnassos, and his name was Phanes,one who was both capable in judgment and valiant in that which pertainedto war. This Phanes, having (as we may suppose) some quarrel with Amasis,fled away from Egypt in a ship, desiring to come to speech with Cambyses:and as he was of no small repute among the mercenaries and was veryclosely acquainted with all the affairs of Egypt, Amasis pursued him andconsidered it a matter of some moment to capture him: and he pursued bysending after him the most trusted of his eunuchs with a trireme, whocaptured him in Lykia; but having captured him he did not bring him backto Egypt, since Phanes got the better of him by cunning; for he made hisguards drunk and escaped to Persia. So when Cambyses had made his resolveto march upon Egypt, and was in difficulty about the march, as to how heshould get safely through the waterless region, this man came to him andbesides informing of the other matters of Amasis, he instructed him alsoas to the march, advising him to send to the king of the Arabians and askthat he would give him safety of passage through this region.

5. Now by this way only is there a known entrance to Egypt: for fromPhenicia to the borders of the city of Cadytis belongs to the Syrians 4who are called of Palestine, and from Cadytis, which is a city I supposenot much less than Sardis, from this city the trading stations on thesea-coast as far as the city of Ienysos belong to the king of Arabia, andthen from Ienysos again the country belongs to the Syrians as far as theSerbonian lake, along the side of which Mount Casion extends towards theSea. After that, from the Serbonian lake, in which the story goes thatTyphon is concealed, from this point onwards the land is Egypt. Now theregion which lies between the city of Ienysos on the one hand and MountCasion and the Serbonian lake on the other, which is of no small extentbut as much as a three days' journey, is grievously destitute of water.

6. And one thing I shall tell of, which few of those who go in ships toEgypt have observed, and it is this:—into Egypt from all parts ofHellas and also from Phenicia are brought twice every year earthenwarejars full of wine, and yet it may almost be said that you cannot see thereone single empty 5 wine-jar.

7. In what manner, then, it will be asked, are they used up? This also Iwill tell. The head-man 6 of each place must collect all the earthenwarejars from his own town and convey them to Memphis, and those at Memphismust fill them with water and convey them to these same waterless regionsof Syria: this the jars which come regularly to Egypt and are emptied 7there, are carried to Syria to be added to that which has come before. Itwas the Persians who thus prepared this approach to Egypt, furnishing itwith water in the manner which has been said, from the time when theyfirst took possession of Egypt: but at the time of which I speak, seeingthat water was not yet provided, Cambyses, in accordance with what he wastold by his Halicarnassian guest, sent envoys to the Arabian king and fromhim asked and obtained the safe passage, having given him pledges offriendship and received them from him in return.

8. Now the Arabians have respect for pledges of friendship as much asthose men in all the world who regard them most; and they give them in thefollowing manner:—A man different from those who desire to give thepledges to one another, standing in the midst between the two, cuts with asharp stone the inner parts of the hands, along by the thumbs, of thosewho are giving the pledges to one another, and then he takes a thread fromthe cloak of each one and smears with the blood seven stones laid in themidst between them; and as he does this he calls upon Dionysos and Urania.When the man has completed these ceremonies, he who has given the pledgescommends to the care of his friends the stranger (or the fellow-tribesman,if he is giving the pledges to one who is a member of his tribe), and thefriends think it right that they also should have regard for the pledgesgiven. Of gods they believe in Dionysos and Urania alone: moreover theysay that the cutting of their hair is done after the same fashion as thatof Dionysos himself; and they cut their hair in a circle round, shavingaway the hair of the temples. Now they call Dionysos Orotalt 8and Urania they call Alilat.

9. So then when the Arabian king had given the pledge of friendship to themen who had come to him from Cambyses, he contrived as follows:—hetook skins of camels and filled them with water and loaded them upon thebacks of all the living camels that he had; and having so done he drovethem to the waterless region and there awaited the army of Cambyses. Thiswhich has been related is the more credible of the accounts given, but theless credible must also be related, since it is a current account. Thereis a great river in Arabia called Corys, and this runs out into the Seawhich is called Erythraian. From this river then it is said that the kingof the Arabians, having got a conduit pipe made by sewing together rawox-hides and other skins, of such a length as to reach to the waterlessregion, conducted the water through these forsooth, 9and had great cisterns dug in the waterless region, that they mightreceive the water and preserve it. Now it is a journey of twelve days fromthe river to this waterless region; and moreover the story says that heconducted the water by three 10 conduit-pipes tothree different parts of it.

10. Meanwhile Psammenitos the son of Amasis was encamped at the Pelusianmouth of the Nile waiting for the coming of Cambyses: for Cambyses did notfind Amasis yet living when he marched upon Egypt, but Amasis had diedafter having reigned forty and four years during which no great misfortunehad befallen him: and when he had died and had been embalmed he was buriedin the burial-place in the temple, which he had built for himself. 11Now when Psammenitos son of Amasis was reigning as king, there happened tothe Egyptians a prodigy, the greatest that had ever happened: for rainfell at Thebes in Egypt, where never before had rain fallen nor afterwardsdown to my time, as the Thebans themselves say; for in the upper parts ofEgypt no rain falls at all: but at the time of which I speak rain fell atThebes in a drizzling shower. 12

11. Now when the Persians had marched quite through the waterless regionand were encamped near the Egyptians with design to engage battle, thenthe foreign mercenaries of the Egyptian king, who were Hellenes andCarians, having a quarrel with Phanes because he had brought against Egyptan army of foreign speech, contrived against him as follows:—Phaneshad children whom he had left behind in Egypt: these they brought to theircamp and into the sight of their father, and they set up a mixing-bowlbetween the two camps, and after that they brought up the children one byone and cut their throats so that the blood ran into the bowl. Then whenthey had gone through the whole number of the children, they brought andpoured into the bowl both wine and water, and not until the mercenarieshad all drunk of the blood, did they engage battle. Then after a battlehad been fought with great stubbornness, and very many had fallen of boththe armies, the Egyptians at length turned to flight.

12. I was witness moreover of a great marvel, being informed of it by thenatives of the place; for of the bones scattered about of those who fellin this fight, each side separately, since the bones of the Persians werelying apart on one side according as they were divided at first, and thoseof the Egyptians on the other, the skulls of the Persians are so weak thatif you shall hit them only with a pebble you will make a hole in them,while those of the Egyptians are so exceedingly strong that you wouldhardly break them if you struck them with a large stone. The cause of it,they say, was this, and I for my part readily believe them, namely thatthe Egyptians beginning from their early childhood shave their heads, andthe bone is thickened by exposure to the sun: and this is also the causeof their not becoming bald-headed; for among the Egyptians you see fewerbald-headed men than among any other race. This then is the reason whythese have their skulls strong; and the reason why the Persians havetheirs weak is that they keep them delicately in the shade from the firstby wearing tiaras, that is felt caps. So far of this: and I sawalso a similar thing to this at Papremis, in the case of those who wereslain together with Achaimenes the son of Dareios, by Inaros the Libyan.

13. The Egyptians when they turned to flight from the battle fled indisorder: and they being shut up in Memphis, Cambyses sent a ship ofMytilene up the river bearing a Persian herald, to summon the Egyptians tomake terms of surrender; but they, when they saw the ship had entered intoMemphis, pouring forth in a body from the fortress 13both destroyed the ship and also tore the men in it limb from limb, and sobore them into the fortress. After this the Egyptians being besieged, incourse of time surrendered themselves; and the Libyans who dwell on theborders of Egypt, being struck with terror by that which had happened toEgypt, delivered themselves up without resistance, and they both laid onthemselves a tribute and sent presents: likewise also those of Kyrene andBarca, being struck with terror equally with 14 the Libyans, acted ina similar manner: and Cambyses accepted graciously the gifts which camefrom the Libyans, but as for those which came from the men of Kyrene,finding fault with them, as I suppose, because they were too small inamount (for the Kyrenians sent in fact five hundred pounds' weight 15of silver), he took the silver by handfuls and scattered it with his ownhand among his soldiers.

14. On the tenth day after that on which he received the surrender of thefortress of Memphis, Cambyses set the king of the Egyptians Psammenitos,who had been king for six months, to sit in the suburb of the city, to dohim dishonour,—him I say with other Egyptians he set there, and heproceeded to make trial of his spirit as follows:—having arrayed hisdaughter in the clothing of a slave, he sent her forth with a pitcher tofetch water, and with her he sent also other maidens chosen from thedaughters of the chief men, arrayed as was the daughter of the king: andas the maidens were passing by their fathers with cries and lamentation,the other men all began to cry out and lament aloud, 16seeing that their children had been evilly entreated, but Psammenitos whenhe saw it before his eyes and perceived it bent himself down to the earth.Then when the water-bearers had passed by, next Cambyses sent his son withtwo thousand Egyptians besides who were of the same age, with ropes boundround their necks and bits placed in their mouths; and these were beingled away to execution to avenge the death of the Mytilenians who had beendestroyed at Memphis with their ship: for the Royal Judges 17had decided that for each man ten of the noblest Egyptians should losetheir lives in retaliation. He then, when he saw them passing out by himand perceived that his son was leading the way 18 to die, did the sameas he had done with respect to his daughter, while the other Egyptians whosat round him were lamenting and showing signs of grief. When these alsohad passed by, it chanced that a man of his table companions, advanced inyears, who had been deprived of all his possessions and had nothing exceptsuch things as a beggar possesses, and was asking alms from the soldiers,passed by Psammenitos the son of Amasis and the Egyptians who were sittingin the suburb of the city: and when Psammenitos saw him he uttered a greatcry of lamentation, and he called his companion by name and beat himselfupon the head. Now there was, it seems, men set to watch him, who madeknown to Cambyses all that he did on the occasion of each going forth: andCambyses marvelled at that which he did, and he sent a messenger and askedhim thus: "Psammenitos, thy master Cambyses asks thee for what reason,when thou sawest thy daughter evilly entreated and thy son going to death,thou didst not cry aloud nor lament for them, whereas thou didst honourwith these signs of grief the beggar who, as he hears from others, is notin any way related to thee?" Thus he asked, and the other answered asfollows: "O son of Cyrus, my own troubles were too great for me to lamentthem aloud, but the trouble of my companion was such as called for tears,seeing that he has been deprived of great wealth, and has come to beggaryupon the threshold of old age." When this saying was reported by themessenger, it seemed to them 19 that it was wellspoken; and, as is reported by the Egyptians, Croesus shed tears (for healso, as fortune would have it, had accompanied Cambyses to Egypt) and thePersians who were present shed tears also; and there entered some pityinto Cambyses himself, and forthwith he bade them save the life of the sonof Psammenitos from among those who were being put to death, and also hebade them raise Psammenitos himself from his place in the suburb of thecity and bring him into his own presence.

15. As for the son, those who went for him found that he was no longeralive, but had been cut down first of all, but Psammenitos himself theyraised from his place and brought him into the presence of Cambyses, withwhom he continued to live for the rest of his time without suffering anyviolence; and if he had known how to keep himself from meddling withmischief, he would have received Egypt so as to be ruler of it, since thePersians are wont to honour the sons of kings, and even if the kings haverevolted from them, they give back the power into the hands of their sons.Of this, namely that it is their established rule to act so, one may judgeby many instances besides and especially 20 by the case ofThannyras the son of Inaros, who received back the power which his fatherhad, and by that of Pausiris the son of Amyrtaios, for he too receivedback the power of his father: yet it is certain that no men ever up tothis time did more evil to the Persians than Inaros and Amyrtaios. As itwas, however, Psammenitos devised evil and received the due reward: for hewas found to be inciting the Egyptians to revolt; and when this becameknown to Cambyses, Psammenitos drank bull's blood and died forthwith. Thushe came to his end.

16. From Memphis Cambyses came to the city of Saïs with the purpose ofdoing that which in fact he did: for when he had entered into the palaceof Amasis, he forthwith gave command to bring the corpse of Amasis forthout of his burial-place; and when this had been accomplished, he gavecommand to scourge it and pluck out the hair and stab it, and to do to itdishonour in every possible way besides: and when they had done this toountil they were wearied out, for the corpse being embalmed held outagainst the violence and did not fall to pieces in any part, Cambyses gavecommand to consume it with fire, enjoining thereby a thing which was notpermitted by religion: for the Persians hold fire to be a god. To consumecorpses with fire then is by no means according to the custom of eitherpeople, of the Persians for the reason which has been mentioned, sincethey say that it is not right to give the dead body of a man to a god;while the Egyptians have the belief established that fire is a living wildbeast, and that it devours everything which it catches, and when it issatiated with the food it dies itself together with that which it devours:but it is by no means their custom to give the corpse of a man to wildbeasts, for which reason they embalm it, that it may not be eaten by wormsas it lies in the tomb. Thus then Cambyses was enjoining them to do thatwhich is not permitted by the customs of either people. However, theEgyptians say that it was not Amasis who suffered this outrage, butanother of the Egyptians who was of the same stature of body as Amasis;and that to him the Persians did outrage, thinking that they were doing itto Amasis: for they say that Amasis learnt from an Oracle that which wasabout to happen with regard to himself after his death; and accordingly,to avert the evil which threatened to come upon him, he buried the deadbody of this man who was scourged within his own sepulchral chamber nearthe doors, and enjoined his son to lay his own body as much as possible inthe inner recess of the chamber. These injunctions, said to have beengiven by Amasis with regard to his burial and with regard to the manmentioned, were not in my opinion really given at all, but I think thatthe Egyptians make pretence of it from pride and with no good ground.

17. After this Cambyses planned three several expeditions, one against theCarthaginians, another against the Ammonians, and a third against the"Long-lived" Ethiopians, who dwell in that part of Libya which is by theSouthern Sea: and in forming these designs he resolved to send his navalforce against the Carthaginians, and a body chosen from his land-armyagainst the Ammonians; and to the Ethiopians to send spies first, both tosee whether the table of the Sun existed really, which is said to existamong these Ethiopians, and in addition to this to spy out all else, butpretending to be bearers of gifts for their king.

18. Now the table of the Sun is said to be as follows:—there is ameadow in the suburb of their city full of flesh-meat boiled of allfour-footed creatures; and in this, it is said, those of the citizens whoare in authority at the time place the flesh by night, managing the mattercarefully, and by day any man who wishes comes there and feasts himself;and the natives (it is reported) say that the earth of herself producesthese things continually.

19. Of such nature is the so-called table of the Sun said to be. So whenCambyses had resolved to send the spies, forthwith he sent for those menof the Ichthyophagoi who understood the Ethiopian tongue, to come from thecity of Elephantine: and while they were going to fetch these men, he gavecommand to the fleet to sail against Carthage: but the Phenicians saidthat they would not do so, for they were bound not to do so by solemnvows, and they would not be acting piously if they made expedition againsttheir own sons: and as the Phenicians were not willing, the rest wererendered unequal to the attempt. Thus then the Carthaginians escaped beingenslaved by the Persians; for Cambyses did not think it right to applyforce to compel the Phenicians, both because they had delivered themselvesover to the Persians of their own accord and because the whole naval forcewas dependent upon the Phenicians. Now the men of Cyprus also haddelivered themselves over to the Persians, and were joining in theexpedition against Egypt.

20. Then as soon as the Ichthyophagoi came to Cambyses from Elephantine,he sent them to the Ethiopians, enjoining them what they should say andgiving them gifts to bear with them, that is to say a purple garment, anda collar of twisted gold with bracelets, and an alabaster box of perfumedointment, and a jar of palm-wine. Now these Ethiopians to whom Cambyseswas sending are said to be the tallest and the most beautiful of all men;and besides other customs which they are reported to have different fromother men, there is especially this, it is said, with regard to theirregal power,—whomsoever of the men of their nation they judge to bethe tallest and to have strength in proportion to his stature, this manthey appoint to reign over them.

21. So when the Ichthyophagoi had come to this people they presented theirgifts to the king who ruled over them, and at the same time they said asfollows: "The king of the Persians Cambyses, desiring to become a friendand guest to thee, sent us with command to come to speech with thee, andhe gives thee for gifts these things which he himself most delights touse." The Ethiopian however, perceiving that they had come as spies, spoketo them as follows: "Neither did the king of the Persians send you bearinggifts because he thought it a matter of great moment to become myguest-friend, nor do ye speak true things (for ye have come as spies of mykingdom), nor again is he a righteous man; for if he had been righteous hewould not have coveted a land other than his own, nor would he be leadingaway into slavery men at whose hands he has received no wrong. Now howevergive him this bow and speak to him these words: The king of the Ethiopiansgives this counsel to the king of the Persians, that when the Persiansdraw their bows (of equal size to mine) as easily as I do this, then heshould march against the Long-lived Ethiopians, provided that he besuperior in numbers; but until that time he should feel gratitude to thegods that they do not put it into the mind of the sons of the Ethiopiansto acquire another land in addition to their own."

22. Having thus said and having unbent the bow, he delivered it to thosewho had come. Then he took the garment of purple and asked what it was andhow it had been made: and when the Ichthyophagoi had told him the truthabout the purple-fish and the dyeing of the tissue, he said that the menwere deceitful and deceitful also were their garments. Then secondly heasked concerning the twisted gold of the collar and the bracelets; andwhen the Ichthyophagoi were setting forth to him the manner in which itwas fashioned, the king broke into a laugh and said, supposing them to befetters, that they had stronger fetters than those in their country.Thirdly he asked about the perfumed ointment, and when they had told himof the manner of its making and of the anointing with it, he said the sameas he had said before about the garment. Then when he came to the wine,and had learned about the manner of its making, being exceedinglydelighted with the taste of the drink he asked besides what food the kingate, and what was the longest time that a Persian man lived. They told himthat he ate bread, explaining to him first the manner of growing thewheat, and they said that eighty years was the longest term of lifeappointed for a Persian man. In answer to this the Ethiopian said that hedid not wonder that they lived but a few years, when they fed upon dung;for indeed they would not be able to live even so many years as this, ifthey did not renew their vigour with the drink, indicating to theIchthyophagoi the wine; for in regard to this, he said, his people weremuch behind the Persians.

23. Then when the Ichthyophagoi asked the king in return about the lengthof days and the manner of life of his people, he answered that the greaternumber of them reached the age of a hundred and twenty years, and somesurpassed even this; and their food was boiled flesh and their drink wasmilk. And when the spies marvelled at the number of years, he conductedthem to a certain spring, in the water of which they washed and becamemore sleek of skin, as if it were a spring of oil; and from it there camea scent as it were of violets: and the water of this spring, said thespies, was so exceedingly weak that it was not possible for anything tofloat upon it, either wood or any of those things which are lighter thanwood, but they all went to the bottom. If this water which they have bereally such as it is said to be, it would doubtless be the cause why thepeople are long-lived, as making use of it for all the purposes of life.Then when they departed from this spring, he led them to a prison-housefor men, and there all were bound in fetters of gold. Now among theseEthiopians bronze is the rarest and most precious of all things. Then whenthey had seen the prison-house they saw also the so-called table of theSun:

24, and after this they saw last of all their receptacles of dead bodies,which are said to be made of crystal in the following manner:—whenthey have dried the corpse, whether it be after the Egyptian fashion or insome other way, they cover it over completely with plaster 21and then adorn it with painting, making the figure as far as possible likethe living man. After this they put about it a block of crystal hollowedout; for this they dig up in great quantity and it is very easy to work:and the dead body being in the middle of the block is visible through it,but produces no unpleasant smell nor any other effect which is unseemly,and it has all its parts visible like the dead body itself. For a yearthen they who are most nearly related to the man keep the block in theirhouse, giving to the dead man the first share of everything and offeringto him sacrifices: and after this period they carry it out and set it upround about the city.

25. After they had seen all, the spies departed to go back; and when theyreported these things, forthwith Cambyses was enraged and proceeded tomarch his army against the Ethiopians, not having ordered any provision offood nor considered with himself that he was intending to march an army tothe furthest extremities of the earth; but as one who is mad and not inhis right senses, when he heard the report of the Ichthyophagoi he beganthe march, ordering those of the Hellenes who were present to remainbehind in Egypt, and taking with him his whole land force: and when in thecourse of his march he had arrived at Thebes, he divided off about fiftythousand of his army, and these he enjoined to make slaves of theAmmonians and to set fire to the seat of the Oracle of Zeus, but hehimself with the remainder of his army went on against the Ethiopians. Butbefore the army had passed over the fifth part of the way, all that theyhad of provisions came to an end completely; and then after the provisionsthe beasts of burden also were eaten up and came to an end. Now ifCambyses when he perceived this had changed his plan and led his armyback, he would have been a wise man in spite of 22 his first mistake; asit was, however, he paid no regard, but went on forward without stopping.The soldiers accordingly, so long as they were able to get anything fromthe ground, prolonged their lives by eating grass; but when they came tothe sand, some did a fearful deed, that is to say, out of each company often they selected by lot one of themselves and devoured him: and Cambyses,when he heard it, being alarmed by this eating of one another gave up theexpedition against the Ethiopians and set forth to go back again; and hearrived at Thebes having suffered loss of a great number of his army. Thenfrom Thebes he came down to Memphis and allowed the Hellenes to sail awayhome.

26. Thus fared the expedition against the Ethiopians: and those of thePersians who had been sent to march against the Ammonians set forth fromThebes and went on their way with guides; and it is known that theyarrived at the city of Oasis, which is inhabited by Samians said to be ofthe Aischrionian tribe, and is distant seven days' journey from Thebesover sandy desert: now this place is called in the speech of the Hellenesthe "Isle of the Blessed." It is said that the army reached this place,but from that point onwards, except the Ammonians themselves and those whohave heard the account from them, no man is able to say anything aboutthem; for they neither reached the Ammonians nor returned back. Thishowever is added to the story by the Ammonians themselves:—they saythat as the army was going from this Oasis through the sandy desert toattack them, and had got to a point about mid-way between them and theOasis, while they were taking their morning meal a violent South Wind blewupon them, and bearing with it heaps of the desert sand it buried themunder it, and so they disappeared and were seen no more. Thus theAmmonians say that it came to pass with regard to this army.

27. When Cambyses arrived at Memphis, Apis appeared to the Egyptians, whomthe Hellenes call Epaphos: and when he had appeared, forthwith theEgyptians began to wear their fairest garments and to have festivities.Cambyses accordingly seeing the Egyptians doing thus, and supposing thatthey were certainly acting so by way of rejoicing because he had faredill, called for the officers who had charge of Memphis; and when they hadcome into his presence, he asked them why when he was at Memphis on theformer occasion, the Egyptians were doing nothing of this kind, but onlynow, when he came there after losing a large part of his army. They saidthat a god had appeared to them, who was wont to appear at intervals oflong time, and that whenever he appeared, then all the Egyptians rejoicedand kept festival. Hearing this Cambyses said that they were lying, and asliars he condemned them to death.

28. Having put these to death, next he called the priests into hispresence; and when the priests answered him after the same manner, he saidthat it should not be without his knowledge if a tame god had come to theEgyptians; and having so said he bade the priests bring Apis away into hispresence: so they went to bring him. Now this Apis-Epaphos is a calf bornof a cow who after this is not permitted to conceive any other offspring;and the Egyptians say that a flash of light comes down from heaven uponthis cow, and of this she produces Apis. This calf which is called Apis isblack and has the following signs, namely a white square 23upon the forehead, and on the back the likeness of an eagle, and in thetail the hairs are double, and on 24 the tongue there is amark like a beetle.

29. When the priests had brought Apis, Cambyses being somewhat affectedwith madness drew his dagger, and aiming at the belly of Apis, struck histhigh: then he laughed and said to the priests: "O ye wretched creatures,are gods born such as this, with blood and flesh, and sensible of thestroke of iron weapons? Worthy indeed of Egyptians is such a god as this.Ye however at least shall not escape without punishment for making a mockof me." Having thus spoken he ordered those whose duty it was to do suchthings, to scourge the priests without mercy, and to put to death any oneof the other Egyptians whom they should find keeping the festival. Thusthe festival of the Egyptians had been brought to an end, and the priestswere being chastised, and Apis wounded by the stroke in his thigh laydying in the temple.

30. Him, when he had brought his life to an end by reason of the wound,the priests buried without the knowledge of Cambyses: but Cambyses, as theEgyptians say, immediately after this evil deed became absolutely mad, nothaving been really in his right senses even before that time: and thefirst of his evil deeds was that he put to death his brother Smerdis, whowas of the same father and the same mother as himself. This brother he hadsent away from Egypt to Persia in envy, because alone of all the Persianshe had been able to draw the bow which the Ichthyophagoi brought from theEthiopian king, to an extent of about two finger-breadths; while of theother Persians not one had proved able to do this. Then when Smerdis hadgone away to Persia, Cambyses saw a vision in his sleep of this kind:—itseemed to him that a messenger came from Persia and reported that Smerdissitting upon the royal throne had touched the heaven with his head.Fearing therefore with regard to this lest his brother might slay him andreign in his stead, he sent Prexaspes to Persia, the man whom of all thePersians he trusted most, with command to slay him. He accordingly went upto Susa and slew Smerdis; and some say that he took him out of the chaseand so slew him, others that he brought him to the Erythraian Sea anddrowned him.

31. This they say was the first beginning of the evil deeds of Cambyses;and next after this he put to death his sister, who had accompanied him toEgypt, to whom also he was married, she being his sister by both parents.Now he took her to wife in the following manner (for before this thePersians had not been wont at all to marry their sisters):—Cambysesfell in love with one of his sisters, and desired to take her to wife; sosince he had it in mind to do that which was not customary, he called theRoyal Judges and asked them whether there existed any law which permittedhim who desired it to marry his sister. Now the Royal Judges are menchosen out from among the Persians, and hold their office until they dieor until some injustice is found in them, so long and no longer. Thesepronounce decisions for the Persians and are the expounders of theordinances of their fathers, and all matters are referred to them. So whenCambyses asked them, they gave him an answer which was both upright andsafe, saying that they found no law which permitted a brother to marry hissister, but apart from that they had found a law to the effect that theking of the Persians might do whatsoever he desired. Thus on the one handthey did not tamper with the law for fear of Cambyses, and at the sametime, that they might not perish themselves in maintaining the law, theyfound another law beside that which was asked for, which was in favour ofhim who wished to marry his sisters. So Cambyses at that time took to wifeher with whom he was in love, but after no long time he took anothersister. Of these it was the younger whom he put to death, she havingaccompanied him to Egypt.

32. About her death, as about the death of Smerdis, two different storiesare told. The Hellenes say that Cambyses had matched a lion's cub in fightwith a dog's whelp, and this wife of his was also a spectator of it; andwhen the whelp was being overcome, another whelp, its brother, broke itschain and came to help it; and having become two instead of one, thewhelps then got the better of the cub: and Cambyses was pleased at thesight, but she sitting by him began to weep; and Cambyses perceived it andasked wherefore she wept; and she said that she had wept when she saw thatthe whelp had come to the assistance of its brother, because sheremembered Smerdis and perceived that there was no one who would come tohis 25assistance. The Hellenes say that it was for this saying that she waskilled by Cambyses: but the Egyptians say that as they were sitting roundat table, the wife took a lettuce and pulled off the leaves all round, andthen asked her husband whether the lettuce was fairer when thus pluckedround or when covered with leaves, and he said "when covered with leaves":she then spoke thus: "Nevertheless thou didst once produce the likeness ofthis lettuce, when thou didst strip bare the house of Cyrus." And he movedto anger leapt upon her, being with child, and she miscarried and died.

33. These were the acts of madness done by Cambyses towards those of hisown family, whether the madness was produced really on account of Apis orfrom some other cause, as many ills are wont to seize upon men; for it issaid moreover that Cambyses had from his birth a certain grievous malady,that which is called by some the "sacred" disease: 26and it was certainly nothing strange that when the body was suffering froma grievous malady, the mind should not be sound either.

34. The following also are acts of madness which he did to the otherPersians:—To Prexaspes, the man whom he honoured most and who usedto bear his messages 2601 (his son also was cup-bearer to Cambyses,and this too was no small honour),—to him it is said that he spokeas follows: "Prexaspes, what kind of a man do the Persians esteem me tobe, and what speech do they hold concerning me?" and he said: "Master, inall other respects thou art greatly commended, but they say that thou artovermuch given to love of wine." Thus he spoke concerning the Persians;and upon that Cambyses was roused to anger, and answered thus: "It appearsthen that the Persians say I am given to wine, and that therefore I ambeside myself and not in my right mind; and their former speech then wasnot sincere." For before this time, it seems, when the Persians andCroesus were sitting with him in council, Cambyses asked what kind of aman they thought he was as compared with his father Cyrus; 27and they answered that he was better than his father, for he not onlypossessed all that his father had possessed, but also in addition to thishad acquired Egypt and the Sea. Thus the Persians spoke; but Croesus, whowas present and was not satisfied with their judgment, spoke thus toCambyses: "To me, O son of Cyrus, thou dost not appear to be equal to thyfather, for not yet hast thou a son such as he left behind him in you."Hearing this Cambyses was pleased, and commended the judgment of Croesus.

35. So calling to mind this, he said in anger to Prexaspes: "Learn thennow for thyself whether the Persians speak truly, or whether when they saythis they are themselves out of their senses: for if I, shooting at thyson there standing before the entrance of the chamber, hit him in the verymiddle of the heart, the Persians will be proved to be speaking falsely,but if I miss, then thou mayest say that the Persians are speaking thetruth and that I am not in my right mind." Having thus said he drew hisbow and hit the boy; and when the boy had fallen down, it is said that heordered them to cut open his body and examine the place where he was hit;and as the arrow was found to be sticking in the heart, he laughed and wasdelighted, and said to the father of the boy: "Prexaspes, it has now beenmade evident, as thou seest, that I am not mad, but that it is thePersians who are out of their senses; and now tell me, whom of all mendidst thou ever see before this time hit the mark so well in shooting?"Then Prexaspes, seeing that the man was not in his right senses andfearing for himself, said: "Master, I think that not even God himselfcould have hit the mark so fairly." Thus he did at that time: and atanother time he condemned twelve of the Persians, men equal to the best,on a charge of no moment, and buried them alive with the head downwards.

36. When he was doing these things, Croesus the Lydian judged it right toadmonish him in the following words: "O king, do not thou indulge the heatof thy youth and passion in all things, but retain and hold thyself back:it is a good thing to be prudent, and forethought is wise. Thou howeverare putting to death men who are of thine own people, condemning them oncharges of no moment, and thou art putting to death men's sons also. Ifthou do many such things, beware lest the Persians make revolt from thee.As for me, thy father Cyrus gave me charge, earnestly bidding me toadmonish thee, and suggest to thee that which I should find to be good."Thus he counselled him, manifesting goodwill towards him; but Cambysesanswered: "Dost thou venture to counsel me, who excellently welldidst rule thine own country, and well didst counsel my father, biddinghim pass over the river Araxes and go against the Massagetai, when theywere willing to pass over into our land, and so didst utterly ruin thyselfby ill government of thine own land, and didst utterly ruin Cyrus, whofollowed thy counsel. However thou shalt not escape punishment now, forknow that before this I had very long been desiring to find some occasionagainst thee." Thus having said he took his bow meaning to shoot him, butCroesus started up and ran out: and so since he could not shoot him, hegave orders to his attendants to take and slay him. The attendantshowever, knowing his moods, concealed Croesus, with the intention that ifCambyses should change his mind and seek to have Croesus again, they mightproduce him and receive gifts as the price of saving his life; but if hedid not change his mind nor feel desire to have him back, then they mightkill him. Not long afterwards Cambyses did in fact desire to have Croesusagain, and the attendants perceiving this reported to him that he wasstill alive: and Cambyses said that he rejoiced with Croesus that he wasstill alive, but that they who had preserved him should not get off free,but he would put them to death: and thus he did.

37. Many such acts of madness did he both to Persians and allies,remaining at Memphis and opening ancient tombs and examining the deadbodies. Likewise also he entered into the temple of Hephaistos and verymuch derided the image of the god: for the image of Hephaistos very nearlyresembles the Phenician Pataicoi, which the Phenicians carry abouton the prows of their triremes; and for him who has not seen these, I willindicate its nature,—it is the likeness of a dwarfish man. Heentered also into the temple of the Cabeiroi, into which it is not lawfulfor any one to enter except the priest only, and the images there he evenset on fire, after much mockery of them. Now these also are like theimages of Hephaistos, and it is said that they are the children of thatgod.

38. It is clear to me therefore by every kind of proof that Cambyses wasmad exceedingly; for otherwise he would not have attempted to deridereligious rites and customary observances. For if one should propose toall men a choice, bidding them select the best customs from all thecustoms that there are, each race of men, after examining them all, wouldselect those of his own people; thus all think that their own customs areby far the best: and so it is not likely that any but a madman would makea jest of such things. Now of the fact that all men are thus wont to thinkabout their customs, we may judge by many other proofs and more speciallyby this which follows:—Dareios in the course of his reign summonedthose of the Hellenes who were present in his land, and asked them forwhat price they would consent to eat up their fathers when they died; andthey answered that for no price would they do so. After this Dareiossummoned those Indians who are called Callatians, who eat their parents,and asked them in presence of the Hellenes, who understood what they saidby help of an interpreter, for what payment they would consent to consumewith fire the bodies of their fathers when they died; and they cried outaloud and bade him keep silence from such words. Thus then these thingsare established by usage, and I think that Pindar spoke rightly in hisverse, when he said that "of all things law is king." 28

39. Now while Cambyses was marching upon Egypt, the Lacedemonians also hadmade an expedition against Samos and against Polycrates the son of Aiakes,who had risen against the government and obtained rule over Samos. Atfirst he had divided the State into three parts and had given a share tohis brothers Pantagnotos and Syloson; but afterwards he put to death oneof these, and the younger, namely Syloson, he drove out, and so obtainedpossession of the whole of Samos. Then, being in possession, 29he made a guest-friendship with Amasis the king of Egypt, sending himgifts and receiving gifts in return from him. After this straightwaywithin a short period of time the power of Polycrates increased rapidly,and there was much fame of it not only in Ionia, but also over the rest ofHellas: for to whatever part he directed his forces, everything wentfortunately for him: and he had got for himself a hundred fifty-oaredgalleys and a thousand archers, and he plundered from all, making nodistinction of any; for it was his wont to say that he would win moregratitude from his friend by giving back to him that which he had taken,than by not taking at all. 30 So he had conqueredmany of the islands and also many cities of the continent, and besidesother things he gained the victory in a sea-fight over the Lesbians, asthey were coming to help the Milesians with their forces, and conqueredthem: these men dug the whole trench round the wall of the city of Samosworking in chains.

40. Now Amasis, as may be supposed, did not fail to perceive thatPolycrates was very greatly fortunate, and 31 it was to him anobject of concern; and as much more good fortune yet continued to come toPolycrates, he wrote upon a paper these words and sent them to Samos:"Amasis to Polycrates thus saith:—It is a pleasant thing indeed tohear that one who is a friend and guest is faring well; yet to me thygreat good fortune is not pleasing, since I know that the Divinity isjealous; and I think that I desire, both for myself and for those aboutwhom I have care, that in some of our affairs we should be prosperous andin others should fail, and thus go through life alternately faring 32well and ill, rather than that we should be prosperous in all things: fornever yet did I hear tell of any one who was prosperous in all things anddid not come to an utterly 33 evil end at the last.Now therefore do thou follow my counsel and act as I shall say withrespect to thy prosperous fortunes. Take thought and consider, and thatwhich thou findest to be the most valued by thee, and for the loss ofwhich thou wilt most be vexed in thy soul, that take and cast away in sucha manner that it shall never again come to the sight of men; and if infuture from that time forward good fortune does not befall thee inalternation with calamities, 34 apply remedies in themanner by me suggested."

41. Polycrates, having read this and having perceived by reflection thatAmasis suggested to him good counsel, sought to find which one of histreasures he would be most afflicted in his soul to lose; and seeking hefound this which I shall say:—he had a signet which he used to wear,enchased in gold and made of an emerald stone; and it was the work ofTheodoros the son of Telecles of Samos. 35 Seeing then that hethought it good to cast this away, he did thus:—he manned afifty-oared galley with sailors and went on board of it himself; and thenhe bade them put out into the deep sea. And when he had got to a distancefrom the island, he took off the signet-ring, and in the sight of all whowere with him in the ship he threw it into the sea. Thus having done hesailed home; and when he came to his house he mourned for his loss.

42. But on the fifth or sixth day after these things it happened to him asfollows:—a fisherman having caught a large and beautiful fish,thought it right that this should be given as a gift to Polycrates. Hebore it therefore to the door of the palace and said that he desired tocome into the presence of Polycrates, and when he had obtained this hegave him the fish, saying: "O king, having taken this fish I did not thinkfit to bear it to the market, although I am one who lives by the labour ofhis hands; but it seemed to me that it was worthy of thee and of thymonarchy: therefore I bring it and present it to thee." He then, beingpleased at the words spoken, answered thus: "Thou didst exceedingly well,and double thanks are due to thee, for thy words and also for thy gift;and we invite thee to come to dinner." The fisherman then, thinking this agreat thing, went away to this house; and the servants as they werecutting up the fish found in its belly the signet-ring of Polycrates. Thenas soon as they had seen it and taken it up, they bore it rejoicing toPolycrates, and giving him the signet-ring they told him in what manner ithad been found: and he perceiving that the matter was of God, wrote uponpaper all that he had done and all that had happened to him, and havingwritten he despatched it to Egypt. 36

43. Then Amasis, when he had read the paper which had come fromPolycrates, perceived that it was impossible for man to rescue man fromthe event which was to come to pass, and that Polycrates was destined notto have a good end, being prosperous in all things, seeing that he foundagain even that which he cast away. Therefore he sent an envoy to him inSamos and said that he broke off the guest-friendship; and this he didlest when a fearful and great mishap befell Polycrates, he might himselfbe grieved in his soul as for a man who was his guest.

44. It was this Polycrates then, prosperous in all things, against whomthe Lacedemonians were making an expedition, being invited by thoseSamians who afterwards settled at Kydonia in Crete, to come to theirassistance. Now Polycrates had sent an envoy to Cambyses the son of Cyruswithout the knowledge of the Samians, as he was gathering an army to goagainst Egypt, and had asked him to send to him in Samos and to ask for anarmed force. So Cambyses hearing this very readily sent to Samos to askPolycrates to send a naval force with him against Egypt: and Polycratesselected of the citizens those whom he most suspected of desiring to riseagainst him and sent them away in forty triremes, charging Cambyses not tosend them back.

45. Now some say that those of the Samians who were sent away byPolycrates never reached Egypt, but when they arrived on their voyage atCarpathos, 37 they considered with themselves, and resolvednot to sail on any further: others say that they reached Egypt and beingkept under guard there, they made their escape from thence. Then, as theywere sailing in to Samos, Polycrates encountered them with ships andengaged battle with them; and those who were returning home had the betterand landed in the island; but having fought a land-battle in the island,they were worsted, and so sailed to Lacedemon. Some however say that thosefrom Egypt defeated Polycrates in the battle; but this in my opinion isnot correct, for there would have been no need for them to invite theassistance of the Lacedemonians if they had been able by themselves tobring Polycrates to terms. Moreover, it is not reasonable either, seeingthat he had foreign mercenaries and native archers very many in number, tosuppose that he was worsted by the returning Samians, who were but few.Then Polycrates gathered together the children and wives of his subjectsand confined them in the ship-sheds, keeping them ready so that, if itshould prove that his subjects deserted to the side of the returningexiles, he might burn them with the sheds.

46. When those of the Samians who had been driven out by Polycratesreached Sparta, they were introduced before the magistrates and spoke atlength, being urgent in their request. The magistrates however at thefirst introduction replied that they had forgotten the things which hadbeen spoken at the beginning, and did not understand those which werespoken at the end. After this they were introduced a second time, andbringing with them a bag they said nothing else but this, namely that thebag was in want of meal; to which the others replied that they hadoverdone it with the bag. 38 However, they resolved to help them.

47. Then the Lacedemonians prepared a force and made expedition to Samos,in repayment of former services, as the Samians say, because the Samianshad first helped them with ships against the Messenians; but theLacedemonians say that they made the expedition not so much from desire tohelp the Samians at their request, as to take vengeance on their ownbehalf for the robbery of the mixing-bowl which they had been bearing as agift to Croesus, 39 and of the corslet which Amasis the king ofEgypt had sent as a gift to them; for the Samians had carried off thecorslet also in the year before they took the bowl; and it was of linenwith many figures woven into it and embroidered with gold and with cotton;and each thread of this corslet is worthy of admiration, for that beingitself fine it has in it three hundred and sixty fibres, all plain toview. Such another as this moreover is that which Amasis dedicated as anoffering to Athene at Lindos.

48. The Corinthians also took part with zeal in this expedition againstSamos, that it might be carried out; for there had been an offenceperpetrated against them also by the Samians a generation before 40the time of this expedition and about the same time as the robbery of thebowl. Periander the son of Kypselos had despatched three hundred sons ofthe chief men of Corcyra to Alyattes at Sardis to be made eunuchs; andwhen the Corinthians who were conducting the boys had put in to Samos, theSamians, being informed of the story and for what purpose they were beingconducted to Sardis, first instructed the boys to lay hold of the templeof Artemis, and then they refused to permit the Corinthians to drag thesuppliants away from the temple: and as the Corinthians cut the boys offfrom supplies of food, the Samians made a festival, which they celebrateeven to the present time in the same manner: for when night came on, aslong as the boys were suppliants they arranged dances of maidens andyouths, and in arranging the dances they made it a rule of the festivalthat sweet cakes of sesame and honey should be carried, in order that theCorcyrean boys might snatch them and so have support; and this went on solong that at last the Corinthians who had charge of the boys departed andwent away; and as for the boys, the Samians carried them back to Corcyra.

49. Now, if after the death of Periander the Corinthians had been onfriendly terms with the Corcyreans, they would not have joined in theexpedition against Samos for the cause which has been mentioned; but as itis, they have been ever at variance with one another since they firstcolonised the island. 41 This then was the cause why the Corinthianshad a grudge against the Samians.

50. Now Periander had chosen out the sons of the chief men of Corcyra andwas sending them to Sardis to be made eunuchs, in order that he might haverevenge; since the Corcyreans had first begun the offence and had done tohim a deed of reckless wrong. For after Periander had killed his wifeMelissa, it chanced to him to experience another misfortune in addition tothat which had happened to him already, and this was as follows:—Hehad by Melissa two sons, the one of seventeen and the other of eighteenyears. These sons their mother's father Procles, who was despot ofEpidauros, sent for to himself and kindly entertained, as was to beexpected seeing that they were the sons of his own daughter; and when hewas sending them back, he said in taking leave of them: "Do ye know, boys,who it was that killed your mother?" Of this saying the elder of them tookno account, but the younger, whose name was Lycophron, was grieved sogreatly at hearing it, that when he reached Corinth again he would neitheraddress his father, nor speak to him when his father would have conversedwith him, nor give any reply when he asked questions, regarding him as themurderer of his mother. At length Periander being enraged with his sondrove him forth out of his house.

51. And having driven him forth, he asked of the elder son what hismother's father had said to them in his conversation. He then related howProcles had received them in a kindly manner, but of the saying which hehad uttered when he parted from them he had no remembrance, since he hadtaken no note of it. So Periander said that it could not be but that hehad suggested to them something, and urged him further with questions; andhe after that remembered, and told of this also. Then Periander takingnote of it 42 and not desiring to show any indulgence, senta messenger to those with whom the son who had been driven forth wasliving at that time, and forbade them to receive him into their houses;and whenever having been driven away from one house he came to another, hewas driven away also from this, since Periander threatened those whoreceived him, and commanded them to exclude him; and so being driven awayagain he would go to another house, where persons lived who were hisfriends, and they perhaps received him because he was the son ofPeriander, notwithstanding that they feared.

52. At last Periander made a proclamation that whosoever should eitherreceive him into their houses or converse with him should be bound to paya fine 43 to Apollo, stating the amount that it shouldbe. Accordingly, by reason of this proclamation no one was willing eitherto converse with him or to receive him into their house; and moreover evenhe himself did not think it fit to attempt it, since it had beenforbidden, but he lay about in the porticoes enduring exposure: and on thefourth day after this, Periander seeing him fallen into squalid misery andstarvation felt pity for him; and abating his anger he approached him andbegan to say: "Son, which of these two is to be preferred, the fortunewhich thou dost now experience and possess, 44 or to inherit thepower and wealth which I possess now, by being submissive to thy father'swill? Thou however, being my son and the prince 45 of wealthy Corinth,didst choose nevertheless the life of a vagabond by making opposition anddisplaying anger against him with whom it behoved thee least to deal so;for if any misfortune happened in those matters, for which cause thou hastsuspicion against me, this has happened to me first, and I am sharer inthe misfortune more than others, inasmuch as I did the deed 46myself. Do thou however, having learnt by how much to be envied is betterthan to be pitied, and at the same time what a grievous thing it is to beangry against thy parents and against those who are stronger than thou,come back now to the house." Periander with these words endeavoured torestrain him; but he answered nothing else to his father, but said onlythat he ought to pay a fine to the god for having come to speech with him.Then Periander, perceiving that the malady of his son was hopeless andcould not be overcome, despatched a ship to Corcyra, and so sent him awayout of his sight, for he was ruler also of that island; and having senthim away, Periander proceeded to make war against his father-in-lawProcles, esteeming him most to blame for the condition in which he was;and he took Epidauros and took also Procles himself and made him aprisoner.

53. When however, as time went on, Periander had passed his prime andperceived within himself that he was no longer able to overlook and managethe government of the State, he sent to Corcyra and summoned Lycophron tocome back and take the supreme power; for in the elder of his sons he didnot see the required capacity, but perceived clearly that he was of witstoo dull. Lycophron however did not deign even to give an answer to thebearer of his message. Then Periander, clinging still in affection to theyouth, sent to him next his own daughter, the sister of Lycophron,supposing that he would yield to her persuasion more than to that ofothers; and she arrived there and spoke to him thus: "Boy, dost thoudesire that both the despotism should fall to others, and also thesubstance of thy father, carried off as plunder, rather than that thoushouldest return back and possess them? Come back to thy home: cease totorment thyself. Pride is a mischievous possession. Heal not evil withevil. Many prefer that which is reasonable to that which is strictly just;and many ere now in seeking the things of their mother have lost thethings of their father. Despotism is an insecure thing, and many desireit: moreover he is now an old man and past his prime. Give not thy goodthings unto others." She thus said to him the most persuasive things,having been before instructed by her father: but he in answer said, thathe would never come to Corinth so long as he heard that his father was yetalive. When she had reported this, Periander the third time sent an envoy,and said that he desired himself to come to Corcyra, exhorting Lycophronat the same time to come back to Corinth and to be his successor on thethrone. The son having agreed to return on these terms, Periander waspreparing to sail to Corcyra and his son to Corinth; but the Corcyreans,having learnt all that had taken place, put the young man to death, inorder that Periander might not come to their land. For this cause it wasthat Periander took vengeance on those of Corcyra.

54. The Lacedemonians then had come with a great armament and werebesieging Samos; and having made an attack upon the wall, they occupiedthe tower which stands by the sea in the suburb of the city, butafterwards when Polycrates came up to the rescue with a large body theywere driven away from it. Meanwhile by the upper tower which is upon theridge of the mountain there had come out to the fight the foreignmercenaries and many of the Samians themselves, and these stood theirground against the Lacedemonians for a short while and then began to flybackwards; and the Lacedemonians followed and were slaying them.

55. Now if the Lacedemonians there present had all been equal on that dayto Archias and Lycopas, Samos would have been captured; for Archias andLycopas alone rushed within the wall together with the flying Samians, andbeing shut off from retreat were slain within the city of the Samians. Imyself moreover had converse in Pitane (for to that deme he belonged) withthe third in descent from this Archias, another Archias the son of Samiosthe son of Archias, who honoured the Samians of all strangers most; andnot only so, but he said that his own father had been called Samiosbecause his father Archias had died by a glorious death in Samos;and he said that he honoured Samians because his grandfather had beengranted a public funeral by the Samians.

56. The Lacedemonians then, when they had been besieging Samos for fortydays and their affairs made no progress, set forth to return toPeloponnesus. But according to the less credible account which has beenput abroad of these matters Polycrates struck in lead a quantity of acertain native coin, and having gilded the coins over, gave them to theLacedemonians, and they received them and upon that set forth to depart.This was the first expedition which the Lacedemonians (being Dorians) 4601made into Asia.

57. Those of the Samians who had made the expedition against Polycratesthemselves also sailed away, when the Lacedemonians were about to desertthem, and came to Siphnos: for they were in want of money, and the peopleof Siphnos were then at their greatest height of prosperity and possessedwealth more than all the other islanders, since they had in their islandmines of gold and silver, so that there is a treasury dedicated at Delphiwith the tithe of the money which came in from these mines, and furnishedin a manner equal to the wealthiest of these treasuries: and the peopleused to divide among themselves the money which came in from the minesevery year. So when they were establishing the treasury, they consultedthe Oracle as to whether their present prosperity was capable of remainingwith them for a long time, and the Pythian prophetess gave them thisreply:

 "But when with white shall be shining 47 the hall of the city 48
    in Siphnos,
  And when the market is white of brow, one wary is needed
  Then, to beware of an army 49 of wood and a red-coloured herald."

Now just at that time the market-place and city hall of the Siphnians hadbeen decorated with Parian marble.

58. This oracle they were not able to understand either then at first orwhen the Samians had arrived: for as soon as the Samians were putting in50to Siphnos they sent one of their ships to bear envoys to the city: now inold times all ships were painted with red, and this was that which thePythian prophetess was declaring beforehand to the Siphnians, bidding themguard against the "army of wood" and the "red-coloured herald." Themessengers accordingly came and asked the Siphnians to lend them tentalents; and as they refused to lend to them, the Samians began to laywaste their lands: so when they were informed of it, forthwith theSiphnians came to the rescue, and having engaged battle with them weredefeated, and many of them were cut off by the Samians and shut out of thecity; and the Samians after this imposed upon them a payment of a hundredtalents.

59. Then from the men of Hermion they received by payment of money theisland of Hydrea, which is near the coast of Peloponnese, and they gave itin charge to the Troizenians, but they themselves settled at Kydonia whichis in Crete, not sailing thither for that purpose but in order to drivethe Zakynthians out of the island. Here they remained and were prosperousfor five years, so much so that they were the builders of the templeswhich are now existing in Kydonia, and also of the house of Dictyna. 51In the sixth year however the Eginetans together with the Cretansconquered them in a sea-fight and brought them to slavery; and they cutoff the prows of their ships, which were shaped like boars, and dedicatedthem in the temple of Athene in Egina. This the Eginetans did because theyhad a grudge against the Samians; for the Samians had first madeexpedition against Egina, when Amphicrates was king in Samos, and had donemuch hurt to the Eginetans and suffered much hurt also from them. Such wasthe cause of this event:

60, and about the Samians I have spoken at greater length, because theyhave three works which are greater than any others that have been made byHellenes: first a passage beginning from below and open at both ends, dugthrough a mountain not less than a hundred and fifty fathoms 52in height; the length of the passage is seven furlongs 53and the height and breadth each eight feet, and throughout the whole of itanother passage has been dug twenty cubits in depth and three feet inbreadth, through which the water is conducted and comes by the pipes tothe city, brought from an abundant spring: and the designer of this workwas a Megarian, Eupalinos the son of Naustrophos. This is one of thethree; and the second is a mole in the sea about the harbour, going downto a depth of as much as 54 twenty fathoms; and the length of the mole ismore than two furlongs. The third work which they have executed is atemple larger than all the other temples of which we know. Of this thefirst designer was Rhoicos the son of Philes, a native of Samos. For thisreason I have spoken at greater length of the Samians.

61. Now while Cambyses the son of Cyrus was spending a long time in Egyptand had gone out of his right mind, there rose up against him twobrothers, Magians, of whom the one had been left behind by Cambyses ascaretaker of his household. This man, I say, rose up against himperceiving that the occurrence of the death of Smerdis was being keptsecret, and that there were but few of the Persians who were aware of it,while the greater number believed without doubt that he was still alive.Therefore he endeavoured to obtain the kingdom, and he formed his plan asfollows:—he had a brother (that one who, as I said, rose up with himagainst Cambyses), and this man in form very closely resembled Smerdis theson of Cyrus, whom Cambyses had slain, being his own brother. He was likeSmerdis, I say, in form, and not only so but he had the same name,Smerdis. Having persuaded this man that he would manage everything forhim, the Magian Patizeithes brought him and seated him upon the royalthrone: and having so done he sent heralds about to the various provinces,and among others one to the army in Egypt, to proclaim to them that theymust obey Smerdis the son of Cyrus for the future instead of Cambyses.

62. So then the other heralds made this proclamation, and also the one whowas appointed to go to Egypt, finding Cambyses and his army at Agbatana inSyria, stood in the midst and began to proclaim that which had beencommanded to him by the Magian. Hearing this from the herald, andsupposing that the herald was speaking the truth and that he had himselfbeen betrayed by Prexaspes, that is to say, that when Prexaspes was sentto kill Smerdis he had not done so, Cambyses looked upon Prexaspes andsaid: "Prexaspes, was it thus that thou didst perform for me the thingwhich I gave over to thee to do?" and he said: "Master, the saying is nottrue that Smerdis thy brother has risen up against thee, nor that thouwilt have any contention arising from him, either great or small: for Imyself, having done that which thou didst command me to do, buried himwith my own hands. If therefore the dead have risen again to life, thenthou mayest expect that Astyages also the Mede will rise up against thee;but if it is as it was beforetime, there is no fear now that any troubleshall spring up for you, at least from him. Now therefore I think it wellthat some should pursue after the herald and examine him, asking from whomhe has come to proclaim to us that we are to obey Smerdis as king."

63. When Prexaspes had thus spoken, Cambyses was pleased with the advice,and accordingly the herald was pursued forthwith and returned. Then whenhe had come back, Prexaspes asked him as follows: "Man, thou sayest thatthou art come as a messenger from Smerdis the son of Cyrus: now thereforespeak the truth and go away in peace. I ask thee whether Smerdis himselfappeared before thine eyes and charged thee to say this, or some one ofthose who serve him." He said: "Smerdis the son of Cyrus I have never yetseen, since the day that king Cambyses marched to Egypt: but the Magianwhom Cambyses appointed to be guardian of his household, he, I say, gaveme this charge, saying that Smerdis the son of Cyrus was he who laid thecommand upon me to speak these things to you." Thus he spoke to them,adding no falsehoods to the first, and Cambyses said: "Prexaspes, thouhast done that which was commanded thee like an honest man, and hastescaped censure; but who of the Persians may this be who has risen upagainst me and usurped the name of Smerdis?" He said: "I seem to myself, Oking, to have understanding of this which has come to pass: the Magianshave risen against thee, Patizeithes namely, whom thou didst leave ascaretaker of thy household, and his brother Smerdis."

64. Then Cambyses, when he heard the name of Smerdis, perceived at oncethe true meaning of this report and of the dream, for he thought in hissleep that some one had reported to him that Smerdis was sitting upon theroyal throne and had touched the heaven with his head: and perceiving thathe had slain his brother without need, he began to lament for Smerdis; andhaving lamented for him and sorrowed greatly for the whole mishap, he wasleaping upon his horse, meaning as quickly as possible to march his armyto Susa against the Magian; and as he leapt upon his horse, the cap of hissword-sheath fell off, and the sword being left bare struck his thigh.Having been wounded then in the same part where he had formerly struckApis the god of the Egyptians, and believing that he had been struck witha mortal blow, Cambyses asked what was the name of that town, and theysaid "Agbatana." Now even before this he had been informed by the Oracleat the city of Buto that in Agbatana he should bring his life to an end:and he supposed that he should die of old age in Agbatana in Media, wherewas his chief seat of power; but the oracle, it appeared, meant inAgbatana of Syria. So when by questioning now he learnt the name of thetown, being struck with fear both by the calamity caused by the Magian andat the same time by the wound, he came to his right mind, andunderstanding the meaning of the oracle he said: "Here it is fated thatCambyses the son of Cyrus shall end his life."

65. So much only he said at that time; but about twenty days afterwards hesent for the most honourable of the Persians who were with him, and saidto them as follows: "Persians, it has become necessary for me to makeknown to you the thing which I was wont to keep concealed beyond all otherthings. Being in Egypt I saw a vision in my sleep, which I would I hadnever seen, and it seemed to me that a messenger came from home andreported to me that Smerdis was sitting upon the royal throne and hadtouched the heaven with his head. Fearing then lest I should be deprivedof my power by my brother, I acted quickly rather than wisely; for itseems that it is not possible for man 55 to avert that whichis destined to come to pass. I therefore, fool that I was, sent awayPrexaspes to Susa to kill Smerdis; and when this great evil had been done,I lived in security, never considering the danger that some other manmight at some time rise up against me, now that Smerdis had been removed:and altogether missing the mark of that which was about to happen, I haveboth made myself the murderer of my brother, when there was no need, and Ihave been deprived none the less of the kingdom; for it was in factSmerdis the Magian of whom the divine power declared to me beforehand inthe vision that he should rise up against me. So then, as I say, this deedhas been done by me, and ye must imagine that ye no longer have Smerdisthe son of Cyrus alive: but it is in truth the Magians who are masters ofyour kingdom, he whom I left as guardian of my household and his brotherSmerdis. The man then who ought above all others to have taken vengeanceon my behalf for the dishonour which I have suffered from the Magians, hasended his life by an unholy death received from the hands of those whowere his nearest of kin; and since he is no more, it becomes most needfulfor me, as the thing next best of those which remain, 56to charge you, O Persians, with that which dying I desire should be donefor me. This then I lay upon you, calling upon the gods of the royal houseto witness it,—upon you and most of all upon those of theAchaemenidai who are present here,—that ye do not permit the returnof the chief power to the Medes, but that if they have acquired it bycraft, by craft they be deprived of it by you, or if they have conqueredit by any kind of force, by force and by a strong hand ye recover it. Andif ye do this, may the earth bring forth her produce and may your wivesand your cattle be fruitful, while ye remain free for ever; but if ye donot recover the power nor attempt to recover it, I pray that curses thecontrary of these blessings may come upon you, and moreover that each manof the Persians may have an end to his life like that which has come uponme." Then as soon as he had finished speaking these things, Cambyses beganto bewail and make lamentation for all his fortunes.

66. And the Persians, when they saw that the king had begun to bewailhimself, both rent the garments which they wore and made lamentationwithout stint. After this, when the bone had become diseased and the thighhad mortified, Cambyses the son of Cyrus was carried off by the wound,having reigned in all seven years and five months, and being absolutelychildless both of male and female offspring. The Persians meanwhile whowere present there were very little disposed to believe 57that the power was in the hands of the Magians: on the contrary, they weresurely convinced that Cambyses had said that which he said about the deathof Smerdis to deceive them, in order that all the Persians might be movedto war against him. These then were surely convinced that Smerdis the sonof Cyrus was established to be king; for Prexaspes also very stronglydenied that he had slain Smerdis, since it was not safe, now that Cambyseswas dead, for him to say that he had destroyed with his own hand the sonof Cyrus.

67. Thus when Cambyses had brought his life to an end, the Magian becameking without disturbance, usurping the place of his namesake Smerdis theson of Cyrus; and he reigned during the seven months which were wantingyet to Cambyses for the completion of the eight years: and during them heperformed acts of great benefit to all his subjects, so that after hisdeath all those in Asia except the Persians themselves mourned for hisloss: for the Magian sent messengers abroad to every nation over which heruled, and proclaimed freedom from military service and from tribute forthree years.

68. This proclamation, I say, he made at once when he established himselfupon the throne: but in the eighth month it was discovered who he was inthe following manner:—There was one Otanes the son of Pharnaspes, inbirth and in wealth not inferior to any of the Persians. This Otanes wasthe first who had had suspicion of the Magian, that he was not Smerdis theson of Cyrus but the person that he really was, drawing his inference fromthese facts, namely that he never went abroad out of the fortress, andthat he did not summon into his presence any of the honourable men amongthe Persians: and having formed a suspicion of him, he proceeded to do asfollows:—Cambyses had taken to wife his daughter, whose name wasPhaidyme; 58 and this same daughter the Magian at thattime was keeping as his wife and living with her as with all the rest alsoof the wives of Cambyses. Otanes therefore sent a message to this daughterand asked her who the man was by whose side she slept, whether Smerdis theson of Cyrus or some other. She sent back word to him saying that she didnot know, for she had never seen Smerdis the son of Cyrus, nor did sheknow otherwise who he was who lived with her. Otanes then sent a secondtime and said: "If thou dost not thyself know Smerdis the son of Cyrus,then do thou ask of Atossa who this man is, with whom both she and thoulive as wives; for assuredly it must be that she knows her own brother."

69. To this the daughter sent back word: "I am not able either to come tospeech with Atossa or to see any other of the women who live here with me;for as soon as this man, whosoever he may be, succeeded to the kingdom, heseparated us and placed us in different apartments by ourselves." WhenOtanes heard this, the matter became more and more clear to him, and hesent another message in to her, which said: "Daughter, it is right forthee, nobly born as thou art, to undertake any risk which thy father bidsthee take upon thee: for if in truth this is not Smerdis the son of Cyrusbut the man whom I suppose, he ought not to escape with impunity eitherfor taking thee to his bed or for holding the dominion of Persians, but hemust pay the penalty. Now therefore do as I say. When he sleeps by theeand thou perceivest that he is sound asleep, feel his ears; and if itprove that he has ears, then believe that thou art living with Smerdis theson of Cyrus, but if not, believe that it is with the Magian Smerdis." Tothis Phaidyme sent an answer saying that, if she should do so, she wouldrun a great risk; for supposing that he should chance not to have hisears, and she were detected feeling for them, she was well assured that hewould put her to death; but nevertheless she would do this. So sheundertook to do this for her father: but as for this Magian Smerdis, hehad had his ears cut off by Cyrus the son of Cambyses when he was king,for some grave offence. This Phaidyme then, the daughter of Otanes,proceeding to perform all that she had undertaken for her father, when herturn came to go to the Magian (for the wives of the Persians go in to themregularly each in her turn), came and lay down beside him: and when theMagian was in deep sleep, she felt his ears; and perceiving not withdifficulty but easily that her husband had no ears, so soon as it becameday she sent and informed her father of that which had taken place.

70. Then Otanes took to him Aspathines and Gobryas, 59who were leading men among the Persians and also his own most trustedfriends, and related to them the whole matter: and they, as it thenappeared, had suspicions also themselves that it was so; and when Otanesreported this to them, they readily accepted his proposals. Then it wasresolved by them that each one should associate with himself that man ofthe Persians whom he trusted most; so Otanes brought in Intaphrenes, 60Gobryas brought in Megabyzos, and Aspathines brought in Hydarnes. Whenthey had thus become six, Dareios the son of Hystaspes arrived at Susa,having come from the land of Persia, for of this his father was governor.Accordingly when he came, the six men of the Persians resolved toassociate Dareios also with themselves.

71. These then having come together, being seven in number, gave pledgesof faith to one another and deliberated together; and when it came toDareios to declare his opinion, he spoke to them as follows: "I thoughtthat I alone knew this, namely that it was the Magian who was reigning asking and that Smerdis the son of Cyrus had brought his life to an end; andfor this very reason I am come with earnest purpose to contrive death forthe Magian. Since however it has come to pass that ye also know and not Ialone, I think it well to act at once and not to put the matter off, forthat is not the better way." To this replied Otanes: "Son of Hystaspes,thou art the scion of a noble stock, and thou art showing thyself, as itseems, in no way inferior to thy father: do not however hasten thisenterprise so much without consideration, but take it up more prudently;for we must first become more in numbers, and then undertake the matter."In answer to this Dareios said: "Men who are here present, if ye shallfollow the way suggested by Otanes, know that ye will perish miserably;for some one will carry word to the Magian, getting gain thereby privatelyfor himself. Your best way would have been to do this action upon your ownrisk alone; but since it seemed good to you to refer the matter to agreater number, and ye communicated it to me, either let us do the deedto-day, or be ye assured that if this present day shall pass by, noneother shall prevent me 61 as your accuser, but I will myself tell thesethings to the Magian."

72. To this Otanes, when he saw Dareios in violent haste, replied: "Sincethou dost compel us to hasten the matter and dost not permit us to delay,come expound to us thyself in what manner we shall pass into the palaceand lay hands upon them: for that there are guards set in various parts,thou knowest probably thyself as well as we, if not from sight at leastfrom hearsay; and in what manner shall we pass through these?" Dareiosmade reply with these words: "Otanes, there are many things in sooth whichit is not possible to set forth in speech, but only in deed; and otherthings there are which in speech can be set forth, but from them comes nofamous deed. Know ye however that the guards which are set are notdifficult to pass: for in the first place, we being what we are, there isno one who will not let us go by, partly, as may be supposed, from havingrespect for us, and partly also perhaps from fear; and secondly I havemyself a most specious pretext by means of which we may pass by; for Ishall say that I am just now come from the Persian land and desire todeclare to the king a certain message from my father: for where it isnecessary that a lie be spoken, let it be spoken; seeing that we all aimat the same object, both they who lie and they who always speak the truth;those lie whenever they are likely to gain anything by persuading withtheir lies, and these tell the truth in order that they may draw tothemselves gain by the truth, and that things 62 may be entrusted tothem more readily. Thus, while practising different ways, we aim all atthe same thing. If however they were not likely to make any gain by it,the truth-teller would lie and the liar would speak the truth, withindifference. Whosoever then of the door-keepers shall let us pass by ofhis own free will, for him it shall be the better afterwards; butwhosoever shall endeavour to oppose our passage, let him then and there bemarked as our enemy, 63 and after that let us push in and set aboutour work."

73. Then said Gobryas: "Friends, at what time will there be a faireropportunity for us either to recover our rule, or, if we are not able toget it again, to die? seeing that we being Persians on the one hand lieunder the rule of a Mede, a Magian, and that too a man whose ears havebeen cut off. Moreover all those of you who stood by the side of Cambyseswhen he was sick remember assuredly what he laid upon the Persians as hewas bringing his life to an end, if they should not attempt to win backthe power; and this we did not accept then, but supposed that Cambyses hadspoken in order to deceive us. Now therefore I give my vote that we followthe opinion of Dareios, and that we do not depart from this assembly to goanywhither else but straight to attack the Magian." Thus spoke Gobryas,and they all approved of this proposal.

74. Now while these were thus taking counsel together, it was coming topass by coincidence as follows:—The Magians taking counsel togetherhad resolved to join Prexaspes with themselves as a friend, both becausehe had suffered grievous wrong from Cambyses, who had killed his son byshooting him, and because he alone knew for a certainty of the death ofSmerdis the son of Cyrus, having killed him with his own hands, andfinally because Prexaspes was in very great repute among the Persians. Forthese reasons they summoned him and endeavoured to win him to be theirfriend, engaging him by pledge and with oaths, that he would assuredlykeep to himself and not reveal to any man the deception which had beenpractised by them upon the Persians, and promising to give him thingsinnumerable 64 in return. After Prexaspes had promised to dothis, the Magians, having persuaded him so far, proposed to him a secondthing, and said that they would call together all the Persians to come upto the wall of the palace, and bade him go up upon a tower and addressthem, saying that they were living under the rule of Smerdis the son ofCyrus and no other. This they so enjoined because they supposed 65that he had the greatest credit among the Persians, and because he hadfrequently declared the opinion that Smerdis the son of Cyrus was stillalive, and had denied that he had slain him.

75. When Prexaspes said that he was ready to do this also, the Magianshaving called together the Persians caused him to go up upon a tower andbade him address them. Then he chose to forget those things which theyasked of him, and beginning with Achaimenes he traced the descent of Cyruson the father's side, and then, when he came down to Cyrus, he related atlast what great benefits he had conferred upon the Persians; and havinggone through this recital he proceeded to declare the truth, saying thatformerly he kept it secret, since it was not safe for him to tell of thatwhich had been done, but at the present time he was compelled to make itknown. He proceeded to say how he had himself slain Smerdis the son ofCyrus, being compelled by Cambyses, and that it was the Magians who werenow ruling. Then he made imprecation of many evils on the Persians, ifthey did not win back again the power and take vengeance upon the Magians,and upon that he let himself fall down from the tower head foremost. ThusPrexaspes ended his life, having been throughout his time a man of repute.

76. Now the seven of the Persians, when they had resolved forthwith to layhands upon the Magians and not to delay, made prayer to the gods and went,knowing nothing of that which had been done with regard to Prexaspes: andas they were going and were in the middle of their course, they heard thatwhich had happened about Prexaspes. Upon that they retired out of the wayand again considered with themselves, Otanes and his supporters stronglyurging that they should delay and not set to the work when things werethus disturbed, 66 while Dareios and those of his party urgedthat they should go forthwith and do that which had been resolved, and notdelay. Then while they were contending, there appeared seven pairs ofhawks pursuing two pairs of vultures, plucking out their feathers andtearing them. Seeing this the seven all approved the opinion of Dareiosand thereupon they went to the king's palace, encouraged by the sight ofthe birds.

77. When they appeared at the gates, it happened nearly as Dareiossupposed, for the guards, having respect for men who were chief among thePersians, and not suspecting that anything would be done by them of thekind proposed, allowed them to pass in under the guiding of heaven, andnone asked them any question. Then when they had passed into the court,they met the eunuchs who bore in the messages to the king; and theseinquired of them for what purpose they had come, and at the same time theythreatened with punishment the keepers of the gates for having let thempass in, and tried to stop the seven when they attempted to go forward.Then they gave the word to one another and drawing their daggers stabbedthese men there upon the spot, who tried to stop them, and themselves wentrunning on towards the chamber of the men. 6601

78. Now the Magians happened both of them to be there within, consultingabout that which had been done by Prexaspes. So when they saw that theeunuchs had been attacked and were crying aloud, they ran back 67both of them, and perceiving that which was being done they turned toself-defence: and one of them got down his bow and arrows before he wasattacked, while the other had recourse to his spear. Then they engaged incombat with one another; and that one of them who had taken up his bow andarrows found them of no use, since his enemies were close at hand andpressed hard upon him, but the other defended himself with his spear, andfirst he struck Aspathines in the thigh, and then Intaphrenes in the eye;and Intaphrenes lost his eye by reason of the wound, but his life he didnot lose. These then were wounded by one of the Magians, but the other,when his bow and arrows proved useless to him, fled into a bedchamberwhich opened into the chamber of the men, intending to close the door; andwith him there rushed in two of the seven, Dareios and Gobryas. And whenGobryas was locked together in combat with the Magian, Dareios stood byand was at a loss what to do, because it was dark, and he was afraid lesthe should strike Gobryas. Then seeing him standing by idle, Gobryas askedwhy he did not use his hands, and he said: "Because I am afraid lest I maystrike thee": and Gobryas answered: "Thrust with thy sword even though itstab through us both." So Dareios was persuaded, and he thrust with hisdanger and happened to hit the Magian.

79. So when they had slain the Magians and cut off their heads, they leftbehind those of their number who were wounded, both because they wereunable to go, and also in order that they might take charge of thefortress, and the five others taking with them the heads of the Magiansran with shouting and clashing of arms and called upon the other Persiansto join them, telling them of that which had been done and showing theheads, and at the same time they proceeded to slay every one of theMagians who crossed their path. So the Persians when they heard of thatwhich had been brought to pass by the seven and of the deceit of theMagians, thought good themselves also to do the same, and drawing theirdaggers they killed the Magians wherever they found one; so that if nighthad not come on and stopped them, they would not have left a single Magianalive. This day the Persians celebrate in common more than all other days,and upon it they keep a great festival which is called by the Persians thefestival of the slaughter of the Magians, 6701 on which noMagian is permitted to appear abroad, but the Magians keep themselveswithin their houses throughout that day.

80. When the tumult had subsided and more than five days had elapsed, 68those who had risen against the Magians began to take counsel about thegeneral state, and there were spoken speeches which some of the Hellenesdo not believe were really uttered, but spoken they were nevertheless. 69On the one hand Otanes urged that they should resign the government intothe hands of the whole body of the Persians, and his words were asfollows: "To me it seems best that no single one of us should henceforthbe ruler, for that is neither pleasant nor profitable. Ye saw the insolenttemper of Cambyses, to what lengths it went, and ye have had experiencealso of the insolence of the Magian: and how should the rule of one alonebe a well-ordered thing, seeing that the monarch may do what he desireswithout rendering any account of his acts? Even the best of all men, if hewere placed in this disposition, would be caused by it to change from hiswonted disposition: for insolence is engendered in him by the good thingswhich he possesses, and envy is implanted in man from the beginning; andhaving these two things, he has all vice: for he does many deeds ofreckless wrong, partly moved by insolence proceeding from satiety, andpartly by envy. And yet a despot at least ought to have been free fromenvy, seeing that he has all manner of good things. He is howevernaturally in just the opposite temper towards his subjects; for he grudgesto the nobles that they should survive and live, but delights in thebasest of citizens, and he is more ready than any other man to receivecalumnies. Then of all things he is the most inconsistent; for if youexpress admiration of him moderately, he is offended that no very greatcourt is paid to him, whereas if you pay court to him extravagantly, he isoffended with you for being a flatterer. And the most important matter ofall is that which I am about to say:—he disturbs the customs handeddown from our fathers, he is a ravisher of women, and he puts men to deathwithout trial. On the other hand the rule of many has first a nameattaching to it which is the fairest of all names, that is to say'Equality'; 70 next, the multitude does none of those thingswhich the monarch does: offices of state are exercised by lot, and themagistrates are compelled to render account of their action: and finallyall matters of deliberation are referred to the public assembly. Itherefore give as my opinion that we let monarchy go and increase thepower of the multitude; for in the many is contained everything."

81. This was the opinion expressed by Otanes; but Megabyzos urged thatthey should entrust matters to the rule of a few, saying these words:"That which Otanes said in opposition to a tyranny, let it be counted assaid for me also, but in that which he said urging that we should makeover the power to the multitude, he has missed the best counsel: fornothing is more senseless or insolent than a worthless crowd; and for menflying from the insolence of a despot to fall into that of unrestrainedpopular power, is by no means to be endured: for he, if he does anything,does it knowing what he does, but the people cannot even know; for how canthat know which has neither been taught anything noble by others norperceived anything of itself, 71 but pushes on matterswith violent impulse and without understanding, like a torrent stream?Rule of the people then let them adopt who are foes to the Persians; butlet us choose a company of the best men, and to them attach the chiefpower; for in the number of these we shall ourselves also be, and it islikely that the resolutions taken by the best men will be the best."

82. This was the opinion expressed by Megabyzos; and thirdly Dareiosproceeded to declare his opinion, saying: "To me it seems that in thosethings which Megabyzos said with regard to the multitude he spoke rightly,but in those which he said with regard to the rule of a few, not rightly:for whereas there are three things set before us, and each is supposed 72to be the best in its own kind, that is to say a good popular government,and the rule of a few, and thirdly the rule of one, I say that this lastis by far superior to the others; for nothing better can be found than therule of an individual man of the best kind; seeing that using the bestjudgment he would be guardian of the multitude without reproach; andresolutions directed against enemies would so best be kept secret. In anoligarchy however it happens often that many, while practising virtue withregard to the commonwealth, have strong private enmities arising amongthemselves; for as each man desires to be himself the leader and toprevail in counsels, they come to great enmities with one another, whencearise factions among them, and out of the factions comes murder, and frommurder results the rule of one man; and thus it is shown in this instanceby how much that is the best. Again, when the people rules, it isimpossible that corruption 73 should not arise, andwhen corruption arises in the commonwealth, there arise among the corruptmen not enmities but strong ties of friendship: for they who are actingcorruptly to the injury of the commonwealth put their heads togethersecretly to do so. And this continues so until at last some one takes theleadership of the people and stops the course of such men. By reason ofthis the man of whom I speak is admired by the people, and being soadmired he suddenly appears as monarch. Thus he too furnishes herein anexample to prove that the rule of one is the best thing. Finally, to sumup all in a single word, whence arose the liberty which we possess, andwho gave it to us? Was it a gift of the people or of an oligarchy or of amonarch? I therefore am of opinion that we, having been set free by oneman, should preserve that form of rule, and in other respects also that weshould not annul the customs of our fathers which are ordered well; forthat is not the better way."

83. These three opinions then had been proposed, and the other four men ofthe seven gave their assent to the last. So when Otanes, who was desirousto give equality to the Persians, found his opinion defeated, he spoke tothose assembled thus: "Partisans, it is clear that some one of us mustbecome king, selected either by casting lots, or by entrusting thedecision to the multitude of the Persians and taking him whom it shallchoose, or by some other means. I therefore shall not be a competitor withyou, for I do not desire either to rule or to be ruled; and on thiscondition I withdraw from my claim to rule, namely that I shall not beruled by any of you, either I myself or my descendants in future time."When he had said this, the six made agreement with him on those terms, andhe was no longer a competitor with them, but withdrew from the assembly;and at the present time this house remains free alone of all the Persianhouses, and submits to rule only so far as it wills to do so itself, nottransgressing the laws of the Persians.

84. The rest however of the seven continued to deliberate how they shouldestablish a king in the most just manner; and it was resolved by them thatto Otanes and his descendants in succession, if the kingdom should come toany other of the seven, there should be given as special gifts a Mediandress every year and all those presents which are esteemed among thePersians to be the most valuable: and the reason why they determined thatthese things should be given to him, was because he first suggested tothem the matter and combined them together. These were special gifts forOtanes; and this they also determined for all in common, namely that anyone of the seven who wished might pass in to the royal palaces without anyto bear in a message, unless the king happened to be sleeping with hiswife; and that it should not be lawful for the king to marry from anyother family, but only from those of the men who had made insurrectionwith him: and about the kingdom they determined this, namely that the manwhose horse should first neigh at sunrise in the suburb of the city whenthey were mounted upon their horses, he should have the kingdom.

85. Now Dareios had a clever horse-keeper, whose name was Oibares. To thisman, when they had left their assembly, Dareios spoke these words:"Oibares, we have resolved to do about the kingdom thus, namely that theman whose horse first neighs at sunrise, when we are mounted upon ourhorses he shall be king. Now therefore, if thou hast any cleverness,contrive that we may obtain this prize, and not any other man." Oibaresreplied thus: "If, my master, it depends in truth upon this whether thoube king or no, have confidence so far as concerns this and keep a goodheart, for none other shall be king before thee; such charms have I at mycommand." Then Dareios said: "If then thou hast any such trick, it is timeto devise it and not to put things off, for our trial is to-morrow."Oibares therefore hearing this did as follows:—when night was comingon he took one of the mares, namely that one which the horse of Dareiospreferred, and this he led into the suburb of the city and tied her up:then he brought to her the horse of Dareios, and having for some time ledhim round her, making him go so close by so as to touch the mare, at lasthe let the horse mount.

86. Now at dawn of day the six came to the place as they had agreed,riding upon their horses; and as they rode through by the suburb of thecity, when they came near the place where the mare had been tied up on theformer night, the horse of Dareios ran up to the place and neighed; andjust when the horse had done this, there came lightning and thunder from aclear sky: and the happening of these things to Dareios consummated hisclaim, for they seemed to have come to pass by some design, and the othersleapt down from their horses and did obeisance to Dareios.

87. Some say that the contrivance of Oibares was this, but others say asfollows (for the story is told by the Persians in both ways), namely thathe touched with his hands the parts of this mare and kept his hand hiddenin his trousers; and when at sunrise they were about to let the horses go,this Oibares pulled out his hand and applied it to the nostrils of thehorse of Dareios; and the horse, perceiving the smell, snorted andneighed.

88. So Dareios the son of Hystaspes had been declared king; and in Asiaall except the Arabians were his subjects, having been subdued by Cyrusand again afterwards by Cambyses. The Arabians however were never obedientto the Persians under conditions of subjection, but had becomeguest-friends when they let Cambyses pass by to Egypt: for against thewill of the Arabians the Persians would not be able to invade Egypt.Moreover Dareios made the most noble marriages possible in the estimationof the Persians; for he married two daughters of Cyrus, Atossa andArtystone, of whom the one, Arossa, had before been the wife of Cambysesher brother and then afterwards of the Magian, while Artystone was avirgin; and besides them he married the daughter of Smerdis the son ofCyrus, whose name was Parmys; and he also took to wife the daughter ofOtanes, he who had discovered the Magian; and all things became filledwith his power. And first he caused to be a carving in stone, and set itup; and in it there was the figure of a man on horseback, and he wroteupon it writing to this effect: "Dareios son of Hystaspes by theexcellence of his horse," mentioning the name of it, "and of hishorse-keeper Oibares obtained the kingdom of the Persians."

89. Having so done in Persia, he established twenty provinces, which thePersians themselves call satrapies; and having established theprovinces and set over them rulers, he appointed tribute to come to himfrom them according to races, joining also to the chief races those whodwelt on their borders, or passing beyond the immediate neighbours andassigning to various races those which lay more distant. He divided theprovinces and the yearly payment of tribute as follows: and those of themwho brought in silver were commanded to pay by the standard of theBabylonian talent, but those who brought in gold by the Euboïc talent; nowthe Babylonian talent is equal to eight-and-seventy Euboïc pounds. 74For in the reign of Cyrus, and again of Cambyses, nothing was fixed abouttribute, but they used to bring gifts: and on account of this appointingof tribute and other things like this, the Persians say that Dareios was ashopkeeper, Cambyses a master, and Cyrus a father; the one because hedealt with all his affairs like a shopkeeper, the second because he washarsh and had little regard for any one, and the other because he wasgentle and contrived for them all things good.

90. From the Ionians and the Magnesians who dwell in Asia and theAiolians, Carians, Lykians, Milyans and Pamphylians (for one single sumwas appointed by him as tribute for all these) there came in four hundredtalents of silver. This was appointed by him to be the first division. 75From the Mysians and Lydians and Lasonians and Cabalians and Hytennians 76there came in five hundred talents: this is the second division. From theHellespontians who dwell on the right as one sails in and the Phrygiansand the Thracians who dwell in Asia and the Paphlagonians and Mariandynoiand Syrians 77 the tribute was three hundred and sixtytalents: this is the third division. From the Kilikians, besides threehundred and sixty white horses, one for every day in the year, there camealso five hundred talents of silver; of these one hundred and fortytalents were spent upon the horsemen which served as a guard to theKilikian land, and the remaining three hundred and sixty came in year byyear to Dareios: this is the fourth division.

91. From that division which begins with the city of Posideion, founded byAmphilochos the son of Amphiaraos on the borders of the Kilikians and theSyrians, and extends as far as Egypt, not including the territory of theArabians (for this was free from payment), the amount was three hundredand fifty talents; and in this division are the whole of Phenicia andSyria which is called Palestine and Cyprus: this is the fifth division.From Egypt and the Libyans bordering upon Egypt, and from Kyrene andBarca, for these were so ordered as to belong to the Egyptian division,there came in seven hundred talents, without reckoning the money producedby the lake of Moiris, that is to say from the fish; 7701without reckoning this, I say, or the corn which was contributed inaddition by measure, there came in seven hundred talents; for as regardsthe corn, they contribute by measure one hundred and twenty thousand 78bushels for the use of those Persians who are established in the "WhiteFortress" at Memphis, and for their foreign mercenaries: this is the sixthdivision. The Sattagydai and Gandarians and Dadicans and Aparytai, beingjoined together, brought in one hundred and seventy talents: this is theseventh division. From Susa and the rest of the land of the Kissians therecame in three hundred: this is the eighth division.

92. From Babylon and from the rest of Assyria there came in to him athousand talents of silver and five hundred boys for eunuchs: this is theninth division. From Agbatana and from the rest of Media and theParicanians and Orthocorybantians, four hundred and fifty talents: this isthe tenth division. The Caspians and Pausicans 79 and Pantimathoi andDareitai, contributing together, brought in two hundred talents: this isthe eleventh division. From the Bactrians as far as the Aigloi the tributewas three hundred and sixty talents: this is the twelfth division.

93. From Pactyïke and the Armenians and the people bordering upon them asfar as the Euxine, four hundred talents: this is the thirteenth division.From the Sagartians and Sarangians and Thamanaians and Utians and Mycansand those who dwell in the islands of the Erythraian Sea, where the kingsettles those who are called the "Removed," 80 from all thesetogether a tribute was produced of six hundred talents: this is thefourteenth division. The Sacans and the Caspians 81 brought in twohundred and fifty talents: this is the fifteenth division. The Parthiansand Chorasmians and Sogdians and Areians three hundred talents: this isthe sixteenth division.

94. The Paricanians and Ethiopians in Asia brought in four hundredtalents: this is the seventeenth division. To the Matienians andSaspeirians and Alarodians was appointed a tribute of two hundred talents:this is the eighteenth division. To the Moschoi and Tibarenians andMacronians and Mossynoicoi and Mares three hundred talents were ordered:this is the nineteenth division. Of the Indians the number is far greaterthan that of any other race of men of whom we know; and they brought in atribute larger than all the rest, that is to say three hundred and sixtytalents of gold-dust: this is the twentieth division.

95. Now if we compare Babylonian with Euboïc talents, the silver is foundto amount to nine thousand eight hundred and eighty 82talents; and if we reckon the gold at thirteen times the value of silver,weight for weight, the gold-dust is found to amount to four thousand sixhundred and eighty Euboïc talents. These being all added together, thetotal which was collected as yearly tribute for Dareios amounts tofourteen thousand five hundred and sixty Euboïc talents: the sums whichare less than these 83 I pass over and do not mention.

96. This was the tribute which came in to Dareios from Asia and from asmall part of Libya: but as time went on, other tribute came in also fromthe islands and from those who dwell in Europe as far as Thessaly. Thistribute the king stores up in his treasury in the following manner:—hemelts it down and pours it into jars of earthenware, and when he hasfilled the jars he takes off the earthenware jar from the metal; and whenhe wants money he cuts off so much as he needs on each occasion.

97. These were the provinces and the assessments of tribute: and thePersian land alone has not been mentioned by me as paying a contribution,for the Persians have their land to dwell in free from payment. Thefollowing moreover had no tribute fixed for them to pay, but broughtgifts, namely the Ethiopians who border upon Egypt, whom Cambyses subduedas he marched against the Long-lived Ethiopians, those 84who dwell about Nysa, which is called "sacred," and who celebrate thefestivals in honour of Dionysos: these Ethiopians and those who dwell nearthem have the same kind of seed as the Callantian Indians, and they haveunderground dwellings. 85 These both together brought every other year,and continue to bring even to my own time, two quart measures 86of unmelted gold and two hundred blocks of ebony and five Ethiopian boysand twenty large elephant tusks. The Colchians also had set themselvesamong those who brought gifts, and with them those who border upon themextending as far as the range of the Caucasus (for the Persian ruleextends as far as these mountains, but those who dwell in the parts beyondCaucasus toward the North Wind regard the Persians no longer),—these,I say, continued to bring the gifts which they had fixed for themselvesevery four years 87 even down to my own time, that is to say, ahundred boys and a hundred maidens. Finally, the Arabians brought athousand talents of frankincense every year. Such were the gifts whichthese brought to the king apart from the tribute.

98. Now this great quantity of gold, out of which the Indians bring in tothe king the gold-dust which has been mentioned, is obtained by them in amanner which I shall tell:—That part of the Indian land which istowards the rising sun is sand; for of all the peoples in Asia of which weknow or about which any certain report is given, the Indians dwellfurthest away towards the East and the sunrising; seeing that the countryto the East of the Indians is desert on account of the sand. Now there aremany tribes of Indians, and they do not agree with one another inlanguage; and some of them are pastoral and others not so, and some dwellin the swamps of the river 88 and feed upon rawfish, which they catch by fishing from boats made of cane; and each boatis made of one joint of cane. These Indians of which I speak wear clothingmade of rushes: they gather and cut the rushes from the river and thenweave them together into a kind of mat and put it on like a corslet.

99. Others of the Indians, dwelling to the East of these, are pastoral andeat raw flesh: these are called Padaians, and they practise the followingcustoms:—whenever any of their tribe falls ill, whether it be awoman or a man, if a man then the men who are his nearest associates puthim to death, saying that he is wasting away with the disease and hisflesh is being spoilt for them: 89 and meanwhile hedenies stoutly and says that he is not ill, but they do not agree withhim; and after they have killed him they feast upon his flesh: but if itbe a woman who falls ill, the women who are her greatest intimates do toher in the same manner as the men do in the other case. For 90in fact even if a man has come to old age they slay him and feast uponhim; but very few of them come to be reckoned as old, for they kill everyone who falls into sickness, before he reaches old age.

100. Other Indians have on the contrary a manner of life as follows:—theyneither kill any living thing nor do they sow any crops nor is it theircustom to possess houses; but they feed on herbs, and they have a grain ofthe size of millet, in a sheath, which grows of itself from the ground;this they gather and boil with the sheath, and make it their food: andwhenever any of them falls into sickness, he goes to the desert countryand lies there, and none of them pay any attention either to one who isdead or to one who is sick.

101. The sexual intercourse of all these Indians of whom I have spoken isopen like that of cattle, and they have all one colour of skin, resemblingthat of the Ethiopians: moreover the seed which they emit is not whitelike that of other races, but black like their skin; and the Ethiopiansalso are similar in this respect. These tribes of Indians dwell furtheroff than the Persian power extends, and towards the South Wind, and theynever became subjects of Dareios.

102. Others however of the Indians are on the borders of the city ofCaspatyros and the country of Pactyïke, dwelling towards the North 91of the other Indians; and they have a manner of living nearly the same asthat of the Bactrians: these are the most warlike of the Indians, andthese are they who make expeditions for the gold. For in the parts wherethey live it is desert on account of the sand; and in this desert andsandy tract are produced ants, which are in size smaller than dogs butlarger than foxes, for 92 there are some of them kept at the residenceof the king of Persia, which are caught here. These ants then make theirdwelling under ground and carry up the sand just in the same manner as theants found in the land of the Hellenes, which they themselves 93also very much resemble in form; and the sand which is brought up containsgold. To obtain this sand the Indians make expeditions into the desert,each one having yoked together three camels, placing a female in themiddle and a male like a trace-horse to draw by each side. On this femalehe mounts himself, having arranged carefully that she shall be taken to beyoked from young ones, the more lately born the better. For their femalecamels are not inferior to horses in speed, and moreover they are muchmore capable of bearing weights.

103. As to the form of the camel, I do not here describe it, since theHellenes for whom I write are already acquainted with it, but I shall tellthat which is not commonly known about it, which is this:—the camelhas in the hind legs four thighs and four knees, 94 and its organs ofgeneration are between the hind legs, turned towards the tail.

104. The Indians, I say, ride out to get the gold in the manner and withthe kind of yoking which I have described, making calculations so thatthey may be engaged in carrying it off at the time when the greatest heatprevails; for the heat causes the ants to disappear underground. Now amongthese nations the sun is hottest in the morning hours, not at midday aswith others, but from sunrise to the time of closing the market: andduring this time it produces much greater heat than at midday in Hellas,so that it is said that then they drench themselves with water. Middayhowever has about equal degree of heat with the Indians as with other men,while after midday their sun becomes like the morning sun with other men,and after this, as it goes further away, it produces still greatercoolness, until at last at sunset it makes the air very cool indeed.

105. When the Indians have come to the place with bags, they fill themwith the sand and ride away back as quickly as they can, for forthwith theants, perceiving, as the Persians allege, by the smell, begin to pursuethem: and this animal, they say, is superior to every other creature inswiftness, so that unless the Indians got a start in their course, whilethe ants were gathering together, not one of them would escape. So thenthe male camels, for they are inferior in speed of running to the females,if they drag behind are even let loose 95 from the side of thefemale, one after the other; 96 the females however,remembering the young which they left behind, do not show any slackness intheir course. 97 Thus it is that the Indians get most part ofthe gold, as the Persians say; there is however other gold also in theirland obtained by digging, but in smaller quantities.

106. It seems indeed that the extremities of the inhabited world hadallotted to them by nature the fairest things, just as it was the lot ofHellas to have its seasons far more fairly tempered than other lands: forfirst, India is the most distant of inhabited lands towards the East, as Ihave said a little above, and in this land not only the animals, birds aswell as four-footed beasts, are much larger than in other places (exceptthe horses, which are surpassed by those of Media called Nessaian), butalso there is gold in abundance there, some got by digging, some broughtdown by rivers, and some carried off as I explained just now: and therealso the trees which grow wild produce wool which surpasses in beauty andexcellence that from sheep, and the Indians wear clothing obtained fromthese trees.

107. Then again Arabia is the furthest of inhabited lands in the directionof the midday, and in it alone of all lands grow frankincense and myrrhand cassia and cinnamon and gum-mastich. All these except myrrh are gotwith difficulty by the Arabians. Frankincense they collect by burning thestorax, which is brought thence to the Hellenes by the Phenicians, byburning this, I say, so as to produce smoke they take it; for these treeswhich produce frankincense are guarded by winged serpents, small in sizeand of various colours, which watch in great numbers about each tree, ofthe same kind as those which attempt to invade Egypt: 9701and they cannot be driven away from the trees by any other thing but onlythe smoke of storax.

108. The Arabians say also that all the world would have been by this timefilled with these serpents, if that did not happen with regard to themwhich I knew happened with regard to vipers: and it seems that the DivineProvidence, as indeed was to be expected, seeing that it is wise, has madeall those animals prolific which are of cowardly spirit and good for food,in order that they may not be all eaten up and their race fail, whereas ithas made those which are bold and noxious to have small progeny. Forexample, because the hare is hunted by every beast and bird as well as byman, therefore it is so very prolific as it is: and this is the only oneof all beasts which becomes pregnant again before the former young areborn, and has in its womb some of its young covered with fur and othersbare; and while one is just being shaped in the matrix, another is beingconceived. Thus it is in this case; whereas the lioness, which is thestrongest and most courageous of creatures, produces one cub once only inher life; for when she produces young she casts out her womb together withher young; and the cause of it is this:—when the cub being withinthe mother 98 begins to move about, then having claws byfar sharper than those of any other beast he tears the womb, and as hegrows larger he proceeds much further in his scratching: at last the timeof birth approaches and there is now nothing at all left of it in a soundcondition.

109. Just so also, if vipers and the winged serpents of the Arabians wereproduced in the ordinary course of their nature, man would not be able tolive upon the earth; but as it is, when they couple with one another andthe male is in the act of generation, as he lets go from him the seed, thefemale seizes hold of his neck, and fastening on to it does not relax herhold till she has eaten it through. The male then dies in the manner whichI have said, but the female pays the penalty of retribution for the malein this manner:—the young while they are still in the womb takevengeance for their father by eating through their mother, 99and having eaten through her belly they thus make their way out forthemselves. Other serpents however, which are not hurtful to man, produceeggs and hatch from them a very large number of offspring. Now vipers aredistributed over all the earth; but the others, which are winged, arefound in great numbers together in Arabia and in no other land: thereforeit is that they appear to be numerous.

110. This frankincense then is obtained thus by the Arabians; and cassiais obtained as follows:—they bind up in cows'-hide and other kindsof skins all their body and their face except only the eyes, and then goto get the cassia. This grows in a pool not very deep, and round the pooland in it lodge, it seems, winged beasts nearly resembling bats, and theysqueak horribly and are courageous in fight. These they must keep off fromtheir eyes, and so cut the cassia.

111. Cinnamon they collect in a yet more marvellous manner than this: forwhere it grows and what land produces it they are not able to tell, exceptonly that some say (and it is a probable account) that it grows in thoseregions where Dionysos was brought up; and they say that large birds carrythose dried sticks which we have learnt from the Phenicians to callcinnamon, carry them, I say, to nests which are made of clay and stuck onto precipitous sides of mountains, which man can find no means of scaling.With regard to this then the Arabians practise the following contrivance:—theydivide up the limbs of the oxen and asses that die and of their otherbeasts of burden, into pieces as large as convenient, and convey them tothese places, and when they have laid them down not far from the nests,they withdraw to a distance from them: and the birds fly down and carrythe limbs 100 of the beasts of burden off to their nests;and these are not able to bear them, but break down and fall to the earth;and the men come up to them and collect the cinnamon. Thus cinnamon iscollected and comes from this nation to the other countries of the world.

112. Gum-mastich however, which the Arabians call ladanon, comes ina still more extraordinary manner; for though it is the most sweet-scentedof all things, it comes in the most evil-scented thing, since it is foundin the beards of he-goats, produced there like resin from wood: this is ofuse for the making of many perfumes, and the Arabians use it more thananything else as incense.

113. Let what we have said suffice with regard to spices; and from theland of Arabia there blows a scent of them most marvellously sweet. Theyhave also two kinds of sheep which are worthy of admiration and are notfound in any other land: the one kind has the tail long, not less thanthree cubits in length; and if one should allow these to drag these afterthem, they would have sores 101 from their tailsbeing worn away against the ground; but as it is, every one of theshepherds knows enough of carpentering to make little cars, which they tieunder the tails, fastening the tail of each animal to a separate littlecar. The other kind of sheep has the tail broad, even as much as a cubitin breadth.

114. As one passes beyond the place of the midday, the Ethiopian land isthat which extends furthest of all inhabited lands towards the sunset.This produces both gold in abundance and huge elephants and trees of allkinds growing wild and ebony, and men who are of all men the tallest, themost beautiful and the most long-lived.

115. These are the extremities in Asia and in Libya; but as to theextremities of Europe towards the West, I am not able to speak withcertainty: for neither do I accept the tale that there is a river calledin Barbarian tongue Eridanos, flowing into the sea which lies towards theNorth Wind, whence it is said that amber comes; nor do I know of the realexistence of "Tin Islands" 102 from which tin 103comes to us: for first the name Eridanos itself declares that it isHellenic and that it does not belong to a Barbarian speech, but wasinvented by some poet; and secondly I am not able to hear from any one whohas been an eye-witness, though I took pains to discover this, that thereis a sea on the other side of Europe. However that may be, tin and ambercertainly come to us from the extremity of Europe.

116. Then again towards the North of Europe, there is evidently a quantityof gold by far larger than in any other land: as to how it is got, hereagain I am not able to say for certain, but it is said to be carried offfrom the griffins by Arimaspians, a one-eyed race of men. 104But I do not believe this tale either, that nature produces one-eyed menwhich in all other respects are like other men. However, it would seemthat the extremities which bound the rest of the world on every side andenclose it in the midst, possess the things which by us are thought to bethe most beautiful and the most rare.

117. Now there is a plain in Asia bounded by mountains on all sides, andthrough the mountains there are five clefts. This plain belonged once tothe Chorasmians, and it lies on the borders of the Chorasmians themselves,the Hyrcanians, Parthians, Sarangians, and Thamanaians; but from the timethat the Persians began to bear rule it belongs to the king. From thisenclosing mountain of which I speak there flows a great river, and itsname is Akes. This formerly watered the lands of these nations which havebeen mentioned, being divided into five streams and conducted through aseparate cleft in the mountains to each separate nation; but from the timethat they have come to be under the Persians they have suffered asfollows:—the king built up the clefts in the mountains and set gatesat each cleft; and so, since the water has been shut off from its outlet,the plain within the mountains is made into a sea, because the river runsinto it and has no way out in any direction. Those therefore who in formertimes had been wont to make use of the water, not being able now to makeuse of it are in great trouble: for during the winter they have rain fromheaven, as also other men have, but in the summer they desire to use thewater when they sow millet and sesame seed. So then, the water not beinggranted to them, they come to the Persians both themselves and theirwives, and standing at the gates of the king's court they cry and howl;and the king orders that for those who need it most, the gates which leadto their land shall be opened; and when their land has become satiatedwith drinking in the water, these gates are closed, and he orders thegates to be opened for others, that is to say those most needing it of therest who remain: and, as I have heard, he exacts large sums of money foropening them, besides the regular tribute.

118. Thus it is with these matters: but of the seven men who had risenagainst the Magian, it happened to one, namely Intaphrenes, to be put todeath immediately after their insurrection for an outrage which I shallrelate. He desired to enter into the king's palace and confer with theking; for the law was in fact so, that those who had risen up against theMagian were permitted to go in to the king's presence without any one toannounce them, unless the king happened to be lying with his wife.Accordingly Intaphrenes did not think it fit that any one should announcehis coming; but as he was one of the seven, he desired to enter. Thegatekeeper however and the bearer of messages endeavoured to prevent him,saying that the king was lying with his wife: but Intaphrenes believingthat they were not speaking the truth, drew his sword 105and cut off their ears and their noses, and stringing these upon hishorse's bridle he tied them round their necks and so let them go.

119. Upon this they showed themselves to the king and told the cause forwhich they had suffered this; and Dareios, fearing that the six might havedone this by common design, sent for each one separately and made trial ofhis inclinations, as to whether he approved of that which had been done:and when he was fully assured that Intaphrenes had not done this incombination with them, he took both Intaphrenes himself and his sons andall his kinsmen, being much disposed to believe that he was plottinginsurrection against him with the help of his relations; and having seizedthem he put them in bonds as for execution. Then the wife of Intaphrenes,coming constantly to the doors of the king's court, wept and bewailedherself; and by doing this continually after the same manner she movedDareios to pity her. Accordingly he sent a messenger and said to her:"Woman, king Dareios grants to thee to save from death one of thy kinsmenwho are lying in bonds, whomsoever thou desirest of them all." She then,having considered with herself, answered thus: "If in truth the kinggrants me the life of one, I choose of them all my brother." Dareios beinginformed of this, and marvelling at her speech, sent and addressed herthus: "Woman, the king asks thee what was in thy mind, that thou didstleave thy husband and thy children to die, and didst choose thy brother tosurvive, seeing that he is surely less near to thee in blood than thychildren, and less dear to thee than thy husband." She made answer: "Oking, I might, if heaven willed, have another husband and other children,if I should lose these; but another brother I could by no means have,seeing that my father and my mother are no longer alive. This was in mymind when I said those words." To Dareios then it seemed that the womanhad spoken well, and he let go not only him for whose life she asked, butalso the eldest of her sons because he was pleased with her: but all theothers he slew. One therefore of the seven had perished immediately in themanner which has been related.

120. Now about the time of the sickness of Cambyses it had come to pass asfollows:—There was one Oroites, a Persian, who had been appointed byCyrus to be governor of the province of Sardis. 106 This man had sethis desire upon an unholy thing; for though from Polycrates the Samian hehad never suffered anything nor heard any offensive word nor even seen himbefore that time, he desired to take him and put him to death for a reasonof this kind, as most who report the matter say:—while Oroites andanother Persian whose name was Mitrobates, ruler of the province ofDaskyleion, 107 were sitting at the door of the king'scourt, they came from words to strife with one another; and as theydebated their several claims to excellence, Mitrobates taunting Oroitessaid: "Dost thou 108 count thyself a man, who didst never yetwin for the king the island of Samos, which lies close to thy province,when it is so exceedingly easy of conquest that one of the natives of itrose up against the government with fifteen men-at-arms and got possessionof the island, and is now despot of it?" Some say that because he heardthis and was stung by the reproach, he formed the desire, not so much totake vengeance on him who said this, as to bring Polycrates to destructionat all costs, since by reason of him he was ill spoken of:

121, the lesser number however of those who tell the tale say that Oroitessent a herald to Samos to ask for something or other, but what it was isnot mentioned; and Polycrates happened to be lying down in the men'schamber 109 of his palace, and Anacreon also of Teoswas present with him: and somehow, whether it was by intention and becausehe made no account of the business of Oroites, or whether some chanceoccurred to bring it about, it happened that the envoy of Oroites cameinto his presence and spoke with him, and Polycrates, who chanced to beturned away 110 towards the wall, neither turned round atall nor made any answer.

122. The cause then of the death of Polycrates is reported in these twodifferent ways, and we may believe whichever of them we please. Oroiteshowever, having his residence at that Magnesia which is situated upon theriver Maiander, sent Myrsos the son of Gyges, a Lydian, to Samos bearing amessage, since he had perceived the designs of Polycrates. For Polycrateswas the first of the Hellenes of whom we have any knowledge, who set hismind upon having command of the sea, excepting Minos the Cnossian and anyother who may have had command of the sea before his time. Of that whichwe call mortal race Polycrates was the first; and he had great expectationof becoming ruler of Ionia and of the islands. Oroites accordingly, havingperceived that he had this design, sent a message to him and said thus:"Oroites to Polycrates saith as follows: I hear that thou art making plansto get great power, and that thou hast not wealth according to thy highthoughts. Now therefore if thou shalt do as I shall say, thou wilt do wellfor thyself on the one hand, and also save me from destruction: for kingCambyses is planning death for me, and this is reported to me so that Icannot doubt it. Do thou then carry away out of danger both myself andwith me my wealth; and of this keep a part for thyself and a part let mekeep, and then so far as wealth may bring it about, thou shalt be ruler ofall Hellas. And if thou dost not believe that which I say about the money,send some one, whosoever happens to be most trusted by thee, and to him Iwill show it."

123. Polycrates having heard this rejoiced, and was disposed to agree; andas he had a great desire, it seems, for wealth, he first sent Maiandriosthe son of Maiandrios, a native of Samos who was his secretary, to see it:this man was the same who not long after these events dedicated all theornaments of the men's chamber in the palace of Polycrates, ornaments wellworth seeing, as an offering to the temple of Hera. Oroites accordingly,having heard that the person sent to examine might be expected soon tocome, did as follows, that is to say, he filled eight chests with stonesexcept a small depth at the very top of each, and laid gold above upon thestones; then he tied up the chests and kept them in readiness. SoMaiandrios came and looked at them and brought back word to Polycrates:

124, and he upon that prepared to set out thither, although the divinersand also his friends strongly dissuaded him from it, and in spite moreoverof a vision which his daughter had seen in sleep of this kind,—itseemed to her that her father was raised up on high and was bathed by Zeusand anointed by the Sun. Having seen this vision, she used every kind ofendeavour to dissuade Polycrates from leaving his land to go to Oroites,and besides that, as he was going to his fifty-oared galley sheaccompanied his departure with prophetic words: and he threatened her thatif he should return safe, she should remain unmarried for long; but sheprayed that this might come to pass, for she desired rather, she said, tobe unmarried for long than to be an orphan, having lost her father.

125. Polycrates however neglected every counsel and set sail to go toOroites, taking with him, besides many others of his friends, Demokedesalso the son of Calliphon, a man of Croton, who was a physician andpractised his art better than any other man of his time. Then when hearrived at Magnesia, Polycrates was miserably put to death in a mannerunworthy both of himself and of his high ambition: for excepting those whobecome despots of the Syracusans, not one besides of the Hellenic despotsis worthy to be compared with Polycrates in magnificence. And when he hadkilled him in a manner not fit to be told, Oroites impaled his body: andof those who accompanied him, as many as were Samians he released, biddingthem be grateful to him that they were free men; but all those of hiscompany who were either allies or servants, he held in the estimation ofslaves and kept them. Polycrates then being hung up accomplished whollythe vision of his daughter, for he was bathed by Zeus whenever it rained,11001 and anointed by the Sun, giving forthmoisture himself from his body.

126. To this end came the great prosperity of Polycrates, as Amasis theking of Egypt had foretold to him: 111 but not longafterwards retribution overtook Oroites in his turn for the murder ofPolycrates. For after the death of Cambyses and the reign of the MagiansOroites remained at Sardis and did no service to the Persians, when theyhad been deprived of their empire by the Medes; moreover during this timeof disturbance he slew Mitrobates the governor in Daskyleion, who hadbrought up against him the matter of Polycrates as a reproach; and he slewalso Cranaspes the son of Mitrobates, both men of repute among thePersians: and besides other various deeds of insolence, once when a bearerof messages had come to him from Dareios, not being pleased with themessage which he brought he slew him as he was returning, having set mento lie in wait for him by the way; and having slain him he made away withthe bodies both of the man and of his horse.

127. Dareios accordingly, when he had come to the throne, was desirous oftaking vengeance upon Oroites for all his wrongdoings and especially forthe murder of Mitrobates and his son. However he did not think it good toact openly and to send an army against him, since his own affairs werestill in a disturbed state 112 and he had onlylately come to the throne, while he heard that the strength of Oroites wasgreat, seeing that he had a bodyguard of a thousand Persian spearmen andwas in possession of the divisions 113 of Phrygia andLydia and Ionia. Therefore Dareios contrived as follows:—havingcalled together those of the Persians who were of most repute, he said tothem: "Persians, which of you all will undertake to perform this matterfor me with wisdom, and not by force or with tumult? for where wisdom iswanted, there is no need of force. Which of you, I say, will either bringOroites alive to me or slay him? for he never yet did any service to thePersians, and on the other hand he has done to them great evil. First hedestroyed two of us, Mitrobates and his son; then he slays the men who goto summon him, sent by me, displaying insolence not to be endured. Beforetherefore he shall accomplish any other evil against the Persians, we mustcheck his course by death."

128. Thus Dareios asked, and thirty men undertook the matter, each oneseparately desiring to do it himself; and Dareios stopped their contentionand bade them cast lots: so when they cast lots, Bagaios the son ofArtontes obtained the lot from among them all. Bagaios accordingly, havingobtained the lot, did thus:—he wrote many papers dealing withvarious matters and on them set the seal of Dareios, and with them he wentto Sardis. When he arrived there and came into the presence of Oroites, hetook the covers off the papers one after another and gave them to theRoyal Secretary to read; for all the governors of provinces have RoyalSecretaries. Now Bagaios thus gave the papers in order to make trial ofthe spearmen of the guard, whether they would accept the motion to revoltfrom Oroites; and seeing that they paid great reverence to the papers andstill more to the words which were recited from them, he gave anotherpaper in which were contained these words: "Persians, king Dareios forbidsyou to serve as guards to Oroites": and they hearing this lowered to himthe points of their spears. Then Bagaios, seeing that in this they wereobedient to the paper, took courage upon that and gave the last of thepapers to the secretary; and in it was written: "King Dareios commands thePersians who are in Sardis to slay Oroites." So the spearmen of the guard,when they heard this, drew their swords and slew him forthwith. Thus didretribution for the murder of Polycrates the Samian overtake Oroites.

129. When the wealth of Oroites had come or had been carried 114up to Susa, it happened not long after, that king Dareios while engaged inhunting wild beasts twisted his foot in leaping off his horse, and it wastwisted, as it seems, rather violently, for the ball of his ankle-jointwas put out of the socket. Now he had been accustomed to keep about himthose of the Egyptians who were accounted the first in the art ofmedicine, and he made use of their assistance then: but these by wrenchingand forcing the foot made the evil continually greater. For seven daysthen and seven nights Dareios was sleepless owing to the pain which hesuffered; and at last on the eighth day, when he was in a wretched state,some one who had heard talk before while yet at Sardis of the skill ofDemokedes of Croton, reported this to Dareios; and he bade them bring himforthwith into his presence. So having found him somewhere unnoticed amongthe slaves of Oroites, they brought him forth into the midst draggingfetters after him and clothed in rags.

130. When he had been placed in the midst of them, Dareios asked himwhether he understood the art; but he would not admit it, fearing lest, ifhe declared himself to be what he was, he might lose for ever the hope ofreturning to Hellas: and it was clear to Dareios that he understood thatart but was practising another, 115 and he commandedthose who had brought him thither to produce scourges and pricks.Accordingly upon that he spoke out, saying that he did not understand itprecisely, but that he had kept company with a physician and had some poorknowledge of the art. Then after this, when Dareios had committed the caseto him, by using Hellenic drugs and applying mild remedies after theformer violent means, he caused him to get sleep, and in a short time madehim perfectly well, though he had never hoped to be sound of foot again.Upon this Dareios presented him with two pairs of golden fetters; and heasked him whether it was by design that he had given to him a double shareof his suffering, because he had made him well. Being pleased by thissaying, Dareios sent him to visit his wives, and the eunuchs in bringinghim in said to the women that this was he who had restored to the king hislife. Then each one of them plunged a cup into the gold-chest 116and presented Demokedes with so abundant a gift that his servant, whosename was Skiton, following and gathering up the coins 117which fell from the cups, collected for himself a very large sum of gold.

131. This Demokedes came from Croton, and became the associate ofPolycrates in the following manner:—at Croton he lived in strifewith his father, who was of a harsh temper, and when he could no longerendure him, he departed and came to Egina. Being established there hesurpassed in the first year all the other physicians, although he waswithout appliances and had none of the instruments which are used in theart. In the next year the Eginetan State engaged him for a payment of onetalent, in the third year he was engaged by the Athenians for a hundredpounds weight of silver, 118 and in the fourthby Polycrates for two talents. Thus he arrived in Samos; and it was byreason of this man more than anything else that the physicians of Crotongot their reputation: for this event happened at the time when thephysicians of Croton began to be spoken of as the first in Hellas, whilethe Kyrenians were reputed to have the second place. About this same timealso the Argives had the reputation of being the first musicians inHellas. 119

132. Then Demokedes having healed king Dareios had a very great house inSusa, and had been made a table-companion of the king; and except the onething of returning to the land of the Hellenes, he had everything. Andfirst as regards the Egyptian physicians who tried to heal the king beforehim, when they were about to be impaled because they had proved inferiorto a physician who was a Hellene, he asked their lives of the king andrescued them from death: then secondly, he rescued an Eleian prophet, whohad accompanied Polycrates and had remained unnoticed among the slaves. Inshort Demokedes was very great in the favour of the king.

133. Not long time after this another thing came to pass which was this:—Atossathe daughter of Cyrus and wife of Dareios had a tumour upon her breast,which afterwards burst and then was spreading further: and so long as itwas not large, she concealed it and said nothing to anybody, because shewas ashamed; but afterwards when she was in evil case, she sent forDemokedes and showed it to him: and he said that he would make her well,and caused her to swear that she would surely do for him in return thatwhich he should ask of her; and he would ask, he said, none of such thingsas are shameful.

134. So when after this by his treatment he had made her well, then Atossainstructed by Demokedes uttered to Dareios in his bedchamber some suchwords as these: "O king, though thou hast such great power, thou dost sitstill, and dost not win in addition any nation or power for the Persians:and yet it is reasonable that a man who is both young and master of muchwealth should be seen to perform some great deed, in order that thePersians may know surely that he is a man by whom they are ruled. It isexpedient indeed in two ways that thou shouldest do so, both in order thatthe Persians may know that their ruler is a man, and in order that theymay be worn down by war and not have leisure to plot against thee. For nowthou mightest display some great deed, while thou art still young; seeingthat as the body grows the spirit grows old also with it, and is bluntedfor every kind of action." Thus she spoke according to instructionsreceived, and he answered thus: "Woman, thou hast said all the thingswhich I myself have in mind to do; for I have made the plan to yoketogether a bridge from this continent to the other and to make expeditionagainst the Scythians, and these designs will be by way of being fulfilledwithin a little time." Then Atossa said: "Look now,—forbear to gofirst against the Scythians, for these will be in thy power whenever thoudesirest: but do thou, I pray thee, make an expedition against Hellas; forI am desirous to have Lacedemonian women and Argive and Athenian andCorinthian, for attendants, because I hear of them by report: and thouhast the man who of all men is most fitted to show thee all things whichrelate to Hellas and to be thy guide, that man, I mean, who healed thyfoot." Dareios made answer: "Woman, since it seems good to thee that weshould first make trial of Hellas, I think it better to send first to themmen of the Persians together with him of whom thou speakest, to makeinvestigation, that when these have learnt and seen, they may report eachseveral thing to us; and then I shall go to attack them with fullknowledge of all."

135. Thus he said, and he proceeded to do the deed as he spoke the word:for as soon as day dawned, he summoned fifteen Persians, men of repute,and bade them pass through the coasts of Hellas in company with Demokedes,and take care not to let Demokedes escape from them, but bring him back atall costs. Having thus commanded them, next he summoned Demokedes himselfand asked him to act as a guide for the whole of Hellas and show it to thePersians, and then return back: and he bade him take all his movable goodsand carry them as gifts to his father and his brothers, saying that hewould give him in their place many times as much; and besides this, hesaid, he would contribute to the gifts a merchant ship filled with allmanner of goods, which should sail with him. Dareios, as it seems to me,promised him these things with no crafty design; but Demokedes was afraidthat Dareios was making trial of him, and did not make haste to accept allthat was offered, but said that he would leave his own things where theywere, so that he might have them when he came back; he said however thathe accepted the merchant ship which Dareios promised him for the presentsto his brothers. Dareios then, having thus given command to him also, sentthem away to the sea.

136. So these, when they had gone down to Phenicia and in Phenicia to thecity of Sidon, forthwith manned two triremes, and besides them they alsofilled a large ship of burden with all manner of goods. Then when they hadmade all things ready they set sail for Hellas, and touching at variousplaces they saw the coast regions of it and wrote down a description,until at last, when they had seen the greater number of the famous places,they came to Taras 120 in Italy. There from complaisance 121to Demokedes Aristophilides the king of the Tarentines unfastened andremoved the steering-oars of the Median ships, and also confined thePersians in prison, because, as he alleged, they came as spies. While theywere being thus dealt with, Demokedes went away and reached Croton; andwhen he had now reached his own native place, Aristophilides set thePersians free and gave back to them those parts of their ships which hehad taken away.

137. The Persians then sailing thence and pursuing Demokedes reachedCroton, and finding him in the market-place they laid hands upon him; andsome of the men of Croton fearing the Persian power were willing to lethim go, but others took hold of him and struck with their staves at thePersians, who pleaded for themselves in these words: "Men of Croton, takecare what ye are about: ye are rescuing a man who was a slave of kingDareios and who ran away from him. How, think you, will king Dareios becontent to receive such an insult; and how shall this which ye do be wellfor you, if ye take him away from us? Against what city, think you, shallwe make expedition sooner than against this, and what city before thisshall we endeavour to reduce to slavery?" Thus saying they did not howeverpersuade the men of Croton, but having had Demokedes rescued from them andthe ship of burden which they were bringing with them taken away, they setsail to go back to Asia, and did not endeavour to visit any more parts ofHellas or to find out about them, being now deprived of their guide. Thismuch however Demokedes gave them as a charge when they were putting forthto sea, bidding them say to Dareios that Demokedes was betrothed to thedaughter of Milon: for the wrestler Milon had a great name at the king'scourt; and I suppose that Demokedes was urgent for this marriage, spendingmuch money to further it, in order that Dareios might see that he was heldin honour also in his own country.

138. The Persians however, after they had put out from Croton, were castaway with their ships in Iapygia; and as they were remaining there asslaves, Gillos a Tarentine exile rescued them and brought them back toking Dareios. In return for this Dareios offered to give him whatsoeverthing he should desire; and Gillos chose that he might have the power ofreturning to Taras, narrating first the story of his misfortune: and inorder that he might not disturb all Hellas, as would be the case if on hisaccount a great armament should sail to invade Italy, he said it wasenough for him that the men of Cnidos should be those who brought himback, without any others; because he supposed that by these, who werefriends with the Tarentines, his return from exile would most easily beeffected. Dareios accordingly having promised proceeded to perform; for hesent a message to Cnidos and bade them being back Gillos to Taras: and themen of Cnidos obeyed Dareios, but nevertheless they did not persuade theTarentines, and they were not strong enough to apply force. Thus then ithappened with regard to these things; and these were the first Persianswho came from Asia to Hellas, and for the reason which has been mentionedthese were sent as spies.

139. After this king Dareios took Samos before all other cities, whetherof Hellenes or Barbarians, and for a cause which was as follows:—WhenCambyses the son of Cyrus was marching upon Egypt, many Hellenes arrivedin Egypt, some, as might be expected, joining in the campaign to makeprofit, 122 and some also coming to see the landitself; and among these was Syoloson the son of Aiakes and brother ofPolycrates, an exile from Samos. To this Syloson a fortunate chanceoccurred, which was this:—he had taken and put upon him aflame-coloured mantle, and was about the market-place in Memphis; andDareios, who was then one of the spearmen of Cambyses and not yet held inany great estimation, seeing him had a desire for the mantle, and going upto him offered to buy it. Then Syloson, seeing that Dareios very greatlydesired the mantle, by some divine inspiration said: "I will not sell thisfor any sum, but I will give it thee for nothing, if, as it appears, itmust be thine at all costs." To this Dareios agreed and received from himthe garment.

140. Now Syloson supposed without any doubt that he had altogether lostthis by easy simplicity; but when in course of time Cambyses was dead, andthe seven Persians had risen up against the Magian, and of the sevenDareios had obtained the kingdom, Syloson heard that the kingdom had comeabout to that man to whom once in Egypt he had given the garment at hisrequest: accordingly he went up to Susa and sat down at the entrance 123of the king's palace, and said that he was a benefactor of Dareios. Thekeeper of the door hearing this reported it to the king; and he marvelledat it and said to him: "Who then of the Hellenes is my benefactor, to whomI am bound by gratitude? seeing that it is now but a short time that Ipossess the kingdom, and as yet scarcely one 124 of them has comeup to our court; and I may almost say that I have no debt owing to aHellene. Nevertheless bring him in before me, that I may know what hemeans when he says these things." Then the keeper of the door broughtSyloson before him, and when he had been set in the midst, theinterpreters asked him who he was and what he had done, that he calledhimself the benefactor of the king. Syloson accordingly told all that hadhappened about the mantle, and how he was the man who had given it; towhich Dareios made answer: "O most noble of men, thou art he who when asyet I had no power gavest me a gift, small it may be, but nevertheless thekindness is counted with me to be as great as if I should now receive somegreat thing from some one. Therefore I will give thee in return gold andsilver in abundance, that thou mayest not ever repent that thou didstrender a service to Dareios the son of Hystaspes." To this Sylosonreplied: "To me, O king, give neither gold nor silver, but recover andgive to me my fatherland Samos, which now that my brother Polycrates hasbeen slain by Oroites is possessed by our slave. This give to me withoutbloodshed or selling into slavery."

141. Dareios having heard this prepared to send an expedition with Otanesas commander of it, who had been one of the seven, charging him toaccomplish for Syloson all that which he had requested. Otanes then wentdown to the sea-coast and was preparing the expedition.

142. Now Maiandrios the son of Maiandrios was holding the rule over Samos,having received the government as a trust from Polycrates; and he, thoughdesiring to show himself the most righteous of men, did not succeed in sodoing: for when the death of Polycrates was reported to him, he did asfollows:—first he founded an altar to Zeus the Liberator and markedout a sacred enclosure round it, namely that which exists still in thesuburb of the city: then after he had done this he gathered together anassembly of all the citizens and spoke these words: "To me, as ye know aswell as I, has been entrusted the sceptre of Polycrates and all his power;and now it is open to me to be your ruler; but that for the doing of whichI find fault with my neighbour, I will myself refrain from doing, so faras I may: for as I did not approve of Polycrates acting as master of menwho were not inferior to himself, so neither do I approve of any other whodoes such things. Now Polycrates for his part fulfilled his own appointeddestiny, and I now give the power into the hands of the people, andproclaim to you equality. 125 These privilegeshowever I think it right to have assigned to me, namely that from thewealth of Polycrates six talents should be taken out and given to me as aspecial gift; and in addition to this I choose for myself and for mydescendants in succession the priesthood of Zeus the Liberator, to whom Imyself founded a temple, while I bestow liberty upon you." He, as I say,made these offers to the Samians; but one of them rose up and said: "Nay,but unworthy too art thou 126 to be our ruler,seeing that thou art of mean birth and a pestilent fellow besides. Rathertake care that thou give an account of the money which thou hadst to dealwith."

143. Thus said one who was a man of repute among the citizens, whose namewas Telesarchos; and Maiandrios perceiving that if he resigned the power,some other would be set up as despot instead of himself, did not keep thepurpose at all 127 of resigning it; but having retired to thefortress he sent for each man separately, pretending that he was going togive an account of the money, and so seized them and put them in bonds.These then had been put in bonds; but Maiandrios after this was overtakenby sickness, and his brother, whose name was Lycaretos, expecting that hewould die, put all the prisoners to death, in order that he might himselfmore easily get possession of the power over Samos: and all this happenedbecause, as it appears, they did not choose to be free.

144. So when the Persians arrived at Samos bringing Syloson home fromexile, no one raised a hand against them, and moreover the party ofMaiandrios and Maiandrios himself said that they were ready to retire outof the island under a truce. Otanes therefore having agreed on these termsand having made a treaty, the most honourable of the Persians had seatsplaced for them in front of the fortress and were sitting there.

145. Now the despot Maiandrios had a brother who was somewhat mad, and hisname was Charilaos. This man for some offence which he had been committedhad been confined in an underground dungeon, 128 and at this timeof which I speak, having heard what was being done and having put his headthrough out of the dungeon, when he saw the Persians peacefully sittingthere he began to cry out and said that he desired to come to speech withMaiandrios. So Maiandrios hearing his voice bade them loose him and bringhim into his presence; and as soon as he was brought he began to abuse andrevile him, trying to persuade him to attack the Persians, and sayingthus: "Thou basest of men, didst thou put me in bonds and judge me worthyof the dungeon under ground, who am thine own brother and did no wrongworthy of bonds, and when thou seest the Persians casting thee forth fromthe land and making thee homeless, dost thou not dare to take any revenge,though they are so exceedingly easy to be overcome? Nay, but if in truththou art afraid of them, give me thy mercenaries and I will take vengeanceon them for their coming here; and thyself I am willing to let go out ofthe island."

146. Thus spoke Charilaos, and Maiandrios accepted that which he said,not, as I think, because he had reached such a height of folly as tosuppose that his own power would overcome that of the king, but ratherbecause he grudged Syloson that he should receive from him the Statewithout trouble, and with no injury inflicted upon it. Therefore hedesired to provoke the Persians to anger and make the Samian power asfeeble as possible before he gave it up to him, being well assured thatthe Persians, when they had suffered evil, would be likely to be as bitteragainst the Samians as well as against those who did the wrong, 129and knowing also that he had a safe way of escape from the island wheneverhe desired: for he had had a secret passage made under ground, leadingfrom the fortress to the sea. Maiandrios then himself sailed out fromSamos; but Charilaos armed all the mercenaries, and opening wide the gatessent them out upon the Persians, who were not expecting any such thing,but supposed that all had been arranged: and the mercenaries falling uponthem began to slay those of the Persians who had seats carried for them 130and were of most account. While these were thus engaged, the rest of thePersian force came to the rescue, and the mercenaries were hard pressedand forced to retire to the fortress.

147. Then Otanes the Persian commander, seeing that the Persians hadsuffered greatly, purposely forgot the commands which Dareios gave himwhen he sent him forth, not to kill any one of the Samians nor to sell anyinto slavery, but to restore the island to Syloson free from all sufferingof calamity,—these commands, I say, he purposely forgot, and gavethe word to his army to slay every one whom they should take, man or boy,without distinction. So while some of the army were besieging thefortress, others were slaying every one who came in their way, insanctuary or out of sanctuary equally.

148. Meanwhile Maiandrios had escaped from Samos and was sailing toLacedemon; and having come thither and caused to be brought up to the citythe things which he had taken with him when he departed, he did asfollows:—first, he would set out his cups of silver and of gold, andthen while the servants were cleaning them, he would be engaged inconversation with Cleomenes the son of Anaxandrides, then king of Sparta,and would bring him on to his house; and when Cleomenes saw the cups hemarvelled and was astonished at them, and Maiandrios would bid him takeaway with him as many of them as he pleased. Maiandrios said this twice orthree times, but Cleomenes herein showed himself the most upright of men;for he not only did not think fit to take that which was offered, butperceiving that Maiandrios would make presents to others of the citizens,and so obtain assistance for himself, he went to the Ephors and said thatit was better for Sparta that the stranger of Samos should depart fromPeloponnesus, lest he might persuade either himself or some other man ofthe Spartans to act basely. They accordingly accepted his counsel, andexpelled Maiandrios by proclamation.

149. As to Samos, the Persians, after sweeping the population off it, 131delivered it to Syloson stripped of men. Afterwards however the commanderOtanes even joined in settling people there, moved by a vision of a dreamand by a disease which seized him, so that he was diseased in the genitalorgans.

150. After a naval force had thus gone against Samos, the Babylonians maderevolt, being for this exceedingly well prepared; for during all the timeof the reign of the Magian and of the insurrection of the seven, duringall this time and the attendant confusion they were preparing themselvesfor the siege of their city: and it chanced by some means that they werenot observed to be doing this. Then when they made open revolt, they didas follows:—after setting apart their mothers first, each man setapart also for himself one woman, whosoever he wished of his ownhousehold, and all the remainder they gathered together and killed bysuffocation. Each man set apart the one who has been mentioned to serve asa maker of bread, and they suffocated the rest in order that they mightnot consume their provisions.

151. Dareios being informed of this and having gathered together all hispower, made expedition against them, and when he had marched his army upto Babylon he began to besiege them; but they cared nothing about thesiege, for the Babylonians used to go up to the battlements of the walland show contempt of Dareios and of his army by gestures and by words; andone of them uttered this saying: "Why, O Persians, do ye remain sittinghere, and not depart? For then only shall ye capture us, when mules shallbring forth young." This was said by one of the Babylonians, not supposingthat a mule would ever bring forth young.

152. So when a year and seven months had now passed by, Dareios began tobe vexed and his whole army with him, not being able to conquer theBabylonians. And yet Dareios had used against them every kind of deviceand every possible means, but not even so could he conquer them, thoughbesides other devices he had attempted it by that also with which Cyrusconquered them; but the Babylonians were terribly on their guard and hewas not able to conquer them.

153. Then in the twentieth month there happened to Zopyros the son of thatMegabyzos who had been of the seven men who slew the Magian, to thisZopyros, I say, son of Megabyzos there happened a prodigy,—one ofthe mules which served as bearers of provisions for him produced young:and when this was reported to him, and Zopyros had himself seen the foal,because he did not believe the report, he charged those who had seen itnot to tell that which had happened to any one, and he considered withhimself what to do. And having regard to the words spoken by theBabylonian, who had said at first that when mules should produce young,then the wall would be taken, having regard (I say) to this ominoussaying, it seemed to Zopyros that Babylon could be taken: for he thoughtthat both the man had spoken and his mule had produced young by divinedispensation.

154. Since then it seemed to him that it was now fated that Babylon shouldbe captured, he went to Dareios and inquired of him whether he thought ita matter of very great moment to conquer Babylon; and hearing in answerthat he thought it of great consequence, he considered again how he mightbe the man to take it and how the work might be his own: for among thePersians benefits are accounted worthy of a very high degree of honour. 132He considered accordingly that he was not able to make conquest of it byany other means, but only if he should maltreat himself and desert totheir side. So, making light esteem of himself, he maltreated his own bodyin a manner which could not be cured; for he cut off his nose and hisears, and shaved his hair round in an unseemly way, and scourged himself,and so went into the presence of Dareios.

155. And Dareios was exceedingly troubled when he saw the man of mostrepute with him thus maltreated; and leaping up from his seat he criedaloud and asked him who was the person who had maltreated him, and forwhat deed. He replied: "That man does not exist, excepting thee, who hasso great power as to bring me into this condition; and not any stranger, Oking, has done this, but I myself to myself, accounting it a very grievousthing that the Assyrians should make a mock of the Persians." He madeanswer: "Thou most reckless of men, thou didst set the fairest name to thefoulest deed when thou saidest that on account of those who are besiegedthou didst bring thyself into a condition which cannot be cured. How, Othou senseless one, will the enemy surrender to us more quickly, becausethou hast maltreated thyself? Surely thou didst wander out of thy sensesin thus destroying thyself." And he said, "If I had communicated to theethat which I was about to do, thou wouldst not have permitted me to do it;but as it was, I did it on my own account. Now therefore, unless somethingis wanting on thy part, we shall conquer Babylon: for I shall gostraightway as a deserter to the wall; and I shall say to them that Isuffered this treatment at thy hands: and I think that when I haveconvinced them that this is so, I shall obtain the command of a part oftheir forces. Do thou then on the tenth day from that on which I shallenter within the wall take of those troops about which thou wilt have noconcern if they be destroyed,—of these, I say, get a thousand by 133the gate of the city which is called the gate of Semiramis; and after thisagain on the seventh day after the tenth set, I pray thee, two thousand bythe gate which is called the gate of the Ninevites; and after this seventhday let twenty days elapse, and then lead other four thousand and placethem by the gate called the gate of the Chaldeans: and let neither theformer men nor these have any weapons to defend them except daggers, butthis weapon let them have. Then after the twentieth day at once bid therest of the army make an attack on the wall all round, and set thePersians, I pray thee, by those gates which are called the gate of Belosand the gate of Kissia: for, as I think, when I have displayed great deedsof prowess, the Babylonians will entrust to me, besides their otherthings, also the keys which draw the bolts of the gates. Then after thatit shall be the care of myself and the Persians to do that which ought tobe done."

156. Having thus enjoined he proceeded to go to the gate of the city,turning to look behind him as he went, as if he were in truth a deserter;and those who were set in that part of the wall, seeing him from thetowers ran down, and slightly opening one wing of the gate asked who hewas, and for what purpose he had come. And he addressed them and said thathe was Zopyros, and that he came as a deserter to them. The gate-keepersaccordingly when they heard this led him to the public assembly of theBabylonians; and being introduced before it he began to lament hisfortunes, saying that he had in fact suffered at his own hands, and thathe had suffered this because he had counselled the king to withdraw hisarmy, since in truth there seemed to be no means of taking the town: "Andnow," he went on to say, "I am come for very great good to you, OBabylonians, but for very great evil to Dareios and his army, and to thePersians, 134 for he shall surely not escape withimpunity for having thus maltreated me; and I know all the courses of hiscounsels."

157. Thus he spoke, and the Babylonians, when they saw the man of mostreputation among the Persians deprived of nose and ears and smeared overwith blood from scourging, supposing assuredly that he was speaking thetruth and had come to be their helper, were ready to put in his power thatfor which he asked them, and he asked them that he might command a certainforce. Then when he had obtained this from them, he did that which he hadagreed with Dareios that he would do; for he led out on the tenth day thearmy of the Babylonians, and having surrounded the thousand men whom hehad enjoined Dareios first to set there, he slew them. The Babyloniansaccordingly, perceiving that the deeds which he displayed were inaccordance with his words, were very greatly rejoiced and were ready toserve him in all things: and after the lapse of the days which had beenagreed upon, he again chose men of the Babylonians and led them out andslew the two thousand men of the troops of Dareios. Seeing this deed also,the Babylonians all had the name of Zopyros upon their tongues, and wereloud in his praise. He then again, after the lapse of the days which hadbeen agreed upon, led them out to the place appointed, and surrounded thefour thousand and slew them. When this also had been done, Zopyros waseverything among the Babylonians, and he was appointed both commander oftheir army and guardian of their walls.

158. But when Dareios made an attack according to the agreement on everyside of the wall, then Zopyros discovered all his craft: for while theBabylonians, having gone up on the wall, were defending themselves againstthe attacks of the army of Dareios, Zopyros opened the gates called thegates of Kissia and of Belos, and let in the Persians within the wall. Andof the Babylonians those who saw that which was done fled to the temple ofZeus Belos, but those who did not see remained each in his own appointedplace, until at last they also learnt that they had been betrayed.

159. Thus was Babylon conquered for the second time: and Dareios when hehad overcome the Babylonians, first took away the wall from round theircity and pulled down all the gates; for when Cyrus took Babylon beforehim, he did neither of these things: and secondly Dareios impaled theleading men to the number of about three thousand, but to the rest of theBabylonians he gave back their city to dwell in: and to provide that theBabylonians should have wives, in order that their race might bepropagated, Dareios did as follows (for their own wives, as has beendeclared at the beginning, the Babylonians had suffocated, in providentcare for their store of food):—he ordered the nations who dweltround to bring women to Babylon, fixing a certain number for each nation,so that the sum total of fifty thousand women was brought together, andfrom these women the present Babylonians are descended.

160. As for Zopyros, in the judgment of Dareios no one of the Persianssurpassed him in good service, either of those who came after or of thosewho had gone before, excepting Cyrus alone; for to Cyrus no man of thePersians ever yet ventured to compare himself: and Dareios is said to havedeclared often that he would rather that Zopyros were free from the injurythan that he should have twenty Babylons added to his possession inaddition to that one which he had. Moreover he gave him great honours; fornot only did he give him every year those things which by the Persians areaccounted the most honourable, but also he granted him Babylon to rulefree from tribute, so long as he should live; and he added many othergifts. The son of this Zopyros was Megabyzos, who was made commander inEgypt against the Athenians and their allies; and the son of thisMegabyzos was Zopyros, who went over to Athens as a deserter from thePersians.

—————





NOTES TO BOOK III

1 (return)
[ See ii. 1.]

2 (return)
[ {'Amasin}. Thisaccusative must be taken with {eprexe}. Some Editors adopt the conjecture{'Amasi}, to be taken with {memphomenos} as in ch. 4, "did this because hehad a quarrel with Amasis."]

3 (return)
[ See ii. 152, 154.]

4 (return)
[ {Suron}: see ii. 104.]

5 (return)
[ {keinon}: most MSS. andmany editions have {keimenon}, "laid up."]

6 (return)
[ {demarkhon}.]

7 (return)
[ {exaireomenos}: explainedby some "disembarked" or "unloaded."]

8 (return)
[ Or "Orotal."]

9 (return)
[ {dia de touton}.]

10 (return)
[ {trion}: omitted bysome good MSS.]

11 (return)
[ See ii. 169.]

12 (return)
[ {alla kai tote uathesanai Thebai psakadi}.]

13 (return)
[ The so-called {Leukonteikhon} on the south side of Memphis: cp. ch. 91.]

14 (return)
[ {omoios kai} omitting{a}.]

15 (return)
[ {pentakosias mneas}.]

16 (return)
[ {aneklaion}: perhaps{anteklaion}, which has most MS. authority, may be right, "answer theirlamentations."]

17 (return)
[ See ch. 31.]

18 (return)
[ {egeomenon}: someEditors adopt the conjecture {agomenon}, "was being led."]

19 (return)
[ {sphi}: so in the MSS.:some editions (following the Aldine) have {oi}.]

20 (return)
[ {to te}: a correctionfor {tode}: some Editors read {tode, to}, "by this, namely by the caseof," etc.]

21 (return)
[ "gypsum."]

22 (return)
[ {epi}, lit. "after."]

23 (return)
[ {leukon tetragonon}: sothe MSS. Some Editors, in order to bring the statement of Herodotus intoagreement with the fact, read {leukon ti trigonon}, "a kind of whitetriangle": so Stein.]

24 (return)
[ {epi}: this is alteredunnecessarily by most recent Editors to {upo}, on the authority ofEusebius and Pliny, who say that the mark was under the tongue.]

25 (return)
[ {ekeino}: someunderstand this to refer to Cambyses, "that there was no one now who wouldcome to the assistance of Cambyses, if he were in trouble," an officewhich would properly have belonged to Smerdis, cp. ch. 65: but the otherreference seems more natural.]

26 (return)
[ Epilepsy or somethingsimilar.]

2601 (return)
[ Cp. note on i.114.]

27 (return)
[ {pros ton patera[telesai] Kuron}: the word {telesai} seems to be corrupt. Stein suggests{eikasai}, "as compared with." Some Editors omit the word.]

28 (return)
[ {nomon panton basileapheras einai}: but {nomos} in this fragment of Pindar is rather thenatural law by which the strong prevail over the weak.]

29 (return)
[ {iakhon}: Stein readsby conjecture {skhon}, "having obtained possession."]

30 (return)
[ {mede}: Abicht reads{meden} by conjecture.]

31 (return)
[ {alla}, under theinfluence of the preceding negative.]

32 (return)
[ {prosson} refersgrammatically only to {autos}, and marks the reference as being chiefly tohimself throughout the sentence.]

33 (return)
[ {prorrizos}, "by theroots."]

34 (return)
[ {toi tesi pathesi}: theMSS. mostly have {toi autaisi} or {toiautaisi}.]

35 (return)
[ See i. 51.]

36 (return)
[ {es Aigupton epetheke},"delivered it (to a messenger to convey) to Egypt."]

37 (return)
[ The island ofCarpathos, the modern Scarpanto.]

38 (return)
[ {to thulakoperiergasthai}: which is susceptible of a variety of meanings. In asimilar story told of the Chians the Spartans are made to say that itwould have been enough to show the empty bag without saying anything.(Sext. Empir. ii. 23.) Probably the meaning here is that if they weregoing to say so much, they need not have shown the bag, for the words wereenough without the sight of the bag: or it may be only that the words{o thulakos} were unnecessary in the sentence {o thulakos alphitondeitai}.]

39 (return)
[ See i. 70.]

40 (return)
[ {genee}. To save thechronology some insert {trite} before {genee}, but this will be uselessunless the clause {kata de ton auton khronon tou kreteros te arpage} beomitted, as it is also proposed to do. Periander is thought to have diedabout 585 B.C.; but see v. 95.]

41 (return)
[ The MSS. add {eonteseoutoisi}, and apparently something has been lost. Stein and others followValckenär in adding {suggenees}, "are ever at variance with one another inspite of their kinship."]

42 (return)
[ {noo labon}: the MSS.have {now labon kai touto}.]

43 (return)
[ {iren zemien}.]

44 (return)
[ {tauta ta nun ekhonpresseis}: the form of sentence is determined by its antithesis to {taagatha ta nun ego ekho}.]

45 (return)
[ {basileus}, becausealready destined as his father's successor.]

46 (return)
[ {sphea}: the MSS. have{sphe} here, and in the middle of the next chapter.]

4601 (return)
[ The Lacedemonianswho were not Dorians had of course taken part in the Trojan war.]

47 (return)
[ {leuka genetai}.]

48 (return)
[ {prutaneia}.]

49 (return)
[ {lokhon}.]

50 (return)
[ {prosiskhon}: some read{proseskhon}, "had put in."]

51 (return)
[ {kai ton tes Diktunesneon}: omitted by some Editors.]

52 (return)
[ {orguias}.]

53 (return)
[ {stadioi}.]

54 (return)
[ {kai}: the MSS. have{kata}.]

55 (return)
[ {en te gar anthropeiephusi ouk enen ara}.]

56 (return)
[ Or possibly, "the mostnecessary of those things which remain to be done, is this."]

57 (return)
[ {apistie polleupekekhuto}, cp. ii. 152.]

58 (return)
[ Or perhaps Phaidymia.]

59 (return)
[ {Gobrues} or{Gobrues}.]

60 (return)
[ {'Intaphrenea}: thisform, which is given by at least one MS. throughout, seems preferable, asbeing closer to the Persian name which it represents, "Vindafrana," cp. v.25. Most of the MSS. have {'Intaphernea}.]

61 (return)
[ {phthas emeu}.]

62 (return)
[ {ti}: some MSS. have{tis}, "in order that persons may trust (themselves) to them more."]

63 (return)
[ i.e. "let him be killedon the spot."]

64 (return)
[ {ta panta muria}, "tenthousand of every possible thing," (or, "of all the usual gifts"; cp. ch.84 {ten pasan doreen}).]

65 (return)
[ {dethen}.]

66 (return)
[ {oideonton tonpregmaton}: "while things were swelling," cp. ch. 127: perhaps here,"before things came to a head."]

6601 (return)
[ {andreona}, as inch. 121.]

67 (return)
[ {ana te edramon palin},i.e. they ran back into the room out of which they had come to see whatwas the matter; with this communicated a bedchamber which had its lightonly by the open door of communication.]

6701 (return)
[ {magophonia}.]

68 (return)
[ Or, "after it hadlasted more than five days," taking {thorubos} as the subject of{egeneto}. The reason for mentioning the particular number five seems tobe contained in the passage quoted by Stein from Sextus Empiricus,{enteuphen kai oi Person kharientes nomon ekhousi, basileos par' autoisteleutesantos pente tas ephexes emeras anomian agein}.]

69 (return)
[ See vi. 43.]

70 (return)
[ {isonomie}, "equaldistribution," i.e. of civil rights.]

71 (return)
[ {ouden oikeion}: theMSS. have {ouden oud' oikeion}, which might be translated "anything of itsown either."]

72 (return)
[ {to lego}: the MSS.have {ton lego}, "each of the things about which I speak being bestin its own kind." The reading {to logo}, which certainly gives a moresatisfactory meaning, is found in Stobæus, who quotes the passage.]

73 (return)
[ {kakoteta}, as opposedto the {arete} practised by the members of an aristocracy.]

74 (return)
[ {okto kaiebdomekontamneas}: the MSS. have {ebdomekonta mneas} only, and this reading seems tohave existed as early as the second century of our era: nevertheless thecorrection is required, not only by the facts of the case, but also bycomparison with ch. 95.]

75 (return)
[ {nomos}, and sothroughout.]

76 (return)
[ or "Hygennians."]

77 (return)
[ i.e. the Cappadokians,see i. 6.]

7701 (return)
[ See ii. 149.]

78 (return)
[ {muriadas}: the MSS.have {muriasi}. With {muriadas} we must supply {medimnon}. The {medimnos}is really about a bushel and a half.]

79 (return)
[ {Pausikai}: some MSS.have {Pausoi}.]

80 (return)
[ {tous anaspastouskaleomenous}.]

81 (return)
[ {Kaspioi}: some read byconjecture {Kaspeiroi}, others {Kasioi}.]

82 (return)
[ {ogdokonta kaioktakosia kai einakiskhilia}: the MSS. have {tesserakonta kai pentakosiakai einakiskhilia} (9540), which is irreconcilable with the total sumgiven below, and also with the sum obtained by adding up the separateitems given in Babylonian talents, whether we reduce them by theproportion 70:60 given by the MSS. in ch. 89, or by the true proportion78:60. On the other hand the total sum given below is precisely the sum ofthe separate items (after subtracting the 140 talents used for the defenceof Kilikia), reduced in the proportion 78:60; and this proves thenecessity of the emendation here ({thop} for {thphm}) as well as supplyinga strong confirmation of that adopted in ch. 89.]

83 (return)
[ The reckoningthroughout is in round numbers, nothing less than the tens beingmentioned.]

84 (return)
[ {oi peri te Nusen}:perhaps this should be corrected to {oi te peri Nusen}, because the{sunamphoteroi} which follows seem to refer to two separate peoples.]

85 (return)
[ The passage "theseEthiopians—dwellings" is marked by Stein as doubtful on internalgrounds. The Callantian Indians mentioned seem to be the same as theCallantians mentioned in ch. 38.]

86 (return)
[ {khoinikas}.]

87 (return)
[ {dia penteteridos}.]

88 (return)
[ i.e. the Indus.]

89 (return)
[ Either {autontekomenon} is to be taken absolutely, equivalent to {autou tekomenou}, and{ta krea} is the subject of {diaphtheiresthai}; or {auton} is the subjectand {ta krea} is accusative of definition, "wasting away in his flesh."Some MSS. have {diaphtheirein}, "that he is spoiling his flesh for them."]

90 (return)
[ {gar}: some would read{de}, but the meaning seems to be, "this is done universally, for in thecase of weakness arising from old age, the same takes place."]

91 (return)
[ {pros arktou te kaiboreo anemou}.]

92 (return)
[ This clause indicatesthe manner in which the size is so exactly known.]

93 (return)
[ {autoi}, i.e. inthemselves as well as in their habits. Some MSS. read {to} for {autoi},which is adopted by several Editors; others adopt the conjecture{autois}.]

94 (return)
[ i.e. two in eachhind-leg.]

95 (return)
[ {kai paraluesthai}:{kai} is omitted in some MSS. and by some Editors.]

96 (return)
[ {ouk omou}: someEditors omit {ouk}: the meaning seems to be that in case of necessity theyare thrown off one after another to delay the pursuing animals.]

97 (return)
[ The meaning of thepassage is doubtful: possibly it should be translated (omitting {kai})"the male camels, being inferior in speed to the females, flag in theircourse and are dragged along, first one and then the other."]

9701 (return)
[ See ii. 75.]

98 (return)
[ {metri}: the MSS. have{metre}, "womb," but for this Herod. seems to use the plural.]

99 (return)
[ {metera}: most MSS.have {metran}.]

100 (return)
[ Most of the MSS. have{auton} before {ta melea}, which by some Editors is omitted, and by othersaltered to {autika}. If {auton} is to stand it must be taken with{katapetomenas}, "flying down upon them," and so it is punctuated in theMedicean MS.]

101 (return)
[ {elkea}. There is aplay upon the words {epelkein} and {elkea} which can hardly be reproducedin translation.]

102 (return)
[ {Kassiteridas}.]

103 (return)
[ {o kassiteros}.]

104 (return)
[ cp. iv. 13.]

105 (return)
[ {akinakea}.]

106 (return)
[ This is the second ofthe satrapies mentioned in the list, see ch. 90, named from its chieftown. Oroites also possessed himself of the first satrapy, of which thechief town was Magnesia (ch. 122), and then of the third (see ch. 127).]

107 (return)
[ The satrapy ofDaskyleion is the third in the list, see ch. 90.]

108 (return)
[ {su gar en andronlogo}.]

109 (return)
[ Or, "banquetinghall," cp. iv. 95.]

110 (return)
[ {apestrammenon}: mostof the MSS. have {epestrammenon}, "turned towards (the wall)."]

11001 (return)
[ "whenever he(i.e. Zeus) rained."]

111 (return)
[ This clause, "asAmasis the king of Egypt had foretold to him," is omitted in some MSS. andby some Editors.]

112 (return)
[ {oideonton eti tonpregmaton}: cp. ch. 76.]

113 (return)
[ i.e. satrapies: seech. 89, 90.]

114 (return)
[ {apikomenon kaianakomisthenton}: the first perhaps referring to the slaves and the otherto the rest of the property.]

115 (return)
[ i.e. the art ofevasion.]

116 (return)
[ {es tou khrosou tentheken}: {es} is not in the MSS., which have generally {tou khrusou suntheke}: one only has {tou khrusou ten theken}.]

117 (return)
[ {stateras}: i.e. the{stater Dareikos} "Daric," worth about £1; cp. note on vii. 28.]

118 (return)
[ {ekaton mneon}, "ahundred minae," of which sixty go to the talent.]

119 (return)
[ This passage, from"for this event happened" to the end of the chapter, is suspected as aninterpolation by some Editors, on internal grounds.]

120 (return)
[ Tarentum. Italy meansfor Herodotus the southern part of the peninsula only.]

121 (return)
[ {restones}: so oneinferior MS., probably by conjectural emendation: the rest have{krestones}. The Ionic form however of {rastone} would be {reistone}. Somewould read {khrestones}, a word which is not found, but might mean thesame as {kresmosunes} (ix. 33), "in consequence of the request ofDemokedes."]

122 (return)
[ {kat' emporienstrateuomenoi}: some MSS. read {kat' emporien, oi de strateuomenoi}, "somefor trade, others serving in the army."]

123 (return)
[ {prothura}.]

124 (return)
[ {e tis e oudeis}.]

125 (return)
[ {isonomien}: see ch.80, note.]

126 (return)
[ {all' oud' axios eissu ge}. Maiandrios can claim no credit or reward for giving up that ofwhich by his own unworthiness he would in any case have been deprived.]

127 (return)
[ {ou de ti}: some read{oud' eti} or {ou de eti}, "no longer kept the purpose."]

128 (return)
[ {en gorgure}: theword also means a "sewer" or "conduit."]

129 (return)
[ {prosempikraneesthaiemellon toisi Samioisi}.]

130 (return)
[ {tousdiphrophoreumenous}: a doubtful word: it seems to be a sort of titlebelonging to Persians of a certain rank, perhaps those who wereaccompanied by men to carry seats for them, the same as the {thronoi}mentioned in ch. 144; or, "those who were borne in litters."]

131 (return)
[ {sageneusantes}: seevi. 31. The word is thought by Stein to have been interpolated here.]

132 (return)
[ Or, "are very highlyaccounted and tend to advancement."]

133 (return)
[ "opposite to."]

134 (return)
[ The words "and to thePersians" are omitted in some MSS.]

HERODOTUS, HISTORIES - BOOK IV

Melpomene

1. After Babylon had been taken, the march of Dareios himself 1against the Scythians took place: for now that Asia was flourishing inrespect of population, and large sums were being gathered in as revenue,Dareios formed the desire to take vengeance upon the Scythians, becausethey had first invaded the Median land and had overcome in fight those whoopposed them; and thus they had been the beginners of wrong. The Scythiansin truth, as I have before said, 2 had ruled over Upper Asia3 foreight-and-twenty years; for they had invaded Asia in their pursuit of theKimmerians, and they had deposed 4 the Medes from their rule,who had rule over Asia before the Scythians came. Now when the Scythianshad been absent from their own land for eight-and-twenty years, as theywere returning to it after that interval of time, they were met by acontest 5not less severe than that which they had had with the Medes, since theyfound an army of no mean size opposing them. For the wives of theScythians, because their husbands were absent from them for a long time,had associated with the slaves.

2. Now the Scythians put out the eyes of all their slaves because of themilk which they drink; and they do as follows:—they take blow-pipesof bone just like flutes, and these they insert into the vagina of themare and blow with their mouths, and others milk while they blow: and theysay that they do this because the veins of the mare are thus filled, beingblown out, and so the udder is let down. When they had drawn the milk theypour it into wooden vessels hollowed out, and they set the blind slaves inorder about 6 the vessels and agitate the milk. Then thatwhich comes to the top they skim off, considering it the more valuablepart, whereas they esteem that which settles down to be less good than theother. For this reason 7 the Scythians put out the eyes of all whom theycatch; for they are not tillers of the soil but nomads.

3. From these their slaves then, I say, and from their wives had been bornand bred up a generation of young men, who having learnt the manner oftheir birth set themselves to oppose the Scythians as they were returningfrom the Medes. And first they cut off their land by digging a broadtrench extending from the Tauric mountains to the Maiotian lake, at thepoint where 8 this is broadest; then afterwards when theScythians attempted to invade the land, they took up a position againstthem and fought; and as they fought many times, and the Scythians were notable to get any advantage in the fighting, one of them said: "What a thingis this that we are doing, Scythians! We are fighting against our ownslaves, and we are not only becoming fewer in number ourselves by beingslain in battle, but also we are killing them, and so we shall have fewerto rule over in future. Now therefore to me it seems good that we leavespears and bows and that each one take his horse-whip and so go up closeto them: for so long as they saw us with arms in our hands, they thoughtthemselves equal to us and of equal birth; but when they shall see that wehave whips instead of arms, they will perceive that they are our slaves,and having acknowledged this they will not await our onset."

4. When they heard this, the Scythians proceeded to do that which he said,and the others being panic-stricken by that which was done forgot theirfighting and fled. Thus the Scythians had ruled over Asia; and in suchmanner, when they were driven out again by the Medes, they had returned totheir own land. For this Dareios wished to take vengeance upon them, andwas gathering together an army to go against them.

5. Now the Scythians say that their nation is the youngest of all nations,and that this came to pass as follows:—The first man who everexisted in this region, which then was desert, was one named Targitaos:and of this Targitaos they say, though I do not believe it for my part,however they say the parents were Zeus and the daughter of the riverBorysthenes. Targitaos, they report, was produced from some such origin asthis, and of him were begotten three sons, Lipoxaïs and Arpoxaïs and theyoungest Colaxaïs. In the reign of these 9 there came down fromheaven certain things wrought of gold, a plough, a yoke, a battle-axe, 10and a cup, and fell in the Scythian land: and first the eldest saw andcame near them, desiring to take them, but the gold blazed with fire whenhe approached it: then when he had gone away from it, the secondapproached, and again it did the same thing. These then the gold repelledby blazing with fire; but when the third and youngest came up to it, theflame was quenched, and he carried them to his own house. The elderbrothers then, acknowledging the significance of this thing, delivered thewhole of the kingly power to the youngest.

6. From Lixopaïs, they say, are descended those Scythians who are calledthe race of the Auchatai; from the middle brother Arpoxaïs those who arecalled Catiaroi and Traspians, and from the youngest of them the "Royal"tribe, 11who are called Paralatai: and the whole together are called, they say,Scolotoi, after the name of their king; 12 but the Hellenes gavethem the name of Scythians.

7. Thus the Scythians say they were produced; and from the time of theirorigin, that is to say from the first king Targitaos, to the passing overof Dareios against them, they say that there is a period of a thousandyears and no more. Now this sacred gold is guarded by the kings with theutmost care, and they visit it every year with solemn sacrifices ofpropitiation: moreover if any one goes to sleep while watching in the openair over this gold during the festival, the Scythians say that he does notlive out the year; and there is given him for this so much land as heshall ride round himself on his horse in one day. Now as the land waslarge, Colaxaïs, they say, established three kingdoms for his sons; and ofthese he made one larger than the rest, and in this the gold is kept. Butas to the upper parts which lie on the North side of those who dwell abovethis land, they say one can neither see nor pass through any further byreason of feathers which are poured down; for both the earth and the airare full of feathers, and this is that which shuts off the view.

8. Thus say the Scythians about themselves and about the region abovethem; but the Hellenes who dwell about the Pontus say as follows:—Heraclesdriving the cattle of Geryones came to this land, then desert, which theScythians now inhabit; and Geryones, says the tale, dwelt away from theregion of the Pontus, living in the island called by the HellenesErytheia, near Gadeira which is outside the Pillars of Heracles by theOcean.—As to the Ocean, they say indeed that it flows round thewhole earth beginning from the place of the sunrising, but they do notprove this by facts.—From thence Heracles came to the land nowcalled Scythia; and as a storm came upon him together with icy cold, hedrew over him his lion's skin and went to sleep. Meanwhile the maresharnessed in his chariot disappeared by a miraculous chance, as they werefeeding.

9. Then when Heracles woke he sought for them; and having gone over thewhole land, at last he came to the region which is called Hylaia; andthere he found in a cave a kind of twofold creature formed by the union ofa maiden and a serpent, whose upper parts from the buttocks upwards werethose of a woman, but her lower parts were those of a snake. Having seenher and marvelled at her, he asked her then whether she had seen any maresstraying anywhere; and she said that she had them herself and would notgive them up until he lay with her; and Heracles lay with her on conditionof receiving them. She then tried to put off the giving back of the mares,desiring to have Heracles with her as long as possible, while he on theother hand desired to get the mares and depart; and at last she gave themback and said: "These mares when they came hither I saved for thee, andthou didst give me reward for saving them; for I have by thee three sons.Tell me then, what must I do with these when they shall be grown tomanhood, whether I shall settle them here, for over this land I have poweralone, or send them away to thee?" She thus asked of him, and he, theysay, replied: "When thou seest that the boys are grown to men, do this andthou shalt not fail of doing right:—whichsoever of them thou seestable to stretch this bow as I do now, and to be girded 1201with this girdle, him cause to be the settler of this land; but whosoeverof them fails in the deeds which I enjoin, send him forth out of the land:and if thou shalt do thus, thou wilt both have delight thyself and performthat which has been enjoined to thee."

10. Upon this he drew one of his bows (for up to that time Heracles, theysay, was wont to carry two) and showed her the girdle, and then hedelivered to her both the bow and the girdle, which had at the end of itsclasp a golden cup; and having given them he departed. She then, when hersons had been born and had grown to be men, gave them names first, callingone of them Agathyrsos and the next Gelonos and the youngest Skythes; thenbearing in mind the charge given to her, she did that which was enjoined.And two of her sons, Agathyrsos and Gelonos, not having proved themselvesable to attain to the task set before them, departed from the land, beingcast out by her who bore them; but Skythes the youngest of them performedthe task and remained in the land: and from Skythes the son of Heracleswere descended, they say, the succeeding kings of the Scythians(Skythians): and they say moreover that it is by reason of the cup thatthe Scythians still even to this day wear cups attached to their girdles:and this alone his mother contrived for Skythes. 13 Such is the story toldby the Hellenes who dwell about the Pontus.

11. There is however also another story, which is as follows, and to thisI am most inclined myself. It is to the effect that the nomad Scythiansdwelling in Asia, being hard pressed in war by the Massagetai, left theirabode and crossing the river Araxes came towards the Kimmerian land (forthe land which now is occupied by the Scythians is said to have been informer times the land of the Kimmerians); and the Kimmerians, when theScythians were coming against them, took counsel together, seeing that agreat host was coming to fight against them; and it proved that theiropinions were divided, both opinions being vehemently maintained, but thebetter being that of their kings: for the opinion of the people was thatit was necessary to depart and that they ought not to run the risk offighting against so many, 14 but that of the kings was to fight for theirland with those who came against them: and as neither the people werewilling by means to agree to the counsel of the kings nor the kings tothat of the people, the people planned to depart without fighting and todeliver up the land to the invaders, while the kings resolved to die andto be laid in their own land, and not to flee with the mass of the people,considering the many goods of fortune which they had enjoyed, and the manyevils which it might be supposed would come upon them, if they fled fromtheir native land. Having resolved upon this, they parted into two bodies,and making their numbers equal they fought with one another: and whenthese had all been killed by one another's hands, then the people of theKimmerians buried them by the bank of the river Tyras (where theirburial-place is still to be seen), and having buried them, then they madetheir way out from the land, and the Scythians when they came upon itfound the land deserted of its inhabitants.

12. And there are at the present time in the land of Scythia Kimmerianwalls, and a Kimmerian ferry; and there is also a region which is calledKimmeria, and the so-called Kimmerian Bosphorus. It is known moreover thatthe Kimmerians, in their flight to Asia from the Scythians, also made asettlement on that peninsula on which now stands the Hellenic city ofSinope; and it is known too that the Scythians pursued them and invadedthe land of Media, having missed their way; for while the Kimmerians keptever along by the sea in their flight, the Scythians pursued them keepingCaucasus on their right hand, until at last they invaded Media, directingtheir course inland. This then which has been told is another story, andit is common both to Hellenes and Barbarians.

13. Aristeas however the son of Caÿstrobios, a man of Proconnesos, said inthe verses which he composed, that he came to the land of the Issedoniansbeing possessed by Phoebus, and that beyond the Issedonians dweltArimaspians, a one-eyed race, and beyond these the gold-guarding griffins,and beyond them the Hyperboreans extending as far as the sea: and allthese except the Hyperboreans, beginning with the Arimaspians, werecontinually making war on their neighbours, and the Issedonians weregradually driven out of their country by the Arimaspians and the Scythiansby the Issedonians, and so the Kimmerians, who dwelt on the Southern Sea,being pressed by the Scythians left their land. Thus neither does he agreein regard to this land with the report of the Scythians.

14. As to Aristeas who composed 15 this, I have saidalready whence he was; and I will tell also the tale which I heard abouthim in Proconnesos and Kyzicos. They say that Aristeas, who was in birthinferior to none of the citizens, entered into a fuller's shop inProconnesos and there died; and the fuller closed his workshop and wentaway to report the matter to those who were related to the dead man. Andwhen the news had been spread abroad about the city that Aristeas wasdead, a man of Kyzicos who had come from the town of Artake entered intocontroversy with those who said so, and declared that he had met him goingtowards Kyzicos and had spoken with him: and while he was vehement indispute, those who were related to the dead man came to the fuller's shopwith the things proper in order to take up the corpse for burial; and whenthe house was opened, Aristeas was not found there either dead or alive.In the seventh year after this he appeared at Proconnesos and composedthose verses which are now called by the Hellenes the Arimaspeia,and having composed them he disappeared the second time.

15. So much is told by these cities; and what follows I know happened tothe people of Metapontion in Italy 16 two hundred 17and forty years after the second disappearance of Aristeas, as I found byputting together the evidence at Proconnesos and Metapontion. The peopleof Metapontion say that Aristeas himself appeared in their land and badethem set up an altar of Apollo and place by its side a statue bearing thename of Aristeas of Proconnesos; for he told them that to their land aloneof all the Italiotes 18 Apollo had come, and he, who now was Aristeas,was accompanying him, being then a raven when he accompanied the god.Having said this he disappeared; and the Metapontines say that they sentto Delphi and asked the god what the apparition of the man meant: and thePythian prophetess bade them obey the command of the apparition, and toldthem that if they obeyed, it would be the better for them. They thereforeaccepted this answer and performed the commands; and there stands a statuenow bearing the name of Aristeas close by the side of the altar dedicatedto Apollo, 19 and round it stand laurel trees; and the altaris set up in the market-place. Let this suffice which has been said aboutAristeas.

16. Now of the land about which this account has been begun, no one knowsprecisely what lies beyond it: 20 for I am not able tohear of any one who alleges that he knows as an eye-witness; and evenAristeas, the man of whom I was making mention just now, even he, I say,did not allege, although he was composing verse, 21 that he went furtherthan the Issedonians; but that which is beyond them he spoke of byhearsay, and reported that it was the Issedonians who said these things.So far however as we were able to arrive at certainty by hearsay, carryinginquiries as far as possible, all this shall be told.

17. Beginning with the trading station of the Borysthenites,—for ofthe parts along the sea this is the central point of all Scythia,—beginningwith this, the first regions are occupied by the Callipidai, who areHellenic Scythians; and above these is another race, who are calledAlazonians. 22 These last and the Callipidai in all otherrespects have the same customs as the Scythians, but they both sow cornand use it as food, and also onions, leeks, lentils and millet. Above theAlazonians dwell Scythians who till the ground, and these sow their cornnot for food but to sell.

18.Beyond them dwell the Neuroi; and beyond the Neuroi towards the NorthWind is a region without inhabitants, as far as we know. These races arealong the river Hypanis to the West of the Borysthenes; but after crossingthe Borysthenes, first from the sea-coast is Hylaia, and beyond this asone goes up the river dwell agricultural Scythians, whom the Hellenes wholive upon the river Hypanis call Borysthenites, calling themselves at thesame time citizens of Olbia. 23 These agricultural Scythians occupy the regionwhich extends Eastwards for a distance of three days' journey, 24reaching to a river which is called Panticapes, and Northwards for adistance of eleven days' sail up the Borysthenes. Then immediately beyondthese begins the desert 25 and extends for a great distance; and on theother side of the desert dwell the Androphagoi, 26 a race apart bythemselves and having no connection with the Scythians. Beyond them beginsa region which is really desert and has no race of men in it, as far as weknow.

19. The region which lies to the East of these agricultural Scythians,after one has crossed the river Panticapes, is occupied by nomadScythians, who neither sow anything nor plough the earth; and this wholeregion is bare of trees except Hylaia. These nomads occupy a country whichextends to the river Gerros, a distance of fourteen 27 days' journeyEastwards.

20. Then on the other side of the Gerros we have those parts which arecalled the "Royal" lands and those Scythians who are the bravest and mostnumerous and who esteem the other Scythians their slaves. These reachSouthwards to the Tauric land, and Eastwards to the trench which those whowere begotten of the blind slaves dug, and to the trading station which iscalled Cremnoi 28 upon the Maiotian lake; and some parts oftheir country reach to the river Tanaïs. Beyond the Royal Scythianstowards the North Wind dwell the Melanchlainoi, 29 of a different race andnot Scythian. The region beyond the Melanchlainoi is marshy and notinhabited by any, so far as we know.

21. After one has crossed the river Tanaïs the country is no longerScythia, but the first of the divisions belongs to the Sauromatai, whobeginning at the corner of the Maiotian lake occupy land extending towardsthe North Wind fifteen days' journey, and wholly bare of trees bothcultivated and wild. Above these, holding the next division of land, dwellthe Budinoi, who occupy a land wholly overgrown with forest consisting ofall kinds of trees.

22. Then beyond the Budinoi towards the North, first there is desert forseven days' journey; and after the desert turning aside somewhat moretowards the East Wind we come to land occupied by the Thyssagetai, anumerous people and of separate race from the others. These live byhunting; and bordering upon them there are settled also in these sameregions men who are called Irycai, who also live by hunting, which theypractise in the following manner:—the hunter climbs up a tree andlies in wait there for his game (now trees are abundant in all thiscountry), and each has a horse at hand, which has been taught to lie downupon its belly in order that it may make itself low, and also a dog: andwhen he sees the wild animal from the tree, he first shoots his arrow andthen mounts upon his horse and pursues it, and the dog seizes hold of it.Above these in a direction towards the East dwell other Scythians, whohave revolted from the Royal Scythians and so have come to this region.

23. As far as the country of these Scythians the whole land which has beendescribed is level plain and has a deep soil; but after this point it isstony and rugged. Then when one has passed through a great extent of thisrugged country, there dwell in the skirts of lofty mountains men who aresaid to be all bald-headed from their birth, male and female equally, andwho have flat noses and large chins and speak a language of their own,using the Scythian manner of dress, and living on the produce of trees.The tree on the fruit of which they live is called the Pontic tree, and itis about the size of a fig-tree: this bears a fruit the size of a bean,containing a stone. When the fruit has ripened, they strain it throughcloths and there flows from it a thick black juice, and this juice whichflows from it is called as-chy. This they either lick up or drinkmixed with milk, and from its lees, that is the solid part, they makecakes and use them for food; for they have not many cattle, since thepastures there are by no means good. Each man has his dwelling under atree, in winter covering the tree all round with close white felt-cloth,and in summer without it. These are injured by no men, for they are saidto be sacred, and they possess no weapon of war. These are they also whodecide the disputes rising among their neighbours; and besides this,whatever fugitive takes refuge with them is injured by no one: and theyare called Argippaians. 30

24. Now as far as these bald-headed men there is abundantly clearinformation about the land and about the nations on this side of them; fornot only do certain of the Scythians go to them, from whom it is notdifficult to get information, but also some of the Hellenes who are at thetrading-station of the Borysthenes and the other trading-places of thePontic coast: and those of the Scythians who go to them transact theirbusiness through seven interpreters and in seven different languages.

25. So far as these, I say, the land is known; but concerning the regionto the North of the bald-headed men no one can speak with certainty, forlofty and impassable mountains divide it off, and no one passes over them.However these bald-headed men say (though I do not believe it) that themountains are inhabited by men with goats' feet; and that after one haspassed beyond these, others are found who sleep through six months of theyear. This I do not admit at all as true. However, the country to the Eastof the bald-headed men is known with certainty, being inhabited by theIssedonians, but that which lies beyond both the bald-headed men and theIssedonians towards the North Wind is unknown, except so far as we know itfrom the accounts given by these nations which have just been mentioned.

26. The Issedonians are said to have these customs:—when a man'sfather is dead, all the relations bring cattle to the house, and thenhaving slain them and cut up the flesh, they cut up also the dead body ofthe father of their entertainer, and mixing all the flesh together theyset forth a banquet. His skull however they strip of the flesh and cleanit out and then gild it over, and after that they deal with it as a sacredthing 31and perform for the dead man great sacrifices every year. This each sondoes for his father, just as the Hellenes keep the day of memorial for thedead. 32In other respects however this race also is said to live righteously, andtheir women have equal rights with the men.

27. These then also are known; but as to the region beyond them, it is theIssedonians who report that there are there one-eyed men and gold-guardinggriffins; and the Scythians report this having received it from them, andfrom the Scythians we, that is the rest of mankind, have got our belief;and we call them in Scythian language Arimaspians, for the Scythians callthe number one arima and the eye spu.

28. This whole land which has been described is so exceedingly severe inclimate, that for eight months of the year there is frost so hard as to beintolerable; and during these if you pour out water you will not be ableto make mud, but only if you kindle a fire can you make it; and the sea isfrozen and the whole of the Kimmerian Bosphorus, so that the Scythians whoare settled within the trench make expeditions and drive their waggonsover into the country of the Sindians. Thus it continues to be winter foreight months, and even for the remaining four it is cold in those parts.This winter is distinguished in its character from all the winters whichcome in other parts of the world; for in it there is no rain to speak ofat the usual season for rain, whereas in summer it rains continually; andthunder does not come at the time when it comes in other countries, but isvery frequent, 33 in the summer; and if thunder comes in winter,it is marvelled at as a prodigy: just so, if an earthquake happens,whether in summer or in winter, it is accounted a prodigy in Scythia.Horses are able to endure this winter, but neither mules nor asses canendure it at all, whereas in other countries horses if they stand in frostlose their limbs by mortification, while asses and mules endure it.

29. I think also that it is for this reason that the hornless breed ofoxen in that country have no horns growing; and there is a verse of Homerin the Odyssey 34 supporting my opinion, which runs this:—

 "Also the Libyan land, where the sheep very quickly grow hornèd,"

for it is rightly said that in hot regions the horns come quickly, whereasin extreme cold the animals either have no horns growing at all, or hardlyany. 35

30. In that land then this takes place on account of the cold; but (sincemy history proceeded from the first seeking occasions for digression) 36 Ifeel wonder that in the whole land of Elis mules cannot be bred, thoughthat region is not cold, nor is there any other evident cause. The Eleiansthemselves say that in consequence of some curse mules are not begotten intheir land; but when the time approaches for the mares to conceive, theydrive them out into the neighbouring lands and there in the land of theirneighbours they admit to them the he-asses until the mares are pregnant,and then they drive them back.

31. As to the feathers of which the Scythians say that the air is full,and that by reason of them they are not able either to see or to passthrough the further parts of the continent, the opinion which I have isthis:—in the parts beyond this land it snows continually, thoughless in summer than in winter, as might be supposed. Now whomsoever hasseen close at hand snow falling thickly, knows what I mean without furtherexplanation, for the snow is like feathers: and on account of this wintryweather, being such as I have said, the Northern parts of this continentare uninhabitable. I think therefore that by the feathers the Scythiansand those who dwell near them mean symbolically the snow. This then whichhas been said goes to the furthest extent of the accounts given.

32. About a Hyperborean people the Scythians report nothing, nor do any ofthose who dwell in this region, unless it be the Issedonians: but in myopinion neither do these report anything; for if they did the Scythiansalso would report it, as they do about the one-eyed people. Hesiod howeverhas spoken of Hyperboreans, and so also has Homer in the poem of the"Epigonoi," at least if Homer was really the composer of that Epic.

33. But much more about them is reported by the people of Delos than byany others. For these say that sacred offerings bound up in wheat straware carried from the land of the Hyperboreans and come to the Scythians,and then from the Scythians the neighbouring nations in succession receivethem and convey them Westwards, finally as far as the Adriatic: thencethey are sent forward towards the South, and the people of Dodona receivethem first of all the Hellenes, and from these they come down to theMalian gulf and are passed over to Euboea, where city sends them on tocity till they come to Carystos. After this Andros is left out, for theCarystians are those who bring them to Tenos, and the Tenians to Delos.Thus they say that these sacred offerings come to Delos; but at first,they say, the Hyperboreans sent two maidens bearing the sacred offerings,whose names, say the Delians, were Hyperoche and Laodike, and with themfor their protection the Hyperboreans sent five men of their nation toattend them, those namely who are now called Perphereës and havegreat honours paid to them in Delos. Since however the Hyperboreans foundthat those who were sent away did not return back, they were troubled tothink that it would always befall them to send out and not to receiveback; and so they bore the offerings to the borders of their land bound upin wheat straw, and laid a charge upon their neighbours, bidding them sendthese forward from themselves to another nation. These things then, theysay, come to Delos being thus sent forward; and I know of my own knowledgethat a thing is done which has resemblance to these offerings, namely thatthe women of Thrace and Paionia, when they sacrifice to Artemis "theQueen," do not make their offerings without wheat straw.

34. These I know do as I have said; and for those maidens from theHyperboreans, who died in Delos, both the girls and the boys of theDelians cut off their hair: the former before marriage cut off a lock andhaving wound it round a spindle lay it upon the tomb (now the tomb is onthe left hand as one goes into the temple of Artemis, and over it grows anolive-tree), and all the boys of the Delians wind some of their hair abouta green shoot of some tree, and they also place it upon the tomb.

35. The maidens, I say, have this honour paid them by the dwellers inDelos: and the same people say that Arge and Opis also, being maidens,came to Delos, passing from the Hyperboreans by the same nations whichhave been mentioned, even before Hyperoche and Laodike. These last, theysay, came bearing for Eileithuia the tribute which they had laid uponthemselves for the speedy birth, 37 but Arge and Opis camewith the divinities themselves, and other honours have been assigned tothem by the people of Delos: for the women, they say, collect for them,naming them by their names in the hymn which Olen a man of Lykia composedin their honour; and both the natives of the other islands and the Ionianshave learnt from them to sing hymns naming Opis and Arge and collecting:—nowthis Olen came from Lukia and composed also the other ancient hymns whichare sung in Delos:—and moreover they say that when the thighs of thevictim are consumed upon the altar, the ashes of them are used to castupon the grave of Opis and Arge. Now their grave is behind the temple ofArtemis, turned towards the East, close to the banqueting hall of theKeïeans.

36. Let this suffice which has been said of the Hyperboreans; for the taleof Abaris, who is reported to have been a Hyperborean, I do not tell,namely 3701 how he carried the arrow about all overthe earth, eating no food. If however there are any Hyperboreans, itfollows that there are also Hypernotians; and I laugh when I see that,though many before this have drawn maps of the Earth, yet no one has setthe matter forth in an intelligent way; seeing that they draw Oceanflowing round the Earth, which is circular exactly as if drawn withcompasses, and they make Asia equal in size to Europe. In a few words Ishall declare the size of each division and of what nature it is asregards outline.

37. The Persians inhabit Asia 38 extending to theSouthern Sea, which is called the Erythraian; and above these towards theNorth Wind dwell the Medes, and above the Medes the Saspeirians, and abovethe Saspeirians the Colchians, extending to the Northern Sea, into whichthe river Phasis runs. These four nations inhabit from sea to sea.

38. From them Westwards two peninsulas 39 stretch out from Asiainto the sea, and these I will describe. The first peninsula on the one ofits sides, that is the Northern, stretches along beginning from the Phasisand extending to the sea, going along the Pontus and the Hellespont as faras Sigeion in the land of Troy; and on the Southern side the samepeninsula stretches from the Myriandrian gulf, which lies near Phenicia,in the direction of the sea as far as the headland Triopion; and in thispeninsula dwell thirty races of men.

39. This then is one of the peninsulas, and the other beginning from theland of the Persians stretches along to the Erythraian Sea, includingPersia and next after it Assyria, and Arabia after Assyria: and this ends,or rather is commonly supposed to end, 40 at the Arabian gulf,into which Dareios conducted a channel from the Nile. Now in the linestretching to Phenicia from the land of the Persians the land is broad andthe space abundant, but after Phenicia this peninsula goes by the shore ofour Sea along Palestine, Syria, and Egypt, where it ends; and in it thereare three nations only.

40. These are the parts of Asia which tend towards the West from thePersian land; but as to those which lie beyond the Persians and Medes andSaspeirians and Colchians towards the East and the sunrising, on one sidethe Erythraian Sea runs along by them, and on the North both the CaspianSea and the river Araxes, which flows towards the rising sun: and Asia isinhabited as far as the Indian land; but from this onwards towards theEast it becomes desert, nor can any one say what manner of land it is.

41. Such and so large is Asia: and Libya is included in the secondpeninsula; for after Egypt Libya succeeds at once. Now about Egypt thispeninsula is narrow, for from our Sea to the Erythraian Sea is a distancethere of ten myriads of fathoms, 41 which would amount to athousand furlongs; but after this narrow part, the portion of thepeninsula which is called Libya is, as it chances, extremely broad.

42. I wonder then at those who have parted off and divided the world intoLibya, Asia, and Europe, since the difference between these is not small;for in length Europe extends along by both, while in breadth it is clearto me that it is beyond comparison larger; 42 for Libya furnishesproofs about itself that it is surrounded by sea, except so much of it asborders upon Asia; and this fact was shown by Necos king of the Egyptiansfirst of all those about whom we have knowledge. He when he had ceaseddigging the channel 43 which goes through from the Nile to theArabian gulf, sent Phenicians with ships, bidding them sail and come backthrough the Pillars of Heracles to the Northern Sea and so to Egypt. ThePhenicians therefore set forth from the Erythraian Sea and sailed throughthe Southern Sea; and when autumn came, they would put to shore and sowthe land, wherever in Libya they might happen to be as they sailed, andthen they waited for the harvest: and having reaped the corn they wouldsail on, so that after two years had elapsed, in the third year theyturned through the Pillars of Heracles and arrived again in Egypt. Andthey reported a thing which I cannot believe, but another man may, namelythat in sailing round Libya they had the sun on their right hand.

43. Thus was this country first known to be what it is, and after this itis the Carthaginians who make report of it; for as to Sataspes the son ofTeaspis the Achaimenid, he did not sail round Libya, though he was sentfor this very purpose, but was struck with fear by the length of thevoyage and the desolate nature of the land, and so returned back and didnot accomplish the task which his mother laid upon him. For this man hadoutraged a daughter of Zopyros the son of Megabyzos, a virgin; and thenwhen he was about to be impaled by order of king Xerxes for this offence,the mother of Sataspes, who was a sister of Dareios, entreated for hislife, saying that she would herself lay upon him a greater penalty thanXerxes; for he should be compelled (she said) to sail round Libya, untilin sailing round it he came to the Arabian gulf. So then Xerxes havingagreed upon these terms, Sataspes went to Egypt, and obtaining a ship andsailors from the Egyptians, he sailed to the Pillars of Heracles; andhaving sailed through them and turned the point of Libya which is calledthe promontory of Soloeis, he sailed on towards the South. Then after hehad passed over much sea in many months, as there was needed ever more andmore voyaging, he turned about and sailed back again to Egypt: and havingcome from thence into the presence of king Xerxes, he reported saying thatat the furthest point which he reached he was sailing by dwarfish people,who used clothing made from the palm-tree, and who, whenever they came toland with their ship, left their towns and fled away to the mountains: andthey, he said, did no injury when they entered into the towns, but tookfood 4301 from them only. And the cause, he said,why he had not completely sailed round Libya was that the ship could notadvance any further but stuck fast. Xerxes however did not believe that hewas speaking the truth, and since he had not performed the appointed task,he impaled him, inflicting upon him the penalty pronounced before. Aeunuch belonging to this Sataspes ran away to Samos as soon as he heardthat his master was dead, carrying with him large sums of money; and ofthis a man of Samos took possession, whose name I know, but I purposelypass it over without mention.

44. Of Asia the greater part was explored by Dareios, who desiring to knowof the river Indus, which is a second river producing crocodiles of allthe rivers in the world,—to know, I say, of this river where it runsout into the sea, sent with ships, besides others whom he trusted to speakthe truth, Skylax also, a man of Caryanda. These starting from the city ofCaspatyros and the land of Pactyïke, sailed down the river towards theEast and the sunrising to the sea; and then sailing over the sea Westwardsthey came in the thirtieth month to that place from whence the king of theEgyptians had sent out the Phenicians of whom I spoke before, to sailround Libya. After these had made their voyage round the coast, Dareiosboth subdued the Indians and made use of this sea. Thus Asia also,excepting the parts of it which are towards the rising sun, has been foundto be similar 44 to Libya.

45. As to Europe, however, it is clearly not known by any, either asregards the parts which are towards the rising sun or those towards theNorth, whether it be surrounded by sea: but in length it is known tostretch along by both the other divisions. And I am not able to understandfor what reason it is that to the Earth, which is one, three differentnames are given derived from women, and why there were set as boundariesto divide it the river Nile of Egypt and the Phasis in Colchis (or as somesay the Maiotian river Tanaïs and the Kimmerian ferry); nor can I learnwho those persons were who made the boundaries, or for what reason theygave the names. Libya indeed is said by most of the Hellenes to have itsname from Libya a woman of that country, and Asia from the wife ofPrometheus: but this last name is claimed by the Lydians, who say thatAsia has been called after Asias the son of Cotys the son of Manes, andnot from Asia the wife of Prometheus; and from him too they say the Asiantribe in Sardis has its name. As to Europe however, it is neither known byany man whether it is surrounded by sea, nor does it appear whence it gotthis name or who he was who gave it, unless we shall say that the landreceived its name from Europa the Tyrian; and if so, it would appear thatbefore this it was nameless like the rest. She however evidently belongsto Asia and did not come to this land which is now called by the HellenesEurope, but only from Phenicia to Crete, and from Crete to Lykia. Let thissuffice now which has been said about these matters; for we will adoptthose which are commonly accepted of the accounts.

46. Now the region of the Euxine upon which Dareios was preparing to marchhas, apart from the Scythian race, the most ignorant nations within it ofall lands: for we can neither put forward any nation of those who dwellwithin the region of Pontus as eminent in ability, nor do we know of anyman of learning 45 having arisen there, apart from the Scythiannation and Anacharsis. By the Scythian race one thing which is the mostimportant of all human things has been found out more cleverly than by anyother men of whom we know; but in other respects I have no greatadmiration for them: and that most important thing which they havediscovered is such that none can escape again who has come to attack them,and if they do not desire to be found, it is not possible to catch them:for they who have neither cities founded nor walls built, but all carrytheir houses with them and are mounted archers, living not by the ploughbut by cattle, and whose dwellings are upon cars, these assuredly areinvincible and impossible to approach.

47. This they have found out, seeing that their land is suitable to it andat the same time the rivers are their allies: for first this land is plainland and is grassy and well watered, and then there are rivers flowingthrough it not much less in number than the channels in Egypt. Of these asmany as are noteworthy and also can be navigated from the sea, I willname: there is Ister with five mouths, and after this Tyras, Hypanis,Borysthenes, Panticapes, Kypakyris, Gerros and Tanaïs. These flow as Ishall now describe.

48. The Ister, which is the greatest of all the rivers which we know,flows always with equal volume in summer and winter alike. It is the firsttowards the West of all the Scythian rivers, and it has become thegreatest of all rivers because other rivers flow into it. And these arethey which make it great: 46—five in number are those 47which flow through the Scythian land, namely that which the Scythians callPorata and the Hellenes Pyretos, and besides this, Tiarantos and Ararosand Naparis and Ordessos. The first-mentioned of these is a great riverlying towards the East, and there it joins waters with the Ister, thesecond Tiarantos is more to the West and smaller, and the Araros andNaparis and Ordessos flow into the Ister going between these two.

49. These are the native Scythian rivers which join to swell its stream,while from the Agathyrsians flows the Maris and joins the Ister, and fromthe summits of Haimos flow three other great rivers towards the North Windand fall into it, namely Atlas and Auras and Tibisis. Through Thrace andthe Thracian Crobyzians flow the rivers Athrys and Noes and Artanes,running into the Ister; and from the Paionians and Mount Rhodope the riverKios, 48cutting through Haimos in the midst, runs into it also. From the Illyriansthe river Angros flows Northwards and runs out into the Triballian plainand into the river Brongos, and the Brongos flows into the Ister; thus theIster receives both these, being great rivers. From the region which isabove the Ombricans, the river Carpis and another river, the Alpis, flowalso towards the North Wind and run into it; for the Ister flows in factthrough the whole of Europe, beginning in the land of the Keltoi, whoafter the Kynesians dwell furthest towards the sun-setting of all thepeoples of Europe; and thus flowing through all Europe it falls into thesea by the side of Scythia.

50. So then it is because these which have been named and many others jointheir waters together, that Ister becomes the greatest of rivers; since ifwe compare the single streams, the Nile is superior in volume of water;for into this no river or spring flows, to contribute to its volume. Andthe Ister flows at an equal level always both in summer and in winter forsome such cause as this, as I suppose:—in winter it is of thenatural size, or becomes only a little larger than its nature, seeing thatthis land receives very little rain in winter, but constantly has snow;whereas in summer the snow which fell in the winter, in quantity abundant,melts and runs from all parts into the Ister. This snow of which I speak,running into the river helps to swell its volume, and with it also manyand violent showers of rain, for it rains during the summer: and thus thewaters which mingle with the Ister are more copious in summer than theyare in winter by about as much as the water which the Sun draws to himselfin summer exceeds that which he draws in winter; and by the setting ofthese things against one another there is produced a balance; so that theriver is seen to be of equal volume always.

51. One, I say, of the rivers which the Scythians have is the Ister; andafter it the Tyras, which starts from the North and begins its course froma large lake which is the boundary between the land of the Scythians andthat of the Neuroi. At its mouth are settled those Hellenes who are calledTyritai.

52. The third river is the Hypanis, which starts from Scythia and flowsfrom a great lake round which feed white wild horses; and this lake isrightly called "Mother of Hypanis." From this then the river Hypanis takesits rise and for a distance of five days' sail it flows shallow and withsweet water still; 49 but from this point on towards the sea forfour days' sail it is very bitter, for there flows into it the water of abitter spring, which is so exceedingly bitter that, small as it is, itchanges the water of the Hypanis by mingling with it, though that is ariver to which few are equal in greatness. This spring is on the borderbetween the lands of the agricultural Scythians and of the Alazonians, andthe name of the spring and of the place from which it flows is in ScythianExampaios, and in the Hellenic tongue Hierai Hodoi. 50 Now the Tyras and theHypanis approach one another in their windings in the land of theAlazonians, but after this each turns off and widens the space betweenthem as they flow.

53. Fourth is the river Borysthenes, which is both the largest of theseafter the Ister, and also in our opinion the most serviceable not only ofthe Scythian rivers but also of all the rivers of the world besides,excepting only the Nile of Egypt, for to this it is not possible tocompare any other river: of the rest however the Borysthenes is the mostserviceable, seeing that it provides both pastures which are the fairestand the richest for cattle, and fish which are better by far and morenumerous than those of any other river, and also it is the sweetest waterto drink, and flows with clear stream, though others beside it are turbid,and along its banks crops are produced better than elsewhere, while inparts where it is not sown, grass grows deeper. Moreover at its mouth saltforms of itself in abundance, and it produces also huge fish withoutspines, which they call antacaioi, to be used for salting, and manyother things also worthy of wonder. Now as far as the region of theGerrians, 51 to which it is a voyage of forty 52days, the Borysthenes is known as flowing from the North Wind; but abovethis none can tell through what nations it flows: it is certain howeverthat it runs through desert 53 to the land of the agricultural Scythians; forthese Scythians dwell along its banks for a distance of ten days' sail. Ofthis river alone and of the Nile I cannot tell where the sources are, nor,I think, can any of the Hellenes. When the Borysthenes comes near the seain its course, the Hypanis mingles with it, running out into the samemarsh; 5301 and the space between these two rivers,which is as it were a beak of land, 54 is called the point ofHippoles, and in it is placed a temple of the Mother, 55and opposite the temple upon the river Hypanis are settled theBorysthenites.

54. This is that which has to do with these rivers; and after these thereis a fifth river besides, called Panticapes. This also flows 56both from the North and from a lake, and in the space between this riverand the Borysthenes dwell the agricultural Scythians: it runs out into theregion of Hylaia, and having passed by this it mingles with theBorysthenes.

55. Sixth comes the river Hypakyris, which starts from a lake, and flowingthrough the midst of the nomad Scythians runs out into the sea by the cityof Carkinitis, skirting on its right bank the region of Hylaia and theso-called racecourse of Achilles.

56. Seventh is the Gerros, which parts off from the Borysthenes near aboutthat part of the country where the Borysthenes ceases to be known,—itparts off, I say, in this region and has the same name which this regionitself has, namely Gerros; and as it flows to the sea it borders thecountry of the nomad and that of the Royal Scythians, and runs out intothe Hypakyris.

57. The eighth is the river Tanaïs, which starts in its flow at first froma large lake, and runs out into a still larger lake called Maiotis, whichis the boundary between the Royal Scythians and the Sauromatai. Into thisTanaïs falls another river, whose name is Hyrgis.

58. So many are the rivers of note with which the Scythians are provided:and for cattle the grass which comes up in the land of Scythia is the mostproductive of bile of any grass which we know; and that this is so you mayjudge when you open the bodies of the cattle.

59. Thus abundant supply have they of that which is most important; and asfor the rest their customs are as follows. The gods whom they propitiateby worship are these only:—Hestia most of all, then Zeus and theEarth, supposing that Earth is the wife of Zeus, and after these Apollo,and Aphrodite Urania, and Heracles, and Ares. Of these all the Scythianshave the worship established, and the so-called Royal Scythians sacrificealso to Poseidon. Now Hestia is called in Scythian Tabiti, and Zeus, beingmost rightly named in my opinion, is called Papaios, and Earth Api, 57and Apollo Oitosyros, 58 and Aphrodite Urania is called Argimpasa, 59and Poseidon Thagimasidas. 60 It is not their custom however to make images,altars or temples to any except Ares, but to him it is their custom tomake them.

60. They have all the same manner of sacrifice established for all theirreligious rites equally, and it is thus performed:—the victim standswith its fore-feet tied, and the sacrificing priest stands behind thevictim, and by pulling the end of the cord he throws the beast down; andas the victim falls, he calls upon the god to whom he is sacrificing, andthen at once throws a noose round its neck, and putting a small stick intoit he turns it round and so strangles the animal, without either lightinga fire or making any first offering from the victim or pouring anylibation over it: and when he has strangled it and flayed off the skin, heproceeds to boil it.

61. Now as the land of Scythia is exceedingly ill wooded, this contrivancehas been invented for the boiling of the flesh:—having flayed thevictims, they strip the flesh off the bones and then put it into caldrons,if they happen to have any, of native make, which very much resembleLesbian mixing-bowls except that they are much larger,—into thesethey put the flesh and boil it by lighting under it the bones of thevictim: if however thy have not at hand the caldron, they put all theflesh into the stomachs of the victims and adding water they light thebones under them; and these blaze up beautifully, and the stomachs easilyhold the flesh when it has been stripped off the bones: thus an ox is madeto boil itself, and the other kinds of victims each boil themselves also.Then when the flesh is boiled, the sacrificer takes a first offering ofthe flesh and of the vital organs and casts it in front of him. And theysacrifice various kinds of cattle, but especially horses.

62. To the others of the gods they sacrifice thus and these kinds ofbeasts, but to Ares as follows:—In each district of the severalgovernments 61 they have a temple of Ares set up in this way:—bundlesof brushwood are heaped up for about three furlongs 62 in length and inbreadth, but less in height; and on the top of this there is a levelsquare made, and three of the sides rise sheer but by the remaining oneside the pile may be ascended. Every year they pile on a hundred and fiftywaggon-loads of brushwood, for it is constantly settling down by reason ofthe weather. 63 Upon this pile of which I speak each peoplehas an ancient iron sword 64 set up, and this is the sacred symbol 65 ofAres. To this sword they bring yearly offerings of cattle and of horses;and they have the following sacrifice in addition, beyond what they maketo the other gods, that is to say, of all the enemies whom they takecaptive in war they sacrifice one man in every hundred, not in the samemanner as they sacrifice cattle, but in a different manner: for they firstpour wine over their heads, and after that they cut the throats of themen, so that the blood runs into a bowl; and then they carry this up tothe top of the pile of brushwood and pour the blood over the sword. This,I say, they carry up; and meanwhile below by the side of the temple theyare doing thus:—they cut off all the right arms of the slaughteredmen with the hands and throw them up into the air, and then when they havefinished offering the other victims, they go away; and the arm lieswheresoever it has chanced to fall, and the corpse apart from it.

63. Such are the sacrifices which are established among them; but of swinethese make no use, nor indeed are they wont to keep them at all in theirland.

64. That which relates to war is thus ordered with them:—When aScythian has slain his first man, he drinks some of his blood: and of allthose whom he slays in the battle he bears the heads to the king; for ifhe has brought a head he shares in the spoil which they have taken, butotherwise not. And he takes off the skin of the head by cutting it roundabout the ears and then taking hold of the scalp and shaking it off;afterwards he scrapes off the flesh with the rib of an ox, and works theskin about with his hands; and when he has thus tempered it, he keeps itas a napkin to wipe the hands upon, and hangs it from the bridle of thehorse on which he himself rides, and takes pride in it; for whosoever hasthe greatest number of skins to wipe the hands upon, he is judged to bethe bravest man. Many also make cloaks to wear of the skins stripped off,sewing them together like shepherds' cloaks of skins; 66and many take the skin together with the finger-nails off the right handsof their enemies when they are dead, and make them into covers for theirquivers: now human skin it seems is both thick and glossy in appearance,more brilliantly white than any other skin. Many also take the skins offthe whole bodies of men and stretch them on pieces of wood and carry themabout on their horses.

65. Such are their established customs about these things; and to theskulls themselves, not of all but of their greatest enemies, they do thus:—theman saws off all below the eyebrows and clears out the inside; and if heis a poor man he only stretches ox-hide round it and then makes use of it;but if he be rich, besides stretching the ox-hide he gilds it over within,and makes use of it as a drinking-cup. They do this also if any of theirown family have been at variance with them and the man gets the better ofhis adversary in trial before the king; and when strangers come to himwhom he highly esteems, he sets these skulls before them, and adds thecomment that they being of his own family had made war against him, andthat he had got the better of them; and this they hold to be a proof ofmanly virtue.

66. Once every year each ruler of a district mixes in his own district abowl of wine, from which those of the Scythians drink by whom enemies havebeen slain; but those by whom this has not been done do not taste of thewine, but sit apart dishonoured; and this is the greatest of all disgracesamong them: but those of them who have slain a very great number of men,drink with two cups together at the same time.

67. Diviners there are many among the Scythians, and they divine with anumber of willow rods in the following manner:—they bring largebundles of rods, and having laid them on the ground they unroll them, andsetting each rod by itself apart they prophesy; and while speaking thus,they roll the rods together again, and after that they place them in ordera second time one by one. 67 This manner of divination they have from theirfathers: but the Enareës or "man-women" 68 say that Aphrodite gavethem the gift of divination, and they divine accordingly with the bark ofthe linden-tree. Having divided the linden-bark into three strips, the mantwists them together in his fingers and untwists them again, and as hedoes this he utters the oracle.

68. When the king of the Scythians is sick, he sends for three of thediviners, namely those who are most in repute, who divine in the mannerwhich has been said: and these say for the most part something like this,namely that so and so has sworn falsely by the hearth of the king, andthey name one of the citizens, whosoever it may happen to be: now it isthe prevailing custom of the Scythians to swear by the hearth of the kingat the times when they desire to swear the most solemn oath. He then whothey say has sworn falsely, is brought forthwith held fast on both sides;and when he has come the diviners charge him with this, that he is shownby their divination to have sworn falsely by the hearth of the king, andthat for this reason the king is suffering pain: and he denies and saysthat he did not swear falsely, and complains indignantly: and when hedenies it, the king sends for other diviners twice as many in number, andif these also by looking into their divination pronounce him guilty ofhaving sworn falsely, at once they cut off the man's head, and thediviners who came first part his goods among them by lot; but if thediviners who came in afterwards acquit him, other diviners come in, andagain others after them. If then the greater number acquit the man, thesentence is that the first diviners shall themselves be put to death.

69. They put them to death accordingly in the following manner:—firstthey fill a waggon with brushwood and yoke oxen to it; then having boundthe feet of the diviners and tied their hands behind them and stoppedtheir mouths with gags, they fasten them down in the middle of thebrushwood, and having set fire to it they scare the oxen and let them go:and often the oxen are burnt to death together with the diviners, andoften they escape after being scorched, when the pole to which they arefastened has been burnt: and they burn the diviners in the mannerdescribed for other causes also, calling them false prophets. Now when theking puts any to death, he does not leave alive their sons either, but heputs to death all the males, not doing any hurt to the females.

70. In the following manner the Scythians make oaths to whomsoever theymake them:—they pour wine into a great earthenware cup and minglewith it blood of those who are taking the oath to one another, eithermaking a prick with an awl or cutting with a dagger a little way intotheir body, and then they dip into the cup a sword and arrows and abattle-axe and a javelin; and having done this, they invoke many curses onthe breaker of the oath, and afterwards they drink it off, both they whoare making the oath and the most honourable of their company.

71. The burial-place of the kings is in the land of the Gerrians, theplace up to which the Borysthenes is navigable. In this place, when theirking has died, they make a large square excavation in the earth; and whenthey have made this ready, they take up the corpse (the body being coveredover with wax and the belly ripped up and cleansed, and then sewn togetheragain, after it has been filled with kyperos 69 cut up and spices andparsley-seed and anise), and they convey it in a waggon to another nation.Then those who receive the corpse thus conveyed to them do the same as theRoyal Scythians, that is they cut off a part of their ear and shave theirhair round about and cut themselves all over the arms and tear theirforehead and nose and pass arrows through their left hand. Thence theyconvey in the waggon the corpse of the king to another of the nations overwhom they rule; and they to whom they came before accompany them: and whenthey have gone round to all conveying the corpse, then they are in theland of the Gerrians, who have their settlements furthest away of all thenations over whom they rule, and they have reached the spot where theburial place is. After that, having placed the corpse in the tomb upon abed of leaves, they stick spears along on this side and that of the corpseand stretch pieces of wood over them, and then they cover the place inwith matting. Then they strangle and bury in the remaining space of thetomb one of the king's mistresses, his cup-bearer, his cook, hishorse-keeper, his attendant, and his bearer of messages, and also horses,and a first portion of all things else, and cups of gold; for silver theydo not use at all, nor yet bronze. 70 Having thus done theyall join together to pile up a great mound, vying with one another andzealously endeavouring to make it as large as possible.

72. Afterwards, when the year comes round again, they do as follows:—theytake the most capable of the remaining servants,—and these arenative Scythians, for those serve him whom the king himself commands to doso, and his servants are not bought for money,—of these attendantsthen they strangle fifty and also fifty of the finest horses; and whenthey have taken out their bowels and cleansed the belly, they fill it withchaff and sew it together again. Then they set the half of a wheel upontwo stakes with the hollow side upwards, and the other half of the wheelupon other two stakes, and in this manner they fix a number of these; andafter this they run thick stakes through the length of the horses as faras the necks, and they mount them upon the wheels; and the front pieces ofwheel support the shoulders of the horses, while those behind bear uptheir bellies, going by the side of the thighs; and both front and hindlegs hang in the air. On the horses they put bridles and bits, and stretchthe bridles tight in front of them and then tie them up to pegs: and ofthe fifty young men who have been strangled they mount each one upon hishorse, having first 71 run a straight stake through each body alongby the spine up to the neck; and a part of this stake projects below,which they fasten into a socket made in the other stake that runs throughthe horse. Having set horsemen such as I have described in a circle roundthe tomb, they then ride away.

73. Thus they bury their kings; but as for the other Scythians, when theydie their nearest relations carry them round laid in waggons to theirfriends in succession; and of them each one when he receives the bodyentertains those who accompany it, and before the corpse they serve up ofall things about the same quantity as before the others. Thus privatepersons are carried about for forty days, and then they are buried: andafter burying them the Scythians cleanse themselves in the following way:—theysoap their heads and wash them well, and then, for their body, they set upthree stakes leaning towards one another and about them they stretchwoollen felt coverings, and when they have closed them as much as possiblethey throw stones heated red-hot into a basin placed in the middle of thestakes and the felt coverings.

74. Now they have hemp growing in their land, which is very like flaxexcept in thickness and in height, for in these respects the hemp is muchsuperior. This grows both of itself and with cultivation; and of it theThracians even make garments, which are very like those made of flaxenthread, so that he who was not specially conversant with it would not beable to decide whether the garments were of flax or of hemp; and he whohad not before seen stuff woven of hemp would suppose that the garment wasmade of flax.

75. The Scythians then take the seed of this hemp and creep under the feltcoverings, and then they throw the seed upon the stones which have beenheated red-hot: and it burns like incense and produces a vapour so thickthat no vapour-bath in Hellas would surpass it: and the Scythians beingdelighted with the vapour-bath howl like wolves. 72 This is to them insteadof washing, for in fact they do not wash their bodies at all in water.Their women however pound with a rough stone the wood of the cypress andcedar and frankincense tree, pouring in water with it, and then with thispounded stuff, which is thick, they plaster over all their body and alsotheir face; and not only does a sweet smell attach to them by reason ofthis, but also when they take off the plaster on the next day, their skinis clean and shining.

76. This nation also 73 is very averse to adopting strange customs,rejecting even those of other tribes among themselves, 74but especially those of the Hellenes, as the history of Anacharsis andalso afterwards of Skyles proved. 75 For as to Anacharsisfirst, when he was returning to the abodes of the Scythians, after havingvisited many lands 76 and displayed in them much wisdom, as hesailed through the Hellespont he put in to Kyzicos: and since he found thepeople of Kyzicos celebrating a festival very magnificently in honour ofthe Mother of the gods, Anacharsis vowed to the Mother that if he shouldreturn safe and sound to his own land, he would both sacrifice to her withthe same rites as he saw the men of Kyzicos do, and also hold a nightfestival. So when he came to Scythia he went down into the region calledHylaia (this is along by the side of the racecourse of Achilles and isquite full, as it happens, of trees of all kinds),—into this, I say,Anacharsis went down, and proceeded to perform all the ceremonies of thefestival in honour of the goddess, with a kettle-drum and with images hungabout himself. And one of the Scythians perceived him doing this anddeclared it to Saulios the king; and the king came himself also, and whenhe saw Anacharsis doing this, he shot him with an arrow and killed him.Accordingly at the present time if one asks about Anacharsis, theScythians say that they do not know him, and for this reason, because hewent out of his own country to Hellas and adopted foreign customs. And asI heard from Tymnes the steward 77 of Ariapeithes, he wasthe uncle on the father's side of Idanthyrsos king of the Scythians, andthe son of Gnuros, the son of Lycos, the son of Spargapeithes. If thenAnacharsis was of this house, let him know that he died by the hand of hisbrother, for Idanthyrsos was the son of Saulios, and Saulios was he whokilled Anacharsis.

77. However I have heard also another story, told by the Peloponnesians,that Anacharsis was sent out by the king of the Scythians, and so madehimself a disciple of Hellas; and that when he returned back he said tohim that had sent him forth, that the Hellenes were all busied about everykind of cleverness except the Lacedemonians; but these alone knew how toexchange speech sensibly. This story however has been invented 78without any ground by the Hellenes themselves; and however that may be,the man was slain in the way that was related above.

78. This man then fared thus badly by reason of foreign customs andcommunication with Hellenes; and very many years afterwards Skyles the sonof Ariapeithes suffered nearly the same fate as he. For Ariapeithes theking of the Scythians with other sons had Skyles born to him: and he wasborn of a woman who was of Istria, and certainly not a native of Scythia;and this mother taught him the language and letters of Hellas. Afterwardsin course of time Ariapeithes was brought to his end by treachery at thehands of Spargapeithes the king of the Agathyrsians, and Skyles succeededto the kingdom; and he took not only that but also the wife of his father,whose name was Opoia: this Opoia was a native Scythian and from her wasborn Oricos to Ariapeithes. Now when Skyles was king of the Scythians, hewas by no means satisfied with the Scythian manner of life, but was muchmore inclined towards Hellenic ways because of the training with which hehad been brought up, and he used to do somewhat as follows:—When hecame with the Scythians in arms to the city of the Borysthenites (nowthese Borysthenites say that they are of Miletos),—when Skyles cameto these, he would leave his band in the suburbs of the city and gohimself within the walls and close the gates. After that he would layaside his Scythian equipments and take Hellenic garments, and wearing themhe would go about in the market-place with no guards or any other manaccompanying him (and they watched the gates meanwhile, that none of theScythians might see him wearing this dress): and while in other respectstoo he adopted Hellenic manners of life, he used also to perform worshipto the gods according to the customs of the Hellenes. Then having stayed amonth or more than that, he would put on the Scythian dress and depart.This he did many times, and he both built for himself a house inBorysthenes and also took to it a woman of the place as his wife.

79. Since however it was fated that evil should happen to him, it happenedby an occasion of this kind:—he formed a desire to be initiated inthe rites of Bacchus-Dionysos, and as he was just about to receive 79the initiation, there happened a very great portent. He had in the city ofthe Borysthenites a house of great size and built with large expense, ofwhich also I made mention a little before this, and round it were placedsphinxes and griffins of white stone: on this house Zeus 7901caused a bolt to fall; and the house was altogether burnt down, but Skylesnone the less for this completed his initiation. Now the Scythians makethe rites of Bacchus a reproach against the Hellenes, for they say that itis not fitting to invent a god like this, who impels men to frenzy. Sowhen Skyles had been initiated into the rites of Bacchus, one of theBorysthenites went off 80 to the Scythians and said: "Whereas ye laughat us, O Scythians, because we perform the rite of Bacchus and because thegod seizes us, now this divinity has seized also your king; and he is bothjoining in the rite of Bacchus and maddened by the influence of the god.And if ye disbelieve me, follow and I will show you." The chief men of theScythians followed him, and the Borysthenite led them secretly into thetown and set them upon a tower. So when Skyles passed by with the companyof revellers, and the Scythians saw him joining in the rite of Bacchus,they were exceedingly grieved at it, and they went out and declared to thewhole band that which they had seen.

80. After this when Skyles was riding out again to his own abode, theScythians took his brother Octamasades for their leader, who was a son ofthe daughter of Teres, and made insurrection against Skyles. He then whenhe perceived that which was being done to his hurt and for what reason itwas being done, fled for refuge to Thrace; and Octamasades being informedof this, proceeded to march upon Thrace. So when he had arrived at theriver Ister, the Thracians met him; and as they were about to engagebattle, Sitalkes sent a messenger to Octamasades and said: "Why must wemake trial of one another in fight? Thou art my sister's son and thou hastin thy power my brother. Do thou give him back to me, and I will deliverto thee thy brother Skyles: and let us not either of us set our armies inperil, either thou or I." Thus Sitalkes proposed to him by a herald; forthere was with Octamasades a brother of Sitalkes, who had gone into exilefor fear of him. And Octamasades agreed to this, and by giving up his ownmother's brother to Sitalkes he received his brother Skyles in exchange:and Sitalkes when he received his brother led him away as a prisoner, butOctamasades cut off the head of Skyles there upon the spot. Thus do theScythians carefully guard their own customary observances, and such arethe penalties which they inflict upon those who acquire foreign customsbesides their own.

81. How many the Scythians are I was not able to ascertain precisely, butI heard various reports of the number: for reports say both that they arevery many in number and also that they are few, at least as regards thetrue Scythians. 81 Thus far however they gave me evidence of myown eyesight:—there is between the river Borysthenes and the Hypanisa place called Exampaios, of which also I made mention somewhat beforethis, saying that there was in it a spring of bitter water, from which thewater flows and makes the river Hypanis unfit to drink. In this placethere is set a bronze bowl, in size at least six times as large as themixing-bowl at the entrance of the Pontus, which Pausanias the son ofCleombrotos dedicated: and for him who has never seen that, I will makethe matter clear by saying that the bowl in Scythia holds easily sixhundred amphors, 82 and the thickness of this Scythian bowl is sixfingers. This then the natives of the place told me had been made ofarrow-heads: for their king, they said, whose name was Ariantas, wishingto know how many the Scythians were, ordered all the Scythians to bringone arrow-head, each from his own arrow, and whosoever should not bringone, he threatened with death. So a great multitude of arrow-heads wasbrought, and he resolved to make of them a memorial and to leave it behindhim: from these then, they said, he made this bronze bowl and dedicated itin this place Exampaios.

82. This is what I heard about the number of the Scythians. Now this landhas no marvellous things except that it has rivers which are by far largerand more numerous than those of any other land. One thing however shall bementioned which it has to show, and which is worthy of wonder even besidesthe rivers and the greatness of the plain, that is to say, they point outa footprint of Heracles in the rock by the bank of the river Tyras, whichin shape is like the mark of a man's foot but in size is two cubits long.This then is such as I have said; and I will go back now to the historywhich I was about to tell at first.

83. While Dareios was preparing to go against the Scythians and wassending messengers to appoint to some the furnishing of a land-army, toothers that of ships, and to others the bridging over of the ThracianBosphorus, Artabanos, the son of Hystaspes and brother of Dareios, urgedhim by no means to make the march against the Scythians, telling him howdifficult the Scythians were to deal with. Since however he did notpersuade him, though he gave him good counsel, he ceased to urge; andDareios, when all his preparations had been made, began to march his armyforth from Susa.

84. Then one of the Persians, Oiobazos, made request to Dareios that as hehad three sons and all were serving in the expedition, one might be leftbehind for him: and Dareios said that as he was a friend and made areasonable request, he would leave behind all the sons. So Oiobazos wasgreatly rejoiced, supposing that his sons had been freed from service, butDareios commanded those who had the charge of such things to put to deathall the sons of Oiobazos.

85. These then were left, having been slain upon the spot where they were:and Dareios meanwhile set forth from Susa and arrived at the place on theBosphorus where the bridge of ships had been made, in the territory ofChalcedon; and there he embarked in a ship and sailed to the so-calledKyanean rocks, which the Hellenes say formerly moved backwards andforwards; and taking his seat at the temple 83 he gazed upon thePontus, which is a sight well worth seeing. Of all seas indeed it is themost marvellous in its nature. The length of it is eleven thousand onehundred furlongs, 84 and the breadth, where it is broadest, threethousand three hundred: and of this great Sea the mouth is but fourfurlongs broad, and the length of the mouth, that is of the neck of waterwhich is called Bosphorus, where, as I said, the bridge of ships had beenmade, is not less than a hundred and twenty furlongs. This Bosphorusextends to the Propontis; and the Propontis, being in breadth five hundredfurlongs and in length one thousand four hundred, has its outlet into theHellespont, which is but seven furlongs broad at the narrowest place,though it is four hundred furlongs in length: and the Hellespont runs outinto that expanse of sea which is called the Egean.

86. These measurements I have made as follows:—a ship completes onan average in a long day a distance of seventy thousand fathoms, and in anight sixty thousand. Now we know that to the river Phasis from the mouthof the Sea (for it is here that the Pontus is longest) is a voyage of ninedays and eight nights, which amounts to one hundred and eleven myriads 85 offathoms; and these fathoms are eleven thousand one hundred furlongs. Thenfrom the land of the Sindians to Themiskyra on the river Thermodon (forhere is the broadest part of the Pontus) it is a voyage of three days andtwo nights, which amounts to thirty-three myriads 86 of fathoms or threethousand three hundred furlongs. This Pontus then and also the Bosphorusand the Hellespont have been measured by me thus, and their nature is suchas has been said: and this Pontus also has a lake which has its outletinto it, which lake is not much less in size than the Pontus itself, andit is called Maiotis and "Mother of the Pontus."

87. Dareios then having gazed upon the Pontus sailed back to the bridge,of which Mandrocles a Samian had been chief constructor; and having gazedupon the Bosphorus also, he set up two pillars 8601 by it of whitestone with characters cut upon them, on the one Assyrian and on the otherHellenic, being the names of all the nations which he was leading withhim: and he was leading with him all over whom he was ruler. The wholenumber of them without the naval force was reckoned to be seventy myriads87including cavalry, and ships had been gathered together to the number ofsix hundred. These pillars the Byzantians conveyed to their city after theevents of which I speak, and used them for the altar of Artemis Orthosia,excepting one stone, which was left standing by the side of the temple ofDionysos in Byzantion, covered over with Assyrian characters. Now theplace on the Bosphorus where Dareios made his bridge is, as I conclude, 8701midway between Byzantion and the temple at the mouth of the Pontus.

88. After this Dareios being pleased with the floating bridge rewarded thechief constructor of it, Mandrocles the Samian, with gifts tenfold; 88and as an offering from these Mandrocles had a painting made of figures topresent the whole scene of the bridge over the Bosphorus and king Dareiossitting in a prominent seat and his army crossing over; this he caused tobe painted and dedicated it as an offering in the temple of Hera, with thefollowing inscription:

 "Bosphorus having bridged over, the straits fish-abounding, to Hera
    Mandrocleës dedicates this, of his work to record;
  A crown on himself he set, and he brought to the Samians glory,
    And for Dareios performed everything after his mind."

89. This memorial was made of him who constructed the bridge: and Dareios,after he had rewarded Mandrocles with gifts, passed over into Europe,having first commanded the Ionians to sail into the Pontus as far as theriver Ister, and when they arrived at the Ister, there to wait for him,making a bridge meanwhile over the river; for the chief of his naval forcewere the Ionians, the Aiolians and the Hellespontians. So the fleet sailedthrough between the Kyanean rocks and made straight for the Ister; andthen they sailed up the river a two days' voyage from the sea andproceeded to make a bridge across the neck, as it were, of the river,where the mouths of the Ister part off. Dareios meanwhile, having crossedthe Bosphorus on the floating bridge, was advancing through Thrace, andwhen he came to the sources of the river Tearos he encamped for threedays.

90. Now the Tearos is said by those who dwell near it to be the best ofall rivers, both in other respects which tend to healing and especiallyfor curing diseases of the skin 89 both in men and inhorses: and its springs are thirty-eight in number, flowing all from thesame rock, of which some are cold and others warm. The way to them is ofequal length from the city of Heraion near Perinthos and from Apolloniaupon the Euxine Sea, that is to say two days' journey by each road. ThisTearos runs into the river Contadesdos and the Contadesdos into theAgrianes and the Agrianes into the Hebros, which flows into the sea by thecity of Ainos.

91. Dareios then, having come to this river and having encamped there, waspleased with the river and set up a pillar there also, with an inscriptionas follows: "The head-springs of the river Tearos give the best andfairest water of all rivers; and to them came leading an army against theScythians the best and fairest of all men, Dareios the son of Hystaspes,of the Persians and of all the Continent king." These were the words whichwere there written.

92. Dareios then set out from thence and came to another river whose nameis Artescos, which flows through the land of the Odrysians. Having come tothis river he did as follows:—he appointed a place for his army andbade every man as he passed out by it place one stone in this appointedplace: and when the army had performed this, then he marched away his armyleaving behind great mounds of these stones.

93. But before he came to the Ister he conquered first the Getai, whobelieve in immortality: for the Thracians who occupy Salmydessos and aresettled above the cities of Apollonian and Mesambria, called the Kyrmianai90and the Nipsaioi, delivered themselves over to Dareios without fighting;but the Getai, who are the bravest and the most upright in their dealingsof all the Thracians, having betaken themselves to obstinacy wereforthwith subdued.

94. And their belief in immortality is of this kind, that is to say, theyhold that they do not die, but that he who is killed goes to Salmoxis, 91 adivinity, 92 whom some of them call Gebeleizis; and atintervals of four years 93 they send one of themselves, whomsoever thelot may select, as a messenger to Salmoxis, charging him with suchrequests as they have to make on each occasion; and they send him thus:—certainof them who are appointed for this have three javelins, and othersmeanwhile take hold on both sides of him who is being sent to Salmoxis,both by his hands and his feet, and first they swing him up, then throwhim into the air so as to fall upon the spear-points: and if when he ispierced through he is killed, they think that the god is favourable tothem; but if he is not killed, they find fault with the messenger himself,calling him a worthless man, and then having found fault with him theysend another: and they give him the charge beforehand, while he is yetalive. These same Thracians also shoot arrows up towards the sky whenthunder and lightning come, and use threats to the god, not believing thatthere exists any other god except their own.

95. This Salmoxis I hear from the Hellenes who dwell about the Hellespontand the Pontus, was a man, and he became a slave in Samos, and was in facta slave of Pythagoras the son of Mnesarchos. Then having become free hegained great wealth, and afterwards returned to his own land: and as theThracians both live hardly and are rather simple-minded, this Salmoxis,being acquainted with the Ionian way of living and with manners morecultivated 94 than the Thracians were used to see, since hehad associated with Hellenes (and not only that but with Pythagoras, notthe least able philosopher 95 of the Hellenes), prepared a banqueting-hall,96where he received and feasted the chief men of the tribe and instructedthem meanwhile that neither he himself nor his guests nor theirdescendants in succession after them would die; but that they would cometo a place where they would live for ever and have all things good. Whilehe was doing that which has been mentioned and was saying these things, hewas making for himself meanwhile a chamber under the ground; and when hischamber was finished, he disappeared from among the Thracians and wentdown into the underground chamber, where he continued to live for threeyears: and they grieved for his loss and mourned for him as dead. Then inthe fourth year he appeared to the Thracians, and in this way the thingswhich Salmoxis said became credible to them.

96. Thus they say that he did; but as to this matter and the chamber underground, I neither disbelieve it nor do I very strongly believe, but Ithink that this Salmoxis lived many years before Pythagoras. However,whether there ever lived a man Salmoxis, or whether he is simply a nativedeity of the Getai, let us bid farewell to him now.

97. These, I say, having such manners as I have said, were subdued by thePersians and accompanied the rest of the army: and when Dareios and withhim the land-army arrived at the Ister, then after all had passed over,Dareios commanded the Ionians to break up the floating bridge and toaccompany him by land, as well as the rest of the troops which were in theships: and when the Ionians were just about to break it up and to do thatwhich he commanded, Coës the son of Erxander, who was commander of theMytilenians, said thus to Dareios, having first inquired whether he wasdisposed to listen to an opinion from one who desired to declare it: "Oking, seeing that thou art about to march upon a land where no cultivatedground will be seen nor any inhabited town, do thou therefore let thisbridge remain where it is, leaving to guard it those same men whoconstructed it. Then, if we find the Scythians and fare as we desire, wehave a way of return; and also even if we shall not be able to find them,at least our way of return is secured: for that we should be worsted bythe Scythians in fight I never feared yet, but rather that we might not beable to find them, and might suffer some disaster in wandering about.Perhaps some one will say that in speaking thus I am speaking for my ownadvantage, in order that I may remain behind; but in truth I am bringingforward, O king, the opinion which I found best for thee, and I myselfwill accompany thee and not be left behind." With this opinion Dareios wasvery greatly pleased and made answer to him in these words: "Friend fromLesbos, when I have returned safe to my house, be sure that thou appearbefore me, in order that I may requite thee with good deeds for goodcounsel."

98. Having thus said and having tied sixty knots in a thong, he called thedespots of the Ionians to speak with him and said as follows: "Men ofIonia, know that I have given up the opinion which I formerly declaredwith regard to the bridge; and do ye keep this thong and do as I shallsay:—so soon as ye shall have seen me go forward against theScythians, from that time begin, and untie a knot on each day: and ifwithin this time I am not here, and ye find that the days marked by theknots have passed by, then sail away to your own lands. Till then, sinceour resolve has thus been changed, guard the floating bridge, showing alldiligence to keep it safe and to guard it. And thus acting, ye will do forme a very acceptable service." Thus said Dareios and hastened on his marchforwards.

99. Now in front of Scythia in the direction towards the sea 97lies Thrace; and where a bay is formed in this land, there begins Scythia,into which the Ister flows out, the mouth of the river being turnedtowards the South-East Wind. Beginning at the Ister then I am about todescribe the coast land of the true Scythia, with regard to measurement.At once from the Ister begins this original land of Scythia, and it liestowards the midday and the South Wind, extending as far as the city calledCarkinitis. After this the part which lies on the coast of the same seastill, a country which is mountainous and runs out in the direction of thePontus, is occupied by the Tauric race, as far as the peninsula which iscalled the "Rugged Chersonese"; and this extends to the sea which liestowards the East Wind: for two sides of the Scythian boundaries lie alongby the sea, one by the sea on the South, and the other by that on theEast, just as it is with Attica: and in truth the Tauroi occupy a part ofScythia which has much resemblance to Attica; it is as if in Atticaanother race and not the Athenians occupied the hill region 98 ofSunion, supposing it to project more at the point into the sea, thatregion namely which is cut off by a line from Thoricos to Anaphlystos.Such I say, if we may be allowed to compare small things such as this withgreat, is the form of the Tauric land. 99 For him however who hasnot sailed along this part of the coast of Attica I will make it clear byanother comparison:—it is as if in Iapygia another race and not theIapygians had cut off for themselves and were holding that extremity ofthe land which is bounded by a line beginning at the harbour of Brentesionand running to Taras. And in mentioning these two similar cases I amsuggesting many other things also to which the Tauric land hasresemblance.

100. After the Tauric land immediately come Scythians again, occupying theparts above the Tauroi and the coasts of the Eastern sea, that is to saythe parts to the West of the Kimmerian Bosphorus and of the Maiotian lake,as far as the river Tanaïs, which runs into the corner of this lake. Inthe upper parts which tend inland Scythia is bounded (as we know) 100by the Agathyrsians first, beginning from the Ister, and then by theNeuroi, afterwards by the Androphagoi, and lastly by the Melanchlainoi.

101. Scythia then being looked upon as a four-sided figure with two of itssides bordered by the sea, has its border lines equal to one another ineach direction, that which tends inland and that which runs along by thesea: for from Ister to the Borysthenes is ten days' journey, and from theBorysthenes to the Maiotian lake ten days' more; and the distance inlandto the Melanchlainoi, who are settled above the Scythians, is a journey oftwenty days. Now I have reckoned the day's journey at two hundredfurlongs: 101 and by this reckoning the cross lines ofScythia 102 would be four thousand furlongs in length,and the perpendiculars which tend inland would be the same number offurlongs. Such is the size of this land.

102. The Scythians meanwhile having considered with themselves that theywere not able to repel the army of Dareios alone by a pitched battle,proceeded to send messengers to those who dwelt near them: and already thekings of these nations had come together and were taking counsel with oneanother, since so great an army was marching towards them. Now those whohad come together were the kings of the Tauroi, Agathyrsians, Neuroi,Androphagoi, Melanchlainoi, Gelonians, Budinoi and Sauromatai.

103. Of these the Tauroi have the following customs:—they sacrificeto the "Maiden" both ship-wrecked persons and also those Hellenes whomthey can capture by putting out to sea against them; 103and their manner of sacrifice is this:—when they have made the firstoffering from the victim they strike his head with a club: and some saythat they push the body down from the top of the cliff (for it is upon acliff that the temple is placed) and set the head up on a stake; butothers, while agreeing as to the heads, say nevertheless that the body isnot pushed down from the top of the cliff, but buried in the earth. Thisdivinity to whom they sacrifice, the Tauroi themselves say is Iphigeneiathe daughter of Agamemnon. Whatsoever enemies they have conquered theytreat in this fashion:—each man cuts off a head and bears it away tohis house; then he impales it on a long stake and sets it up above hishouse raised to a great height, generally above the chimney; and they saythat these are suspended above as guards to preserve the whole house. Thispeople has its living by plunder and war.

104. The Agathyrsians are the most luxurious of men and wear goldornaments for the most part: also they have promiscuous intercourse withtheir women, in order that they may be brethren to one another and beingall nearly related may not feel envy or malice one against another. Intheir other customs they have come to resemble the Thracians.

105. The Neuroi practise the Scythian customs: and one generation beforethe expedition of Dareios it so befell them that they were forced to quittheir land altogether by reason of serpents: for their land producedserpents in vast numbers, and they fell upon them in still larger numbersfrom the desert country above their borders; until at last being hardpressed they left their own land and settled among the Budinoi. These menit would seem are wizards; for it is said of them by the Scythians and bythe Hellenes who are settled in the Scythian land that once in every yeareach of the Neuroi becomes a wolf for a few days and then returns again tohis original form. For my part I do not believe them when they say this,but they say it nevertheless, and swear it moreover.

106. The Androphagoi have the most savage manners of all human beings, andthey neither acknowledge any rule of right nor observe any customary law.They are nomads and wear clothing like that of the Scythians, but have alanguage of their own; and alone of all these nations they are man-eaters.

107. The Melanchlainoi wear all of them black clothing, whence also theyhave their name; and they practise the customs of the Scythians.

108. The Budinoi are a very great and numerous race, and are all veryblue-eyed and fair of skin: and in their land is built a city of wood, thename of which is Gelonos, and each side of the wall is thirty furlongs inlength and lofty at the same time, all being of wood; and the houses areof wood also and the temples; for there are in it temples of Hellenic godsfurnished after Hellenic fashion with sacred images and altars and cells,104all of wood; and they keep festivals every other year 105to Dionysos and celebrate the rites of Bacchus: for the Gelonians areoriginally Hellenes, and they removed 106 from the tradingstations on the coast and settled among the Budinoi; and they use partlythe Scythian language and partly the Hellenic. The Budinoi however do notuse the same language as the Gelonians, nor is their manner of living thesame:

109, for the Budinoi are natives of the soil and a nomad people, and aloneof the nations in these parts feed on fir-cones; 107 but the Geloniansare tillers of the ground and feed on corn and have gardens, and resemblethem not at all either in appearance or in complexion of skin. However bythe Hellenes the Budinoi also are called Gelonians, not being rightly socalled. Their land is all thickly overgrown with forests of all kinds oftrees, and in the thickest forest there is a large and deep lake, andround it marshy ground and reeds. In this are caught otters and beaversand certainly other wild animals with square-shaped faces. The fur ofthese is sewn as a fringe round their coats of skin, and the testicles aremade use of by them for curing diseases of the womb.

110. About the Sauromatai the following tale is told:—When theHellenes had fought with the Amazons,—now the Amazons are called bythe Scythians Oiorpata, 108 which name means inthe Hellenic tongue "slayers of men," for "man" they call oior, andpata means "to slay,"—then, as the story goes, the Hellenes,having conquered them in the battle at the Thermodon, were sailing awayand conveying with them in three ships as many Amazons as they were ableto take prisoners. These in the open sea set upon the men and cast themout of the ships; but they knew nothing about ships, nor how to userudders or sails or oars, and after they had cast out the men they weredriven about by wave and wind and came to that part of the Maiotian lakewhere Cremnoi stands; now Cremnoi is in the land of the free Scythians. 109There the Amazons disembarked from their ships and made their way into thecountry, and having met first with a troop of horses feeding they seizedthem, and mounted upon these they plundered the property of the Scythians.

111. The Scythians meanwhile were not able to understand the matter, forthey did not know either their speech or their dress or the race to whichthey belonged, but were in wonder as to whence they had come and thoughtthat they were men, of an age corresponding to their appearance: andfinally they fought a battle against them, and after the battle theScythians got possession of the bodies of the dead, and thus theydiscovered that they were women. They took counsel therefore and resolvedby no means to go on trying to kill them, but to send against them theyoungest men from among themselves, making conjecture of the number so asto send just as many men as there were women. These were told to encampnear them, and do whatsoever they should do; if however the women shouldcome after them, they were not to fight but to retire before them, andwhen the women stopped, they were to approach near and encamp. This planwas adopted by the Scythians because they desired to have children bornfrom them.

112. The young men accordingly were sent out and did that which had beencommanded them: and when the Amazons perceived that they had not come todo them any harm, they let them alone; and the two camps approached nearerto one another every day: and the young men, like the Amazons, had nothingexcept their arms and their horses, and got their living, as the Amazonsdid, by hunting and by taking booty.

113. Now the Amazons at midday used to scatter abroad either one by one orby two together, dispersing to a distance from one another to easethemselves; and the Scythians also having perceived this did the samething: and one of the Scythians came near to one of those Amazons who wereapart by themselves, and she did not repulse him but allowed him to liewith her: and she could not speak to him, for they did not understand oneanother's speech, but she made signs to him with her hand to come on thefollowing day to the same place and to bring another with him, signifyingto him that there should be two of them, and that she would bring anotherwith her. The young man therefore, when he returned, reported this to theothers; and on the next day he came himself to the place and also broughtanother, and he found the Amazon awaiting him with another in her company.Then hearing this the rest of the young men also in their turn tamed forthemselves the remainder of the Amazons;

114, and after this they joined their camps and lived together, each manhaving for his wife her with whom he had had dealings at first; and themen were not able to learn the speech of the women, but the women came tocomprehend that of the men. So when they understood one another, the menspoke to the Amazons as follows: "We have parents and we have possessions;now therefore let us no longer lead a life of this kind, but let us goaway to the main body of our people and dwell with them; and we will haveyou for wives and no others." They however spoke thus in reply: "We shouldnot be able to live with your women, for we and they have not the samecustoms. We shoot with bows and hurl javelins and ride horses, but theworks of women we never learnt; whereas your women do none of these thingswhich we said, but stay in the waggons and work at the works of women,neither going out to the chase nor anywhither else. We therefore shouldnot be able to live in agreement with them: but if ye desire to keep usfor your wives and to be thought honest men, go to your parents and obtainfrom them your share of the goods, and then let us go and dwell byourselves."

115. The young men agreed and did this; and when they had obtained theshare of the goods which belonged to them and had returned back to theAmazons, the women spoke to them as follows: "We are possessed by fear andtrembling to think that we must dwell in this place, having not onlyseparated you from your fathers, but also done great damage to your land.Since then ye think it right to have us as your wives, do this togetherwith us,—come and let us remove from this land and pass over theriver Tanaïs and there dwell."

116. The young men agreed to this also, and they crossed over the Tanaïsand made their way towards the rising sun for three days' journey fromTanaïs, and also towards the North Wind for three days' journey from theMaiotian lake: and having arrived at the place where they are now settled,they took up their abode there: and from thenceforward the women of theSauromatai practise their ancient way of living, going out regularly onhorseback to the chase both in company with the men and apart from them,and going regularly to war, and wearing the same dress as the men.

117. And the Sauromatai make use of the Scythian tongue, speaking itbarbarously however from the first, since the Amazons did not learn itthoroughly well. As regards marriages their rule is this, that no maidenis married until she has slain a man of their enemies; and some of themeven grow old and die before they are married, because they are not ableto fulfil the requirement of the law.

118. To the kings of these nations then, which have been mentioned inorder, the messengers of the Scythians came, finding them gatheredtogether, and spoke declaring to them how the Persian king, after havingsubdued all things to himself in the other continent, had laid a bridgeover the neck of the Bosphorus and had crossed over to that continent, andhaving crossed over and subdued the Thracians, was making a bridge overthe river Ister, desiring to bring under his power all these regions also."Do ye therefore," they said, "by no means stand aloof and allow us to bedestroyed, but let us become all of one mind and oppose him who is comingagainst us. If ye shall not do so, we on our part shall either be forcedby necessity to leave our land, or we shall stay in it and make a treatywith the invader; for what else can we do if ye are not willing to helpus? and for you after this 110 it will be in no respect easier; for thePersian has come not at all less against you than against us, nor will itcontent him to subdue us and abstain from you. And of the truth of thatwhich we say we will mention a strong evidence: if the Persian had beenmaking his expedition against us alone, because he desired to takevengeance for the former servitude, he ought to have abstained from allthe rest and to have come at once to invade our land, and he would thushave made it clear to all that he was marching to fight against theScythians and not against the rest. In fact however, ever since he crossedover to this continent, he has compelled all who came in his way to submitto him, and he holds under him now not only the other Thracians but alsothe Getai, who are our nearest neighbours."

119. When the Scythians proposed this, the kings who had come from thevarious nations took counsel together, and their opinions were divided.The kings of the Gelonians, of the Budinoi and of the Sauromatai agreedtogether and accepted the proposal that they should help the Scythians,but those of the Agathyrsians, Neuroi, Androphagoi, Melanchlainoi andTauroi returned answer to the Scythians as follows: "If ye had not beenthe first to do wrong to the Persians and to begin war, then we shouldhave surely thought that ye were speaking justly in asking for thosethings for which ye now ask, and we should have yielded to your requestand shared your fortunes. As it is however, ye on the one hand madeinvasion without us into their land, and bare rule over the Persians forso long a time as God permitted you; and they in their turn, since thesame God stirs them up, are repaying you with the like. As for us however,neither at that time did we do any wrong to these men nor now shall weattempt to do any wrong to them unprovoked: if however the Persians shallcome against our land also, and do wrong first to us, we also shall refuseto submit 111: but until we shall see this, we shallremain by ourselves, for we are of opinion that the Persians have come notagainst us, but against those who were the authors of the wrong."

120. When the Scythians heard this answer reported, they planned not tofight a pitched battle openly, since these did not join them as allies,but to retire before the Persians and to drive away their cattle frombefore them, choking up with earth the wells and the springs of water bywhich they passed and destroying the grass from off the ground, havingparted themselves for this into two bodies; and they resolved that theSauromatai should be added to one of their divisions, namely that overwhich Scopasis was king, and that these should move on, if the Persiansturned in that direction, straight towards the river Tanaïs, retreatingbefore him by the shore of the Maiotian lake; and when the Persian marchedback again, they should come after and pursue him. This was one divisionof their kingdom, appointed to go by the way which has been said; and theother two of the kingdoms, the large one over which Idanthyrsos was king,and the third of which Taxakis was king, were to join together in one,with the Gelonians and the Budinoi added to them, and they also were toretire before the Persians one day's march in front of them, going on outof their way and doing that which had been planned. First they were tomove on straight for the countries which had refused to give theiralliance, in order that they might involve these also in the war, andthough these had not voluntarily undertaken the war with the Persians,they were to involve them in it nevertheless against their will; and afterthat they were to return to their own land and attack the enemy, if itshould seem good to them in council so to do.

121. Having formed this plan the Scythians went to meet the army ofDareios, sending off the best of their horsemen before them as scouts; butall 112the waggons in which their children and their women lived they sent on,and with them all their cattle (leaving only so much as was sufficient tosupply them with food), and charged them that they should proceedcontinually towards the North Wind. These, I say, were being carried onbefore:

122, but when the scouts who went in front of the Scythians discovered thePersians distant about three days' march from Ister, then the Scythianshaving discovered them continued to pitch their camp one day's march infront, destroying utterly that which grew from the ground: and when thePersians saw that the horsemen of the Scythians had made their appearance,they came after them following in their track, while the Scythianscontinually moved on. After this, since they had directed their marchtowards the first of the divisions, the Persians continued to pursuetowards the East and the river Tanaïs; and when the Scythians crossed overthe river Tanaïs, the Persians crossed over after them and continued stillto pursue, until they had passed quite through the land of the Sauromataiand had come to that of the Budinoi.

123. Now so long as the Persians were passing through Scythia and the landof the Sauromatai, they had nothing to destroy, seeing that the land wasbare, 113 but when they invaded the land of theBudinoi, then they fell in with the wooden wall, which had been desertedby the Budinoi and left wholly unoccupied, and this they destroyed byfire. Having done so they continued to follow on further in the tracks ofthe enemy, until they had passed through the whole of this land and hadarrived at the desert. This desert region is occupied by no men, and itlies above the land of the Budinoi, extending for a seven days' journey;and above this desert dwell the Thyssagetai, and four large rivers flowfrom them through the land of the Maiotians and run into that which iscalled the Maiotian lake, their names being as follows,—Lycos,Oaros, Tanaïs, Syrgis. 114

124. When therefore Dareios came to the desert region, he ceased from hiscourse and halted his army upon the river Oaros. Having so done he beganto build eight large fortifications at equal distances from one another,that is to say about sixty furlongs, of which the ruins still existed downto my time; and while he was occupied in this, the Scythians whom he waspursuing came round by the upper parts and returned back to Scythia.Accordingly, since these had altogether disappeared and were no longerseen by the Persians at all, Dareios left those fortifications halffinished, and turning back himself began to go towards the West, supposingthat these were the whole body of the Scythians and that they were flyingtowards the West.

125. And marching his army as quickly as possible, when he came to Scythiahe met with the two divisions of the Scythians together, and having fallenin with these he continued to pursue them, while they retired out of hisway one day's journey in advance: and as Dareios did not cease to comeafter them, the Scythians according to the plan which they had madecontinued to retire before him towards the land of those who had refusedto give their alliance, and first towards that of the Melanchlainoi; andwhen Scythians and Persians both together had invaded and disturbed these,the Scythians led the way to the country of the Androphagoi; and whenthese had also been disturbed, they proceeded to the land of the Neuroi;and while these too were being disturbed, the Scythians went on retiringbefore the enemy to the Agathyrsians. The Agathyrsians however, seeingthat their next neighbours also were flying from the Scythians and hadbeen disturbed, sent a herald before the Scythians invaded their land andproclaimed to the Scythians not to set foot upon their confines, warningthem that if they should attempt to invade the country, they would firsthave to fight with them. The Agathyrsians then having given this warningcame out in arms to their borders, meaning to drive off those who werecoming upon them; but the Melanchlainoi and Androphagoi and Neuroi, whenthe Persians and Scythians together invaded them, did not betakethemselves to brave defence but forgot their former threat 115and fled in confusion ever further towards the North to the desert region.The Scythians however, when the Agathyrsians had warned them off, did notattempt any more to come to these, but led the Persians from the countryof the Neuroi back to their own land.

126. Now as this went on for a long time and did not cease, Dareios sent ahorseman to Idanthyrsos king of the Scythians and said as follows: "Thoumost wondrous man, why dost thou fly for ever, when thou mightest do ofthese two things one?—if thou thinkest thyself able to makeopposition to my power, stand thou still and cease from wandering abroad,and fight; but if thou dost acknowledge thyself too weak, cease then inthat case also from thy course, and come to speech with thy master,bringing to him gifts of earth and water."

127. To this the king of the Scythians Idanthyrsos made answer thus: "Mycase, O Persian, stands thus:—Never yet did I fly because I wasafraid, either before this time from any other man, or now from thee; norhave I done anything different now from that which I was wont to do alsoin time of peace: and as to the cause why I do not fight with thee atonce, this also I will declare to thee. We have neither cities nor landsown with crops, about which we should fear lest they should be capturedor laid waste, and so join battle more speedily with you; but if it benecessary by all means to come to this speedily, know that we havesepulchres in which our fathers are buried; therefore come now, find outthese and attempt to destroy them, and ye shall know then whether we shallfight with you for the sepulchres or whether we shall not fight. Beforethat however, unless the motion comes upon us, we shall not join battlewith thee. About fighting let so much as has been said suffice; but as tomasters, I acknowledge none over me but Zeus my ancestor and Hestia thequeen of the Scythians. To thee then in place of gifts of earth and waterI shall send such things as it is fitting that thou shouldest receive; andin return for thy saying that thou art my master, for that I say, woebetide thee." 116 This is the proverbial "saying of theScythians." 117

128. The herald then had departed to report this to Dareios; and the kingsof the Scythians, having heard mention of subjection to a master, werefilled with wrath. They sent accordingly the division which was appointedto be joined with the Sauromatai, that division of which Scopasis was incommand, bidding them come to speech with the Ionians, namely those whowere guarding the bridge of the Ister, and meanwhile they who were leftbehind resolved not to lead the Persians wandering about any more, but toattack them constantly as they were getting provisions. Therefore theyobserved the soldiers of Dareios as they got provisions, and did thatwhich they had determined: and the cavalry of the Scythians always routedthat of the enemy, but the Persian horsemen as they fled fell back uponthe men on foot, and these would come up to their assistance; andmeanwhile the Scythians when they had driven in the cavalry turned back,fearing the men on foot. Also by night the Scythians used to make similarattacks:

129, and the thing which, strange to say, most helped the Persians andhindered the Scythians in their attacks upon the camp of Dareios, I willmention, namely the voice of the asses and the appearance of the mules;for Scythia produces neither ass nor mule, as I have declared before, noris there at all in the Scythian country either ass or mule on account ofthe cold. The asses accordingly by riotously braying used to throw intoconfusion the cavalry of the Scythians; and often, as they were in themiddle of riding against the Persians, when the horses heard the voice ofthe asses they turned back in confusion and were possessed with wonder,pricking up their ears, because they had never heard such a voice nor seenthe form of the creature before.

130. So far then the Persians had the advantage for a small part of thewar. 118But the Scythians, whenever they saw that the Persians were disquieted,then in order that they might remain a longer time in Scythia and inremaining might suffer by being in want of everything, would leave some oftheir own cattle behind with the herdsmen, while they themselves rode outof the way to another place, and the Persians would come upon the cattleand take them, and having taken them they were elated at what they haddone.

131. As this happened often, at length Dareios began to be in straits; andthe kings of the Scythians perceiving this sent a herald bearing as giftsto Dareios a bird and a mouse and a frog and five arrows. The Persiansaccordingly asked the bearer of the gifts as to the meaning of the giftswhich were offered; but he said that nothing more had been commanded tohim but to give them and get away as speedily as possible; and he bade thePersians find out for themselves, if they had wisdom, that which the giftswere meant to express.

132. Having heard this the Persians took counsel with one another; and theopinion of Dareios was that the Scythians were giving to him boththemselves and also earth and water, making his conjecture by this, namelythat a mouse is produced in the earth and feeds on the same produce of theearth as man, and a frog in the water, while a bird has great resemblanceto a horse; 119 and moreover that in giving the arrows theywere delivering up their own might in battle. This was the opinionexpressed by Dareios; but the opinion of Gobryas, one of the seven men whokilled the Magian, was at variance with it, for he conjectured that thegifts expressed this: "Unless ye become birds and fly up into the heaven,O Persians, or become mice and sink down under the earth, or become frogsand leap into the lakes, ye shall not return back home, but shall besmitten by these arrows."

133. The Persians then, I say, were making conjecture of the gifts: andmeanwhile the single division of the Scythians, that which had beenappointed at first to keep guard along the Maiotian lake and then to go tothe Ister and come to speech with the Ionians, when they arrived at thebridge spoke as follows: "Ionians, we have come bringing you freedom, ifat least ye are willing to listen to us; for we are informed that Dareiosgave you command to guard the bridge for sixty days only, and then, if hehad not arrived within that time, to get you away to your own land. Nowtherefore, if ye do as we say, ye will be without blame from his part andwithout blame also from ours: stay the appointed days and then after thatget you away." They then, when the Ionians had engaged themselves to dothis, hastened back again by the quickest way:

134, and meanwhile, after the coming of the gifts to Dareios, theScythians who were left had arrayed themselves against the Persians withboth foot and horse, meaning to engage battle. Now when the Scythians hadbeen placed in battle-array, a hare darted through them into the spacebetween the two armies, and each company of them, as they saw the hare,began to run after it. When the Scythians were thus thrown into disorderand were raising loud cries, Dareios asked what was this clamour arisingfrom the enemy; and hearing that they were running after the hare, he saidto those men to whom he was wont to say things at other times: "These menhave very slight regard for us, and I perceive now that Gobryas spokerightly about the Scythian gifts. Seeing then that now I myself too thinkthat things are so, we have need of good counsel, in order that ourretreat homewards may be safely made." To this replied Gobryas and said:"O king, even by report I was almost assured of the difficulty of dealingwith these men; and when I came I learnt it still more thoroughly, since Isaw that they were mocking us. Now therefore my opinion is, that as soonas night comes on, we kindle the camp-fires as we are wont to do at othertimes also, and deceive with a false tale those of our men who are weakestto endure hardships, and tie up all the asses and get us away, beforeeither the Scythians make for the Ister to destroy the bridge or somethingbe resolved by the Ionians which may be our ruin."

135. Thus Gobryas advised; and after this, when night came on, Dareiosacted on this opinion. Those of his men who were weakened by fatigue andwhose loss was of least account, these he left behind in the camp, and theasses also tied up: and for the following reasons he left behind the assesand the weaker men of his army,—the asses in order that they mightmake a noise which should be heard, and the men really because of theirweakness, but on a pretence stated openly that he was about to attack theScythians with the effective part of the army, and that they meanwhilewere to be defenders of the camp. Having thus instructed those who wereleft behind, and having kindled camp-fires, Dareios hastened by thequickest way towards the Ister: and the asses, having no longer about themthe usual throng, 120 very much more for that reason caused theirvoice to be heard; 121 so the Scythians, hearing the asses,supposed surely that the Persians were remaining in their former place.

136. But when it was day, those who were left behind perceived that theyhad been betrayed by Dareios, and they held out their hands in submissionto the Scythians, telling them what their case was; and the Scythians,when they heard this, joined together as quickly as possible, that is tosay the two combined divisions of the Scythians and the single division,and also the Sauromatai, 122 Budinoi, and Gelonians, and began to pursuethe Persians, making straight for the Ister: but as the Persian army forthe most part consisted of men on foot, and was not acquainted with theroads (the roads not being marked with tracks), while the Scythian armyconsisted of horsemen and was acquainted with the shortest cuts along theway, they missed one another and the Scythians arrived at the bridge muchbefore the Persians. Then having learnt that the Persians had not yetarrived, they said to the Ionians who were in the ships: "Ionians, thedays of your number are past, and ye are not acting uprightly in that yeyet remain waiting: but as ye stayed before from fear, so now break up thepassage as quickly as ye may, and depart free and unhurt, 123feeling thankfulness both to the gods and to the Scythians: and him whowas formerly your master we will so convince, that he shall never againmarch with an army upon any nation."

137. Upon this the Ionians took counsel together; and Miltiades theAthenian on the one hand, who was commander and despot of the men of theChersonese in Hellespont, was of opinion that they should follow theadvice of the Scythians and set Ionia free: but Histiaios the Milesian wasof the opposite opinion to this; for he said that at the present time itwas by means of Dareios that each one of them was ruling as despot over acity; and if the power of Dareios should be destroyed, neither he himselfwould be able to bear rule over the Milesians, nor would any other of thembe able to bear rule over any other city; for each of the cities wouldchoose to have popular rather than despotic rule. When Histiaios declaredhis opinion thus, forthwith all turned to this opinion, whereas at thefirst they were adopting that of Miltiades.

138. Now these were they who gave the vote between the two opinions, andwere men of consequence in the eyes of the king, 124—first thedespots of the Hellespontians, Daphnis of Abydos, Hippoclos of Lampsacos,Herophantos of Parion, Metrodoros of Proconnesos, Aristagoras of Kyzicos,and Ariston of Byzantion, these were those from the Hellespont; and fromIonia, Strattis of Chios, Aiakes of Samos, Laodamas of Phocaia, andHistiaios of Miletos, whose opinion had been proposed in opposition tothat of Miltiades; and of the Aiolians the only man of consequence therepresent was Aristagoras of Kyme.

139. When these adopted the opinion of Histiaios, they resolved to add toit deeds and words as follows, namely to break up that part of the bridgewhich was on the side towards the Scythians, to break it up, I say, for adistance equal to the range of an arrow, both in order that they might bethought to be doing something, though in fact they were doing nothing, andfor fear that the Scythians might make an attempt using force and desiringto cross the Ister by the bridge: and in breaking up that part of thebridge which was towards Scythia they resolved to say that they would doall that which the Scythians desired. This they added to the opinionproposed, and then Histiaios coming forth from among them made answer tothe Scythians as follows: "Scythians, ye are come bringing good news, andit is a timely haste that ye make to bring it; and ye on your part give usgood guidance, while we on ours render to you suitable service. For, as yesee, we are breaking up the passage, and we shall show all zeal in ourdesire to be free: and while we are breaking up the bridge, it is fittingthat ye should be seeking for those of whom ye speak, and when ye havefound them, that ye should take vengeance on them on behalf of us as wellas of yourselves in such manner as they deserve."

140. The Scythians then, believing for the second time that the Ionianswere speaking the truth, turned back to make search for the Persians, butthey missed altogether their line of march through the land. Of this theScythians themselves were the cause, since they had destroyed the pasturesfor horses in that region and had choked up with earth the springs ofwater; for if they had not done this, it would have been possible for themeasily, if they desired it, to discover the Persians: but as it was, bythose things wherein they thought they had taken their measures best, theyfailed of success. The Scythians then on their part were passing throughthose regions of their own land where there was grass for the horses andsprings of water, and were seeking for the enemy there, thinking that theytoo were taking a course in their retreat through such country as this;while the Persians in fact marched keeping carefully to the track whichthey had made before, and so they found the passage of the river, thoughwith difficulty: 125 and as they arrived by night and found thebridge broken up, they were brought to the extreme of fear, lest theIonians should have deserted them.

141. Now there was with Dareios an Egyptian who had a voice louder thanthat of any other man on earth, and this man Dareios ordered to take hisstand upon the bank of the Ister and to call Histiaios of Miletos. Heaccordingly proceeded to do so; and Histiaios, hearing the first hail,produced all the ships to carry the army over and also put together thebridge.

142. Thus the Persians escaped, and the Scythians in their search missedthe Persians the second time also: and their judgment of the Ionians isthat on the one hand, if they be regarded as free men, they are the mostworthless and cowardly of all men, but on the other hand, if regarded asslaves, they are the most attached to their master and the least disposedto run away of all slaves. This is the reproach which is cast against theIonians by the Scythians.

143. Dareios then marching through Thrace arrived at Sestos in theChersonese; and from that place, he passed over himself in his ships toAsia, but to command his army in Europe he left Megabazos a Persian, towhom Dareios once gave honour by uttering in the land of Persia 126this saying:—Dareios was beginning to eat pomegranates, and at oncewhen he opened the first of them, Artabanos his brother asked him of whathe would desire to have as many as there were seeds in the pomegranate:and Dareios said that he would desire to have men like Megabazos as manyas that in number, rather than to have Hellas subject to him. In Persia, Isay, he honoured him by saying these words, and at this time he left himin command with eight myriads 127 of his army.

144. This Megabazos uttered one saying whereby he left of himself animperishable memory with the peoples of Hellespont: for being once atByzantion he heard that the men of Calchedon had settled in that regionseventeen years before the Byzantians, and having heard it he said thatthose of Calchedon at that time chanced to be blind; for assuredly theywould not have chosen the worse place, when they might have settled inthat which was better, if they had not been blind. This Megabazos it waswho was left in command at that time in the land of the Hellespontians,and he proceeded to subdue all who did not take the side of the Medes.

145. He then was doing thus; and at this very same time a great expeditionwas being made also against Libya, on an occasion which I shall relatewhen I have first related this which follows.—The children'schildren of those who voyaged in the Argo, having been driven forth bythose Pelasgians who carried away at Brauron the women of the Athenians,—havingbeen driven forth I say by these from Lemnos, had departed and sailed toLacedemon, and sitting down on Mount Taÿgetos they kindled a fire. TheLacedemonians seeing this sent a messenger to inquire who they were andfrom whence; and they answered the question of the messenger saying thatthey were Minyai and children of heroes who sailed in the Argo, for 128these, they said, had put in to Lemnos and propagated the race of whichthey sprang. The Lacedemonians having heard the story of the descent ofthe Minyai, sent a second time and asked for what purpose they had comeinto the country and were causing a fire to blaze. They said that they hadbeen cast out by the Pelasgians, and were come now to the land of theirfathers, 129 for most just it was that this should so bedone; and they said that their request was to be permitted to dwell withthese, having a share of civil rights and a portion allotted to them ofthe land. And the Lacedemonians were content to receive the Minyai uponthe terms which they themselves desired, being most of all impelled to dothis by the fact that the sons of Tyndareus were voyagers in the Argo. Sohaving received the Minyai they gave them a share of land and distributedthem in the tribes; and they forthwith made marriages, and gave inmarriage to others the women whom they brought with them from Lemnos.

146. However, when no very long time had passed, the Minyai forthwithbroke out into insolence, asking for a share of the royal power and alsodoing other impious things: therefore the Lacedemonians resolved to putthem to death; and having seized them they cast them into a prison. Nowthe Lacedemonians put to death by night all those whom they put to death,but no man by day. When therefore they were just about to kill them, thewives of the Minyai, being native Spartans and daughters of the firstcitizens of Sparta, entreated to be allowed to enter the prison and cometo speech every one with her own husband: and they let them pass in, notsupposing that any craft would be practised by them. They however, whenthey had entered, delivered to their husbands all the garments which theywere wearing, and themselves received those of their husbands: thus theMinyai having put on the women's clothes went forth out of prison aswomen, and having escaped in this manner they went again to Taÿgetos andsat down there.

147. Now at this very same time Theras the son of Autesion, the son ofTisamenos, the son of Thersander, the son of Polyneikes, was preparing toset forth from Lacedemon to found a settlement. This Theras, who was ofthe race of Cadmos, was mother's brother to the sons of Aristodemos,Eurysthenes and Procles; and while these sons were yet children, Theras astheir guardian held the royal power in Sparta. When however his nephewswere grown and had taken the power into their hands, then Theras, beinggrieved that he should be ruled by others after he had tasted of rulehimself, said that he would not remain in Lacedemon, but would sail awayto his kinsmen. Now there were in the island which is now called Thera,but formerly was called Callista, descendants of Membliaros the son ofPoikiles, a Phenician: for Cadmos the son of Agenor in his search forEuropa put in to land at the island which is now called Thera; and,whether it was that the country pleased him when he had put to land, orwhether he chose to do so for any other reason, he left in this island,besides other Phenicians, Membliaros also, of his own kinsmen. Theseoccupied the island called Callista for eight generations of men, beforeTheras came from Lacedemon.

148. To these then, I say, Theras was preparing to set forth, taking withhim people from the tribes, and intending to settle together with thosewho have been mentioned, not with any design to drive them out, but on thecontrary claiming them very strongly as kinfolk. And when the Minyai afterhaving escaped from the prison went and sat down on Taÿgetos, Therasentreated of the Lacedemonians, as they were proposing to put them todeath, that no slaughter might take place, and at the same time he engagedhimself to take them forth out of the land. The Lacedemonians havingagreed to this proposal, he sailed away with three thirty-oared galleys tothe descendants of Membliaros, not taking with him by any means all theMinyai, but a few only; for the greater number of them turned towards theland of the Paroreatai and Caucones, and having driven these out of theircountry, they parted themselves into six divisions and founded in theirterritory the following towns,—Lepreon, Makistos, Phrixai, Pyrgos,Epion, Nudion; of these the Eleians sacked the greater number within myown lifetime. The island meanwhile got its name of Thera after Theras 130who led the settlement.

149. And since his son said that he would not sail with him, therefore hesaid that he would leave him behind as a sheep among wolves; and inaccordance with that saying this young man got the name of Oiolycos, 131and it chanced that this name prevailed over his former name: then fromOiolycos was begotten Aigeus, after whom are called the Aigeidai, apowerful clan 132 in Sparta: and the men of this tribe, sincetheir children did not live to grow up, established by the suggestion ofan oracle a temple to the Avenging Deities 133 of Laïos andOEdipus, and after this the same thing was continued 134in Thera by the descendants of these men.

150. Up to this point of the story the Lacedemonians agree in their reportwith the men of Thera; but in what is to come it is those of Thera alonewho report that it happened as follows. Grinnos 135 the son of Aisanios,a descendant of the Theras who has been mentioned, and king of the islandof Thera, came to Delphi bringing the offering of a hecatomb from hisState; and there were accompanying him, besides others of the citizens,also Battos the son of Polymnestos, who was by descent of the family ofEuphemos 136 of the race of the Minyai. Now when Grinnosthe king of the Theraians was consulting the Oracle about other matters,the Pythian prophetess gave answer bidding him found a city in Libya; andhe made reply saying: "Lord, 137 I am by this timesomewhat old and heavy to stir, but do thou bid some one of these youngerones do this." As he thus said he pointed towards Battos. So far at thattime: but afterwards when he had come away they were in difficulty aboutthe saying of the Oracle, neither having any knowledge of Libya, in whatpart of the earth it was, nor venturing to send a colony to the unknown.

151. Then after this for seven years there was no rain in Thera, and inthese years all the trees in their island were withered up excepting one:and when the Theraians consulted the Oracle, the Pythian prophetessalleged this matter of colonising Libya to be the cause. As then they hadno remedy for their evil, they sent messengers to Crete, to find outwhether any of the Cretans or of the sojourners in Crete had ever come toLibya. These as they wandered round about the country came also the cityof Itanos, and there they met with a fisher for purple named Corobios, whosaid that he had been carried away by winds and had come to Libya, and inLibya to the island of Platea. This man they persuaded by payment of moneyand took him to Thera, and from Thera there set sail men to explore, atfirst not many in number; and Corobios having guided them to this sameisland of Platea, they left Corobios there, leaving behind with himprovisions for a certain number of months, and sailed themselves asquickly as possible to make report about the island to the men of Thera.

152. Since however these stayed away longer than the time appointed,Corobios found himself destitute; and after this a ship of Samos, of whichthe master was Colaios, while sailing to Egypt was carried out of itscourse and came to this island of Platea; and the Samians hearing fromCorobios the whole story left him provisions for a year. They themselvesthen put out to sea from the island and sailed on, endeavouring to reachEgypt but carried away continually by the East Wind; and as the wind didnot cease to blow, they passed through the Pillars of Heracles and came toTartessos, guided by divine providence. Now this trading-place was at thattime untouched by any, so that when these returned back home they madeprofit from their cargo greater than any other Hellenes of whom we havecertain knowledge, with the exception at least of Sostratos the son ofLaodamas the Eginetan, for with him it is not possible for any other manto contend. And the Samians set apart six talents, the tenth part of theirgains, and had a bronze vessel made like an Argolic mixing-bowl with roundit heads of griffins projecting in a row; and this they dedicated as anoffering in the temple of Hera, setting as supports under it threecolossal statues of bronze seven cubits in height, resting upon theirknees. By reason first of this deed great friendship was formed by thoseof Kyrene and Thera with the Samians.

153. The Theraians meanwhile, when they arrived at Thera after having leftCorobios in the island, reported that they had colonised an island on thecoast of Libya: and the men of Thera resolved to send one of every twobrothers selected by lot and men besides taken from all the regions of theisland, which are seven in number; and further that Battos should be boththeir leader and their king. Thus then they sent forth two fifty-oaredgalleys to Platea.

154. This is the report of the Theraians; and for the remainder of theaccount from this point onwards the Theraians are in agreement with themen of Kyrene: from this point onwards, I say, since in what concernsBattos the Kyrenians tell by no means the same tale as those of Thera; fortheir account is this:—There is in Crete a city called Oäxos 138in which one Etearchos became king, who when he had a daughter, whosemother was dead, named Phronime, took to wife another womannotwithstanding. She having come in afterwards, thought fit to be astepmother to Phronime in deed as well as in name, giving her eviltreatment and devising everything possible to her hurt; and at last shebrings against her a charge of lewdness and persuades her husband that thetruth is so. He then being convinced by his wife, devised an unholy deedagainst the daughter: for there was in Oäxos one Themison, a merchant ofThera, whom Etearchos took to himself as a guest-friend and caused him toswear that he would surely serve him in whatsoever he should require: andwhen he had caused him to swear this, he brought and delivered to him hisdaughter and bade him take her away and cast her into the sea. Themisonthen was very greatly vexed at the deceit practised in the matter of theoath, and he dissolved his guest-friendship and did as follows, that is tosay, he received the girl and sailed away, and when he got out into theopen sea, to free himself from blame as regards the oath which Etearchoshad made him swear, he tied her on each side with ropes and let her downinto the sea, and then drew her up and came to Thera.

155. After that, Polymnestos, a man of repute among the Theraians,received Phronime from him and kept her as his concubine; and in course oftime there was born to him from her a son with an impediment in his voiceand lisping, to whom, as both Theraians and Kyrenians say, was given thename Battos, but I think that some other name was then given, 139and he was named Battos instead of this after he came to Libya, taking forhimself this surname from the oracle which was given to him at Delphi andfrom the rank which he had obtained; for the Libyans call a king battos:and for this reason, I think, the Pythian prophetess in her prophesyingcalled him so, using the Libyan tongue, because she knew that he would bea king in Libya. For when he had grown to be a man, he came to Delphi toinquire about his voice; and when he asked, the prophetess thus answeredhim:

 "For a voice thou camest, O Battos, but thee lord Phoebus Apollo
  Sendeth as settler forth to the Libyan land sheep-abounding,"

just as if she should say using the Hellenic tongue, "For a voice thoucamest, O king." He thus made answer: "Lord, I came to thee to inquireconcerning my voice, but thou answerest me other things which are notpossible, bidding me go as a settler to Libya; but with what power, orwith what force of men should I go?" Thus saying he did not at allpersuade her to give him any other reply; and as she was prophesying tohim again the same things as before, Battos departed while she was yetspeaking, 140 and went away to Thera.

156. After this there came evil fortune both to himself and to the othermen of Thera; 141 and the Theraians, not understanding thatwhich befell them, sent to Delphi to inquire about the evils which theywere suffering: and the Pythian prophetess gave them reply that if theyjoined with Battos in founding Kyrene in Libya, they would fare thebetter. After this the Theraians sent Battos with two fifty-oared galleys;and these sailed to Libya, and then came away back to Thera, for they didnot know what else to do: and the Theraians pelted them with missiles whenthey endeavoured to land, and would not allow them to put to shore, butbade them sail back again. They accordingly being compelled sailed awayback, and they made a settlement in an island lying near the coast ofLibya, called, as was said before, Platea. This island is said to be ofthe same size as the now existing city of Kyrene.

157. In this they continued to dwell two years; but as they had noprosperity, they left one of their number behind and all the rest sailedaway to Delphi, and having come to the Oracle they consulted it, sayingthat they were dwelling in Libya and that, though they were dwellingthere, they fared none the better: and the Pythian prophetess made answerto them thus:

 "Better than I if thou knowest the Libyan land sheep-abounding,
  Not having been there than I who have been, at thy wisdom I wonder."

Having heard this Battos and his companions sailed away back again; for infact the god would not let them off from the task of settlement till theyhad come to Libya itself: and having arrived at the island and taken uphim whom they had left, they made a settlement in Libya itself at a spotopposite the island, called Aziris, which is enclosed by most fair woodson both sides and a river flows by it on one side.

158. In this spot they dwelt for six years; and in the seventh year theLibyans persuaded them to leave it, making request and saying that theywould conduct them to a better region. So the Libyans led them from thatplace making them start towards evening; and in order that the Hellenesmight not see the fairest of all the regions as they passed through it,they led them past it by night, having calculated the time of daylight:and this region is called Irasa. Then having conducted them to theso-called spring of Apollo, they said, "Hellenes, here is a fit place foryou to dwell, for here the heaven is pierced with holes."

159. Now during the lifetime of the first settler Battos, who reignedforty years, and of his son Arkesilaos, who reigned sixteen years, theKyrenians continued to dwell there with the same number as 142when they first set forth to the colony; but in the time of the thirdking, called Battos the Prosperous, the Pythian prophetess gave an oraclewherein she urged the Hellenes in general to sail and join with theKyrenians in colonising Libya. For the Kyrenians invited them, givingpromise of a division of land; and the oracle which she uttered was asfollows:

 "Who to the land much desirèd, to Libya, afterwards cometh,
  After the land be divided, 143 I say he shall some day repent it."

Then great numbers were gathered at Kyrene, and the Libyans who dweltround had much land cut off from their possessions; therefore they withtheir king whose name was Adicran, as they were not only deprived of theircountry but also were dealt with very insolently by the Kyrenians, sent toEgypt and delivered themselves over to Apries king of Egypt. He thenhaving gathered a great army of Egyptians, sent it against Kyrene; and themen of Kyrene marched out to the region of Irasa and to the spring Theste,144and there both joined battle with the Egyptians and defeated them in thebattle: for since the Egyptians had not before made trial of the Hellenesin fight and therefore despised them, they were so slaughtered that butfew of them returned back to Egypt. In consequence of this and becausethey laid the blame of it upon Apries, the Egyptians revolted from him.

160. This Battos had a son called Arkesilaos, who first when he becameking made a quarrel with his own brothers, until they finally departed toanother region of Libya, and making the venture for themselves foundedthat city which was then and is now called Barca; and at the same time asthey founded this, they induced the Libyans to revolt from the Kyrenians.After this, Arkesilaos made an expedition against those Libyans who hadreceived them and who had also revolted from Kyrene, and the Libyansfearing him departed and fled towards the Eastern tribes of Libyans: andArkesilaos followed after them as they fled, until he arrived in hispursuit at Leucon in Libya, and there the Libyans resolved to attack him.Accordingly they engaged battle and defeated the Kyrenians so utterly thatseven thousand hoplites of the Kyrenians fell there. After this disasterArkesilaos, being sick and having swallowed a potion, was strangled by hisbrother Haliarchos, 145 and Haliarchos was killed treacherously bythe wife of Arkesilaos, whose name was Eryxo.

161. Then Battos the son of Arkesilaos succeeded to the kingdom, who waslame and not sound in his feet: and the Kyrenians with a view to themisfortune which had befallen them sent men to Delphi to ask what form ofrule they should adopt, in order to live in the best way possible; and thePythian prophetess bade them take to themselves a reformer of their Statefrom Mantineia of the Arcadians. The men of Kyrene accordingly maderequest, and those of Mantineia gave them the man of most repute amongtheir citizens, whose name was Demonax. This man therefore having come toKyrene and having ascertained all things exactly, 146 in the first placecaused them to have three tribes, distributing them thus:—onedivision he made of the Theraians and their dependants, 147another of the Peloponnesians and Cretans, and a third of all theislanders. 148 Then secondly for the king Battos he setapart domains of land and priesthoods, but all the other powers which thekings used to possess before, he assigned as of public right to thepeople.

162. During the reign of this Battos things continued to be thus, but inthe reign of his son Arkesilaos there arose much disturbance about theoffices of the State: for Arkesilaos son of Battos the Lame and ofPheretime said that he would not suffer it to be according as theMantineian Demonax had arranged, but asked to have back the royal rightsof his forefathers. After this, stirring up strife he was worsted and wentas an exile to Samos, and his mother to Salamis in Cyprus. Now at thattime the ruler of Salamis was Euelthon, the same who dedicated as anoffering the censer at Delphi, a work well worth seeing, which is placedin the treasury of the Corinthians. To him having come, Pheretime askedhim for an army to restore herself and her son to Kyrene. Euelthon howeverwas ready to give her anything else rather than that; and she when shereceived that which he gave her said that this too was a fair gift, butfairer still would be that other gift of an army for which she was asking.As she kept saying this to every thing which was given, at last Euelthonsent out to her a present of a golden spindle and distaff, with wool alsoupon it: and when Pheretime uttered again the same saying about thispresent, Euelthon said that such things as this were given as gifts towomen and not an army.

163. Arkesilaos meanwhile, being in Samos, was gathering every onetogether by a promise of dividing land; and while a great host was beingcollected, Arkesilaos set out to Delphi to inquire of the Oracle aboutreturning from exile: and the Pythian prophetess gave him this answer:"For four named Battos and four named Arkesilaos, eight generations ofmen, Loxias grants to you to be kings of Kyrene, but beyond this hecounsels you not even to attempt it. Thou however must keep quiet whenthou hast come back to thy land; and if thou findest the furnace full ofjars, heat not the jars fiercely, but let them go with a fair wind: ifhowever thou heat the furnace fiercely, enter not thou into the placeflowed round by water; for if thou dost thou shalt die, both thou and thebull which is fairer than all the rest."

164. Thus the Pythian prophetess gave answer to Arkesilaos; and he, havingtaken to him those in Samos, made his return to Kyrene; and when he hadgot possession of the power, he did not remember the saying of the Oraclebut endeavoured to exact penalties from those of the opposite faction forhaving driven him out. Of these some escaped out of the countryaltogether, but some Arkesilaos got into his power and sent them away toCyprus to be put to death. These were driven out of their course toCnidos, and the men of Cnidos rescued them and sent them away to Thera.Some others however of the Kyrenians fled to a great tower belonging toAglomachos a private citizen, and Arkesilaos burnt them by piling upbrushwood round. Then after he had done the deed he perceived that theOracle meant this, in that the Pythian prophetess forbade him, if he foundthe jars in the furnace, to heat them fiercely; and he voluntarily keptaway from the city of the Kyrenians, fearing the death which had beenprophesied by the Oracle and supposing that Kyrene was flowed round bywater. 149 Now he had to wife a kinswoman of his own,the daughter of the king of Barca whose name was Alazeir: to him he came,and men of Barca together with certain of the exiles from Kyrene,perceiving him going about in the market-place, killed him, and alsobesides him his father-in-law Alazeir. Arkesilaos accordingly, havingmissed the meaning of the oracle, whether with his will or against hiswill, fulfilled his own destiny.

165. His mother Pheretime meanwhile, so long as Arkesilaos having workedevil for himself dwelt at Barca, herself held the royal power of her sonat Kyrene, both exercising his other rights and also sitting in council:but when she heard that her son had been slain in Barca, she departed andfled to Egypt: for she had on her side services done for Cambyses the sonof Cyrus by Arkesilaos, since this was the Arkesilaos who had given overKyrene to Cambyses and had laid a tribute upon himself. Pheretime thenhaving come to Egypt sat down as a suppliant of Aryandes, bidding him helpher, and alleging as a reason that it was on account of his inclination tothe side of the Medes that her son had been slain. 166. Now this Aryandeshad been appointed ruler of the province of Egypt by Cambyses; and afterthe time of these events he lost his life because he would measure himselfwith Dareios. For having heard and seen that Dareios desired to leavebehind him as a memorial of himself a thing which had not been made by anyother king, he imitated him, until at last he received his reward: forwhereas Dareios refined gold and made it as pure as possible, and of thiscaused coins to be struck, Aryandes, being ruler of Egypt, did the samething with silver; and even now the purest silver is that which is calledAryandic. Dareios then having learnt that he was doing this put him todeath, bringing against him another charge of attempting rebellion.

167. Now at the time of which I speak this Aryandes had compassion onPheretime and gave her all the troops that were in Egypt, both the landand the sea forces, appointing Amasis a Maraphian to command the land-armyand Badres, of the race of the Pasargadai, to command the fleet: butbefore he sent away the army, Aryandes despatched a herald to Barca andasked who it was who had killed Arkesilaos; and the men of Barca all tookit upon themselves, for they said they suffered formerly many great evilsat his hands. Having heard this, Aryandes at last sent away the armytogether with Pheretime. This charge then was the pretext alleged; but infact the army was being sent out (as I believe) for the purpose ofsubduing Libya: for of the Libyans there are many nations of nations ofvarious kinds, and but few of them are subject to the king, while thegreater number paid no regard to Dareios.

168. Now the Libyans have their dwelling as follows:—Beginning fromEgypt, first of the Libyans are settled the Adyrmachidai, who practise forthe most part the same customs as the Egyptians, but wear clothing similarto that of the other Libyans. Their women wear a bronze ring 150upon each leg, and they have long hair on their heads, and when they catchtheir lice, each one bites her own in retaliation and then throws themaway. These are the only people of the Lybians who do this; and they alonedisplay to the king their maidens when they are about to be married, andwhosoever of them proves to be pleasing to the king is deflowered by him.These Adyrmachidai extend along the coast from Egypt as far as the portwhich is called Plynos.

169. Next after these come the Giligamai, 151 occupying thecountry towards the West as far as the island of Aphrodisias. In the spacewithin this limit lies off the coast the island of Platea, where theKyrenians made their settlement; and on the coast of the mainland there isPort Menelaos, and Aziris, where the Kyrenians used to dwell. From thispoint begins the silphion 152 and it extends alongthe coast from the island of Platea as far as the entrance of the Syrtis.This nation practises customs nearly resembling those of the rest.

170. Next to the Giligamai on the West are the Asbystai: 153these dwell above 154 Kyrene, and the Asbystai do not reach downthe sea, for the region along the sea is occupied by Kyrenians. These mostof all the Libyans are drivers of four-horse chariots, and in the greaternumber of their customs they endeavour to imitate the Kyrenians.

171. Next after the Asbystai on the West come the Auchisai: these dwellabove Barca and reach down to the sea by Euesperides: and in the middle ofthe country of the Auchisai dwell the Bacales, 155 a small tribe, whoreach down to the sea by the city of Taucheira in the territory of Barca:these practise the same customs as those above Kyrene.

172. Next after these Auschisai towards the West come the Nasamonians, anumerous race, who in the summer leave their flocks behind by the sea andgo up to the region of Augila to gather the fruit of the date-palms, whichgrow in great numbers and very large and are all fruit-bearing: these huntthe wingless locusts, and they dry them in the sun and then pound them up,and after that they sprinkle them upon milk and drink them. Their customis for each man to have many wives, and they make their intercourse withthem common in nearly the same manner as the Massagetai, 156that is they set up a staff in front of the door and so have intercourse.When a Nasamonian man marries his first wife, the custom is for the brideon the first night to go through the whole number of the guests havingintercourse with them, and each man when he has lain with her gives agift, whatsoever he has brought with him from his house. The forms of oathand of divination which they use are as follows:—they swear by themen among themselves who are reported to have been the most righteous andbrave, by these, I say, laying hands upon their tombs; and they divine byvisiting the sepulchral mounds of their ancestors and lying down to sleepupon them after having prayed; and whatsoever thing the man sees in hisdream, this he accepts. They practise also the exchange of pledges in thefollowing manner, that is to say, one gives the other to drink from hishand, and drinks himself from the hand of the other; and if they have noliquid, they take of the dust from the ground and lick it.

173. Adjoining the Nasamonians is the country of the Psylloi. These haveperished utterly in the following manner:—The South Wind blowingupon them dried up all their cisterns of water, and their land waswaterless, lying all within the Syrtis. They then having taken a resolveby common consent, marched in arms against the South Wind (I report thatwhich is reported by the Libyans), and when they had arrived at the sandytract, the South Wind blew and buried them in the sand. These then havingutterly perished, the Nasamonians from that time forward possess theirland.

174. Above these towards the South Wind in the region of wild beasts dwellthe Garamantians, 157 who fly from every man and avoid the companyof all; and they neither possess any weapon of war, nor know how to defendthemselves against enemies.

175. These dwell above the Nasamonians; and next to the Nasamonians alongthe sea coast towards the West come the Macai, who shave their hair so asto leave tufts, letting the middle of their hair grow long, but round thison all sides shaving it close to the skin; and for fighting they carryshields made of ostrich skins. Through their land the river Kinyps runsout into the sea, flowing from a hill called the "Hill of the Charites."This Hill of the Charites is overgrown thickly with wood, while the restof Libya which has been spoken of before is bare of trees; and thedistance from the sea to this hill is two hundred furlongs.

176. Next to these Macai are the Gindanes, whose women wear each of them anumber of anklets made of the skins of animals, for the following reason,as it is said:—for every man who has commerce with her she binds onan anklet, and the woman who has most is esteemed the best, since she hasbeen loved by the greatest number of men.

177. In a peninsula which stands out into the sea from the land of theseGindanes dwell the Lotophagoi, who live by eating the fruit of the lotosonly. Now the fruit of the lotos is in size like that of the mastich-tree,and in flavour 158 it resembles that of the date-palm. Of thisfruit the Lotophagoi even make for themselves wine.

178. Next after the Lotophagoi along the sea-coast are the Machlyans, whoalso make use of the lotos, but less than those above mentioned. Theseextend to a great river named the river Triton, and this runs out into agreat lake called Tritonis, in which there is an island named Phla. Aboutthis island they say there was an oracle given to the Lacedemonians thatthey should make a settlement in it.

179. The following moreover is also told, namely that Jason, when the Argohad been completed by him under Mount Pelion, put into it a hecatomb andwith it also 159 a tripod of bronze, and sailed roundPelopponese, desiring to come to Delphi; and when in sailing he got nearMalea, a North Wind seized his ship and carried it off to Libya, andbefore he caught sight of land he had come to be in the shoals of the lakeTritonis. Then as he was at a loss how he should bring his ship forth, thestory goes that Triton appeared to him and bade Jason give him the tripod,saying that he would show them the right course and let them go awaywithout hurt: and when Jason consented to it, then Triton showed them thepassage out between the shoals and set the tripod in his own temple, afterhaving first uttered a prophecy over the tripod 160 and having declaredto Jason and his company the whole matter, namely that whensoever one ofthe descendants of those who sailed with him in the Argo should carry awaythis tripod, then it was determined by fate that a hundred cities ofHellenes should be established about the lake Tritonis. Having heard thisthe native Libyans concealed the tripod.

180. Next to these Machlyans are the Auseans. These and the Machlyansdwell round the lake Tritonis, and the river Triton is the boundarybetween them: and while the Machlyans grow their hair long at the back ofthe head, the Auseans do so in front. At a yearly festival of Athene theirmaidens take their stand in two parties and fight against one another withstones and staves, and they say that in doing so they are fulfilling therites handed down by their fathers for the divinity who was sprung fromthat land, whom we call Athene: and those of the maidens who die of thewounds received they call "false-maidens." But before they let them beginthe fight they do this:—all join together and equip the maiden whois judged to be the fairest on each occasion, with a Corinthian helmet andwith full Hellenic armour, and then causing her to go up into a chariotthey conduct her round the lake. Now I cannot tell with what they equippedthe maidens in old time, before the Hellenes were settled near them; but Isuppose that they used to be equipped with Egyptian armour, for it is fromEgypt that both the shield and the helmet have come to the Hellenes, as Iaffirm. They say moreover that Athene is the daughter of Poseidon and ofthe lake Tritonis, and that she had some cause of complaint against herfather and therefore gave herself to Zeus, and Zeus made her his owndaughter. Such is the story which these tell; and they have theirintercourse with women in common, not marrying but having intercourse likecattle: and when the child of any woman has grown big, he is broughtbefore a meeting of the men held within three months of that time, 161and whomsoever of the men the child resembles, his son he is accounted tobe.

181. Thus then have been mentioned those nomad Libyans who live along thesea-coast: and above these inland is the region of Libya which has wildbeasts; and above the wild-beast region there stretches a raised belt ofsand, extending from Thebes of the Egyptians to the Pillars of Heracles.In this belt at intervals of about ten days' journey there are fragmentsof salt in great lumps forming hills, and at the top of each hill thereshoots up from the middle of the salt a spring of water cold and sweet;and about the spring dwell men, at the furthest limit towards the desert,and above the wild-beast region. First, at a distance of ten days' journeyfrom Thebes, are the Ammonians, whose temple is derived from that of theTheban Zeus, for the image of Zeus in Thebes also, as I have said before,162has the head of a ram. These, as it chances, have also other water of aspring, which in the early morning is warm; at the time when the marketfills, 163 cooler; when midday comes, it is quite cold,and then they water their gardens; but as the day declines, it abates fromits coldness, until at last, when the sun sets, the water is warm; and itcontinues to increase in heat still more until it reaches midnight, whenit boils and throws up bubbles; and when midnight passes, it becomescooler gradually till dawn of day. This spring is called the fountain ofthe Sun.

182. After the Ammonians, as you go on along the belt of sand, at aninterval again of ten days' journey there is a hill of salt like that ofthe Ammonians, and a spring of water, with men dwelling about it; and thename of this place is Augila. To this the Nasamonians come year by year togather the fruit of the date-palms.

183. From Augila at a distance again of ten days' journey there is anotherhill of salt and spring of water and a great number of fruit-bearingdate-palms, as there are also in the other places: and men dwell here whoare called the Garmantians, a very great nation, who carry earth to layover the salt and then sow crops. From this point is the shortest way tothe Lotophagoi, for from these it is a journey of thirty days to thecountry of the Garmantians. Among them also are produced the cattle whichfeed backwards; and they feed backwards for this reason, because they havetheir horns bent down forwards, and therefore they walk backwards as theyfeed; for forwards they cannot go, because the horns run into the groundin front of them; but in nothing else do they differ from other cattleexcept in this and in the thickness and firmness to the touch 164of their hide. These Garamantians of whom I speak hunt the "Cave-dwelling"165Ethiopians with their four-horse chariots, for the Cave-dwellingEthiopians are the swiftest of foot of all men about whom we hear reportmade: and the Cave-dwellers feed upon serpents and lizards and suchcreeping things, and they use a language which resembles no other, for init they squeak just like bats.

184. From the Garmantians at a distance again of ten days' journey thereis another hill of salt and spring of water, and men dwell round it calledAtarantians, who alone of all men about whom we know are nameless; forwhile all taken together have the name Atarantians, each separate man ofthem has no name given to him. These utter curses against the Sun when heis at his height, 166 and moreover revile him with all manner offoul terms, because he oppresses them by his burning heat, both themselvesand their land. After this at a distance of ten days' journey there isanother hill of salt and spring of water, and men dwell round it. Nearthis salt hill is a mountain named Atlas, which is small in circuit androunded on every side; and so exceedingly lofty is it said to be, that itis not possible to see its summits, for clouds never leave them either inthe summer or in the winter. This the natives say is the pillar of theheaven. After this mountain these men got their name, for they are calledAtlantians; and it is said that they neither eat anything that has lifenor have any dreams.

185. As far as these Atlantians I am able to mention in order the names ofthose who are settled in the belt of sand; but for the parts beyond theseI can do so no more. However, the belt extends as far as the Pillars ofHeracles and also in the parts outside them: and there is a mine of saltin it at a distance of ten days' journey from the Atlantians, and mendwelling there; and these all have their houses built of the lumps ofsalt, since these parts of Libya which we have now reached 167are without rain; for if it rained, the walls being made of salt would notbe able to last: and the salt is dug up there both white and purple incolour. 168 Above the sand-belt, in the parts which arein the direction of the South Wind and towards the interior of Libya, thecountry is uninhabited, without water and without wild beasts, rainlessand treeless, and there is no trace of moisture in it.

186. I have said that from Egypt as far as the lake Tritonis Libyans dwellwho are nomads, eating flesh and drinking milk; and these do not taste atall of the flesh of cows, for the same reason as the Egyptians alsoabstain from it, nor do they keep swine. Moreover the women of theKyrenians too think it not right to eat cows' flesh, because of theEgyptian Isis, and they even keep fasts and celebrate festivals for her;and the women of Barca, in addition from cows' flesh, do not taste ofswine either.

187. Thus it is with these matters: but in the region to the West of lakeTritonis the Libyans cease to be nomads, and they do not practise the samecustoms, nor do to their children anything like that which the nomads arewont to do; for the nomad Libyans, whether all of them I cannot say forcertain, but many of them, do as follows:—when their children arefour years old, they burn with a greasy piece of sheep's wool the veins inthe crowns of their heads, and some of them burn the veins of the temples,so that for all their lives to come the cold humour may not run down fromtheir heads and do them hurt: and for this reason it is (they say) thatthey are so healthy; for the Libyans are in truth the most healthy of allraces concerning which we have knowledge, whether for this reason or not Icannot say for certain, but the most healthy they certainly are: and if,when they burn the children, a convulsion comes on, they have found out aremedy for this; for they pour upon them the water of a he-goat and sosave them. I report that which is reported by the Libyans themselves.

188. The following is the manner of sacrifice which the nomads have:—theycut off a part of the animal's ear as a first offering and throw it overthe house, 169 and having done this they twist its neck.They sacrifice only to the Sun and the Moon; that is to say, to these allthe Libyans sacrifice, but those who dwell round the lake Tritonissacrifice most of all to Athene, and next to Triton and Poseidon.

189. It would appear also that the Hellenes made the dress and the aigisof the images of Athene after the model of the Libyan women; for exceptthat the dress of the Libyan women is of leather, and the tassels whichhang from their aigis are not formed of serpents but of leatherthongs, in all other respects Athene is dressed like them. Moreover thename too declares that the dress of the figures of Pallas has come fromLibya, for the Libyan women wear over their other garments bare goat-skins(aigeas) with tasselled fringes and coloured over with red madder,and from the name of these goat-skins the Hellenes formed the name aigis.I think also that in these regions first arose the practice of cryingaloud during the performance of sacred rites, for the Libyan women do thisvery well. 170 The Hellenes learnt from the Libyans alsothe yoking together of four horses.

190. The nomads bury those who die just in the same manner as theHellenes, except only the Nasamonians: these bury bodies in a sittingposture, taking care at the moment when the man expires to place himsitting and not to let him die lying down on his back. They have dwellingscomposed of the stems of asphodel entwined with rushes, and so made thatthey can be carried about. Such are the customs followed by these tribes.

191. On the West of the river Triton next after the Auseans come Libyanswho are tillers of the soil, and whose custom it is to possess fixedhabitations; and they are called Maxyans. They grow their hair long on theright side of their heads and cut it short upon the left, and smear theirbodies over with red ochre. These say that they are of the men who camefrom Troy.

This country and the rest of Libya which is towards the West is both muchmore frequented by wild beasts and much more thickly wooded than thecountry of the nomads: for whereas the part of Libya which is situatedtowards the East, where the nomads dwell, is low-lying and sandy up to theriver Triton, that which succeeds it towards the West, the country ofthose who till the soil, is exceedingly mountainous and thickly-wooded andfull of wild beasts: for in the land of these are found both the monstrousserpent and the lion and the elephant, and bears and venomous snakes andhorned asses, besides the dog-headed men, and the headless men with theireyes set in their breasts (at least so say the Libyans about them), andthe wild men and wild women, and a great multitude of other beasts whichare not fabulous like these. 171

192. In the land of the nomads however there exist none of these, butother animals as follows:—white-rump antelopes, gazelles, buffaloes,asses, not the horned kind but others which go without water (for in factthese never drink), oryes, 172 whose horns are made into the sides of thePhenician lyre (this animal is in size about equal to an ox), small foxes,hyenas, porcupines, wild rams, wolves, 173 jackals, panthers,boryes, land-crocodiles about three cubits in length and very muchresembling lizards, ostriches, and small snakes, each with one horn: thesewild animals there are in this country, as well as those which existelsewhere, except the stag and the wild-boar; but Libya has no stags norwild boars at all. Also there are in this country three kinds of mice, oneis called the "two-legged" mouse, another the zegeris (a name whichis Libyan and signifies in the Hellenic tongue a "hill"), and a third the"prickly" mouse. 174 There are also weasels produced in the silphion,which are very like those of Tartessos. Such are the wild animals whichthe land of the Libyans possesses, so far as we were able to discover byinquiries extended as much as possible.

193. Next to the Maxyan Libyans are the Zauekes, 175 whose women drivetheir chariots for them to war.

194. Next to these are the Gyzantes, 176 among whom honey ismade in great quantity by bees, but in much greater quantity still it issaid to be made by men, who work at it as a trade. However that may be,these all smear themselves over with red ochre and eat monkeys, which areproduced in very great numbers upon their mountains.

195. Opposite these, as the Carthaginians say, there lies an island calledKyrauis, two hundred furlongs in length but narrow, to which one may walkover from the mainland; and it is full of olives and vines. In it they saythere is a pool, from which the native girls with birds' feathers smearedover with pitch bring up gold-dust out of the mud. Whether this is reallyso I do not know, but I write that which is reported; and nothing isimpossible, 177 for even in Zakynthos I saw myself pitchbrought up out of a pool of water. There are there several pools, and thelargest of them measures seventy feet each way and is two fathoms indepth. Into this they plunge a pole with a myrtle-branch bound to it, andthen with the branch of the myrtle they bring up pitch, which has thesmell of asphalt, but in other respects it is superior to the pitch ofPieria. This they pour into a pit dug near the pool; and when they havecollected a large quantity, then they pour it into the jars from the pit:and whatever thing falls into the pool goes under ground and reappears inthe sea, which is distant about four furlongs from the pool. Thus then thereport about the island lying near the coast of Libya is also probablyenough true.

196. The Carthaginians say also this, namely that there is a place inLibya and men dwelling there, outside the Pillars of Heracles, to whomwhen they have come and have taken the merchandise forth from their ships,they set it in order along the beach and embark again in their ships, andafter that they raise a smoke; and the natives of the country seeing thesmoke come to the sea, and then they lay down gold as an equivalent forthe merchandise and retire to a distance away from the merchandise. TheCarthaginians upon that disembark and examine it, and if the gold is intheir opinion sufficient for the value of the merchandise, they take it upand go their way; but if not, they embark again in their ships and sitthere; and the others approach and straightway add more gold to theformer, until they satisfy them: and they say that neither party wrongsthe other; for neither do the Carthaginians lay hands on the gold until itis made equal to the value of their merchandise, nor do the others layhands on the merchandise until the Carthaginians have taken the gold.

197. These are the Libyan tribes whom we are able to name; and of thesethe greater number neither now pay any regard to the king of the Medes nordid they then. Thus much also I have to say about this land, namely thatit is occupied by four races and no more, so far as we know; and of theseraces two are natives of the soil and the other two not so; for theLibyans and the Ethiopians are natives, the one race dwelling in theNorthern parts of Libya and the other in the Southern, while thePhenicians and the Hellenes are strangers.

198. I think moreover that (besides other things) in goodness of soilLibya does not very greatly excel 178 as compared withAsia or Europe, except only the region of Kinyps, for the same name isgiven to the land as to the river. This region is equal to the best oflands in bringing forth the fruit of Demeter, 179 nor does it at allresemble the rest of Libya; for it has black soil and is watered bysprings, and neither has it fear of drought nor is it hurt by drinking tooabundantly of rain; for rain there is in this part of Libya. Of theproduce of the crops the same measures hold good here as for theBabylonian land. And that is good land also which the Euesperites occupy,for when it bears best it produces a hundred-fold, but the land in theregion of Kinyps produces sometimes as much as three-hundred-fold.

199. Moreover the land of Kyrene, which is the highest land of the part ofLibya which is occupied by nomads, has within its confines three seasonsof harvest, at which we may marvel: for the parts by the sea-coasts firsthave their fruits ripe for reaping and for gathering the vintage; and whenthese have been gathered in, the parts which lie above the sea-sideplaces, those situated in the middle, which they call the hills, 180are ripe for the gathering in; and as soon as this middle crop has beengathered in, that in the highest part of the land comes to perfection andis ripe; so that by the time the first crop has been eaten and drunk up,the last is just coming in. Thus the harvest for the Kyrenians lasts eightmonths. Let so much as has been said suffice for these things.

200. Now when the Persian helpers of Pheretime, 181 having been sentfrom Egypt by Aryandes, had arrived at Barca, they laid siege to the city,proposing to the inhabitants that they should give up those who wereguilty of the murder of Arkesilaos: but as all their people had taken ashare in the guilt, they did not accept the proposals. Then they besiegedBarca for nine months, both digging underground passages which led to thewall and making vigorous attacks upon it. Now the passages dug werediscovered by a worker of bronze with a shield covered over with bronze,who had thought of a plan as follows:—carrying it round within thewall he applied it to the ground in the city, and whereas the other placesto which he applied it were noiseless, at those places where digging wasgoing on the bronze of the shield gave a sound; and the men of Barca wouldmake a countermine there and slay the Persians who were digging mines.This then was discovered as I have said, and the attacks were repulsed bythe men of Barca.

201. Then as they were suffering hardship for a long time and many werefalling on both sides, and especially on that of the Persians, Amasis thecommander of the land-army contrived as follows:—perceiving that theBarcaians were not to be conquered by force but might be conquered byguile, he dug by night a broad trench and over it he laid timber of nogreat strength, and brought earth and laid it above on the top of thetimber, making it level with the rest of the ground: then at daybreak heinvited the men of Barca to a parley; and they gladly consented, and atlast they agreed to make a treaty: and the treaty they made with oneanother was taken over the hidden trench, namely that so long as thisearth should continue to be as it was, so long the oath should remainfirm, and that the men of Barca should promise to pay tribute of dueamount to the king, and the Persians should do no further violence to themen of Barca. 182 After the oath the men of Barca trusting tothese engagements both went forth themselves from their city and let anywho desired it of the enemy pass within their walls, having opened all thegates; but the Persians first broke down the concealed bridge and thenbegan to run inside the city wall. And the reason why they broke down thebridge which they had made was that they might keep their oaths, sincethey had sworn to the men of Barca that the oath should remain firm continuallyfor so long time as the earth should remain as it then was, but after thatthey had broken it down, the oath no longer remained firm.

202. Now the most guilty of the Barcaians, when they were delivered to herby the Persians, Pheretime impaled in a ring round about the wall; and shecut off the breasts of their wives and set the wall round with these alsoin order: but the rest of the men of Barca she bade the Persians carry offas spoil, except so many of them as were of the house of Battos and notsharers in the guilt of the murder; and to these Pheretime gave the cityin charge.

203. So the Persians having made slaves of the rest of the Barcaiansdeparted to go back: and when they appeared at the gates of the city ofKyrene, the Kyrenians let them go through their town in order to avoidneglect of some oracle. Then as the army was going through, Badres thecommander of the fleet urged that they should capture the city, but Amasisthe commander of the land-army would not consent to it; for he said thatthey had been sent against no other city of the Hellenes except Barca.When however they had passed through and were encamping on the hill ofZeus Lycaios, they repented of not having taken possession of Kyrene; andthey endeavoured again to pass into it, but the men of Kyrene would notallow them. Then upon the Persians, although no one fought against them,there fell a sudden panic, and they ran away for about sixty furlongs andthen encamped. And when the camp had been placed here, there came to it amessenger from Aryandes summoning them back; so the Persians asked theKyrenians to give them provisions for their march and obtained theirrequest; and having received these, they departed to go to Egypt. Afterthis the Libyans took them up, 183 and killed for thesake of their clothes and equipment those of them who at any time wereleft or straggled behind, until at last they came to Egypt.

204. This army of the Persians reached Euesperides, and this was theirfurthest point in Libya: and those of the Barcaians whom they had reducedto slavery they removed again from Egypt and brought them to the king, andking Dareios gave them a village in the land of Bactria in which to make asettlement. To this village they gave the name of Barca, and it stillcontinued to be inhabited by them even down to my own time, in the land ofBactria.

205. Pheretime however did not bring her life happily to an end any morethan they: for as soon as she had returned from Libya to Egypt afterhaving avenged herself on the Barcaians, she died an evil death, havingbecome suddenly full of worms while yet alive: for, as it seems, toosevere punishments inflicted by men prove displeasing 184to the gods. Such and so great was the punishment inflicted by Pheretimethe wife of Battos on the men of Barca.

—————





NOTES TO BOOK IV.

1 (return)
[ Some enterprises had beenentrusted to others, e.g. the attack on Samos; but this had not been thecase with the capture of Babylon, therefore some Editors have proposedcorrections, e.g. {au tou} (Schweighäuser), and {autika} (Stein).]

2 (return)
[ See i. 106.]

3 (return)
[ {tes ano 'Asies}: thismeans Eastern Asia as distinguished from the coasts of Asia Minor; see i.103 and 177.]

4 (return)
[ {katapausantes}: theexpression is awkward if meant to be equivalent to {kai katepausan}, butit is hardly improved by the alteration to {katapausontes}. Perhaps theclause is out of place.]

5 (return)
[ {ponos}.]

6 (return)
[ {peristixantes}: so thetwo best MSS.; others have {peristesantes} or {peristexantes}. The word{peristixantes} would be from {peristikho}, equivalent to {peristikhizo},and is acknowledged in this sense by Hesychius.]

7 (return)
[ The connexion is not cleareither at the beginning of the chapter or here. This clause would seem tobe a repetition of that at the beginning of the chapter, and that whichcomes between should be an explanation of the reason why the slaves areblinded. As it stands, however, we can only refer it to the clause whichfollows, {ou gar arotai eisi alla nomades}, and even so there is no realsolution of the difficulty, for it is not explained why nomads should haveblinded slaves. Perhaps the best resource is to suppose that some part ofthe explanation, in connexion with the manner of dealing with the milk,has been lost.]

8 (return)
[ {te per}: a conjecturalemendation for {e per}, "which is a very great lake".]

9 (return)
[ {epi touton arkhonton}:the word {arkhonton} is omitted in some MSS. and by some Editors.]

10 (return)
[ {sagarin}.]

11 (return)
[ {tous basileious}: soWesseling. The MSS. have {tous basileas}, "the kings," which may perhapsbe used here as equivalent to {tous basileious}: some Editors, includingStein, adopt the conjecture {tou basileos}, "from the youngest of themwho, was king, those who," etc.]

12 (return)
[ {tou basileos}: someEditors read by conjecture {Skolotou basileos}, "after their kingScolotos".]

1201 (return)
[ {katazonnumenon}: or{kata tade zonnumenon}, "girded in this manner".]

13 (return)
[ {mekhanesasthai tenmetera Skuthe}: the better MSS. read {mekhanasthai} and {Skuthen}: themeaning seems doubtful, and some Editors would omit the clause as aninterpolation.]

14 (return)
[ {pros pollous deomenon}:the better MSS. read {pro pollou deomena}. The passage has been emended invarious ways, e.g. {pros pollous deoi menontas} (Buttmann), {pros pollousmenontas} (Bredow), {pro spodou deomenon} (Stein).]

15 (return)
[ {poiesas}: someauthorities have {eipas}.]

16 (return)
[ Italy means forHerodotus only the Southern part of the peninsula.]

17 (return)
[ {diekosioisi}: so thebest authorities; others have {priekosioisi}.]

18 (return)
[ {'Italioteon}, i.e.Hellenic settlers in Italy.]

19 (return)
[ {to agalmati to'Apollonos}: {agalma} is used for anything dedicated to a god, mostcommonly the sacred image.]

20 (return)
[ {katuperthe}: "above,"i.e. beyond them towards the North. Similarly when dealing with Libya thewriter uses the same word of those further from the coast towards theSouth; see ch. 174.]

21 (return)
[ {en autoisi toisi epesipoieon}: "even in the verses which he composed," in which he might beexpected as a poet to go somewhat beyond the literal truth.]

22 (return)
[ Or, "Alizonians".]

23 (return)
[ {'Olbiopolitas}.]

24 (return)
[ See ch. 101, where theday's journey is reckoned at 200 stades (23 English miles).]

25 (return)
[ The meaning of {eremos}here is not waste and barren land, but land without settled inhabitants.]

26 (return)
[ i.e. "Man-eaters".]

27 (return)
[ This is the reading ofthe MSS., but it is not consistent with the distance given in ch. 101, norwith the actual facts: some Editors therefore read "four" instead of"fourteen".]

28 (return)
[ i.e. "Cliffs".]

29 (return)
[ i.e. "Black-cloaks".]

30 (return)
[ {'Argippaioi}: it is notcertain that this is the form which ought to be read here: Latin writersmake the name "Arimphaei," and in some MSS. it is given here as{'Orgempaioi}.]

31 (return)
[ {agalmati}.]

32 (return)
[ {ta genesia}.]

33 (return)
[ Or, "violent".]

34 (return)
[ Od. iv. 85.]

35 (return)
[ {e phuonta phueinmogis}.]

36 (return)
[ {prosthekas},"additions".]

37 (return)
[ i.e. of Apollo andArtemis.]

3701 (return)
[ Omitting {legon}.]

38 (return)
[ The word "Asia" is notcontained in the MSS. and need not be inserted in the text, but it isimplied, if not expressed; see chap. 41.]

39 (return)
[ {aktai}.]

40 (return)
[ {ou legousa ei menomo}.]

41 (return)
[ i.e. 100,000 fathoms,equivalent to 1000 stades; see ii. 6, note 10.]

42 (return)
[ {oude sumballein axie}.]

43 (return)
[ ii. 158.]

4301 (return)
[ {brota}: some MSS.have {probata} "cattle".]

44 (return)
[ {omoia parekhomene}: theconstruction is confused, but the meaning is that all but the Easternparts are known to be surrounded by sea.]

45 (return)
[ {logion}: some MSS. have{logimon}, "of reputation".]

46 (return)
[ Stein reads {eisi de}for {eisi de}, and punctuates so that the meaning is, "it has become thegreatest of all rivers in the following manner:—besides other riverswhich flow into it, those which especially make it great are as follows".]

47 (return)
[ {pente men oi}: thisperhaps requires emendation, but the corrections proposed are hardlysatisfactory, e.g. {pente megaloi} or {pente monoi}.]

48 (return)
[ Or "Skios": called byThucydides "Oskios" (ii. 96).]

49 (return)
[ {eti}: most of the MSS.give {esti}, which is adopted by some Editors.]

50 (return)
[ "Sacred Ways".]

51 (return)
[ {Gerreon}: in some MSS.{Gerrou}, "the region called Gerros".]

52 (return)
[ {tesserakonta}: someEditors have altered this number, but without authority or sufficientreason.]

53 (return)
[ {di eremou}: see note 25on ch. 18. The region here spoken of is that between the Gerrians and theagricultural Scythians.]

5301 (return)
[ {es touto elos}:i.e. the Dneiper-Liman. (The Medicean and Florentine MSS. read {es toelos}, not {es to telos}, as hitherto reported.)]

54 (return)
[ {eon embolon teskhores}.]

55 (return)
[ {Metros}: i.e. theMother of the gods, Kybele, cp. ch. 76; some less good authorities have{Demetros}.]

56 (return)
[ {reei de}: most MSS.have {reei men gar}.]

57 (return)
[ Or, "Apia".]

58 (return)
[ Or, "Goitosyros".]

59 (return)
[ The MSS. have also"Arippasa" and "Artimpasa".]

60 (return)
[ The authorities havealso "Thagimasa" and "Thamimasidas".]

61 (return)
[ {ton arkheion}: someread by conjecture {en to arkheio}, "at the seat of government," or "inthe public place".]

62 (return)
[ {eson t' epi stadioustreis}.]

63 (return)
[ {upo ton kheimonon}.]

64 (return)
[ {akinakes}.]

65 (return)
[ {agalma}: see note 19 onch. 15.]

66 (return)
[ {kata per baitas}.]

67 (return)
[ Or, "and put themtogether in one bundle".]

68 (return)
[ See i. 105.]

69 (return)
[ {kuperou}: it is notclear what plant is meant.]

70 (return)
[ i.e. for this purpose.The general use of bronze is attested by ch. 81.]

71 (return)
[ {ode anabibazontes,epean k.t.l}: the reference of {ode} is directly to the clause {epean——trakhelou},though in sense it refers equally to the following, {katothen de k.t.l}.Some Editors punctuate thus, {ode anabibazontes epean} and omit {de} after{katothen}, making the reference of {ode} to the latter clause alone.]

72 (return)
[ {oruontai}, as in iii.117, but here they howl for pleasure.]

73 (return)
[ Like the Egyptians forexample, cp. ii. 91.]

74 (return)
[ {mete ge on allelon}:the MSS. have {me ti ge on allelon}. Most Editors read {allon} for{allelon} and alter the other words in various ways ({me toi ge on, metoigaron} etc.), taking {me} as in {me oti} (ne dicam aliorum). Thereading which I have adopted is based on that of Stein, who reads {meteteon allon} and quotes vii. 142, {oute ge alloisi 'Ellenon oudamoisi, uminde de kai dia panton ekista}. With {allon} the meaning is, "rejectingthose of other nations and especially those of the Hellenes". For the useof {me} after {pheugein} cp. ii. 91.]

75 (return)
[ Or, according to someMSS., "as they proved in the case of Anacharsis and afterwards ofSkyles".]

76 (return)
[ {gen pollen}.]

77 (return)
[ {epitropou}.]

78 (return)
[ {peplastai}: someauthorities give {pepaistai}, "has been invented as a jest".]

79 (return)
[ {es kheiras agesthai}.]

7901 (return)
[ {o theos}.]

80 (return)
[ {diepresteuse}: this or{epresteuse} is the reading of most of the MSS. The meaning is uncertain,since the word does not occur elsewhere. Stein suggests that it may mean"scoffed (at the Scythians)". Various conjectures have been tried, e.g.{diedresteuse}, {diedrepeteuse}, etc.]

81 (return)
[ {os Skuthas einai}: cp.ii. 8. Some (e.g. Dindorf and Bähr) translate "considering that they areScythians," i.e. for a nation so famous and so widely extended.]

82 (return)
[ i.e. about 5300gallons.]

83 (return)
[ {epi to iro}: the MSS.mostly have {epi iro}, and Stein adopts the conjecture {epi rio}, "on aprojecting point". The temple would be that of {Zeus ourios} mentioned inch. 87. (In the Medicean MS. the omitted {i} is inserted above the line beforethe{r}, not directly over it, as represented by Stein, and the accent is notomitted.)]

84 (return)
[ {stadioi}, and sothroughout.]

85 (return)
[ i.e. 1,110,000.]

86 (return)
[ i.e. 330,000.]

8601 (return)
[ {stelas}, i.e."square blocks"; so also in ch. 91.]

87 (return)
[ i.e. 700,000.]

8701 (return)
[ {os emoi dokeeisumballomeno}, "putting the evidence together".]

88 (return)
[ {pasi deka}: probably aloose expression like {ta panta muria}, iii. 74.]

89 (return)
[ {psoren}, "mange".]

90 (return)
[ Or (less probably)"Skyrmiadai".]

91 (return)
[ {Salmoxin}: someinferior MSS. have {Zalmoxin}, or {Zamolxin}, and the spelling in otherwriters varies between these forms.]

92 (return)
[ {daimona}, sometimesused for deified men as distinguished from gods, cp. ch. 103.]

93 (return)
[ {dia penteteridos}.]

94 (return)
[ {bathutera}.]

95 (return)
[ {ou to asthenestatosophiste}. No depreciation seems to be intended here.]

96 (return)
[ {andreona}.]

97 (return)
[ i.e. the Mediterranean:or the passage may mean simply, "Thrace runs out further into the sea thanScythia".]

98 (return)
[ {gounon}.]

99 (return)
[ More literally, "I saythis, so far as it is allowed to compare, etc. Such is the form of theTauric land".]

100 (return)
[ {ede}. TheAgathyrsians however have not been mentioned before in this connection.]

101 (return)
[ {stadia}.]

102 (return)
[ {tes Skuthikes taepikarsia}, i.e. the lines running from West to East.]

103 (return)
[ {epanakhthentes}: sothe Medicean MS. and another: the rest have {epanakhthentas}. Some Editorsread by conjecture {apeneikhthentas}, "cast away on their coast".]

104 (return)
[ {neoisi}.]

105 (return)
[ {trieteridas}.]

106 (return)
[ Or, "were drivenout".]

107 (return)
[ {phtheirotrageousi}.]

108 (return)
[ Or, "Aiorpata,"and "aior" below.]

109 (return)
[ i.e. the RoyalScythians: see ch. 20.]

110 (return)
[ {epi touto}, thereading of the Aldine edition. The MSS. have {epi touto}. Stein suggests{dia touto}.]

111 (return)
[ {ou peisometha}: someMSS. read {ouk oisometha}. Editors have emended by conjecture in variousways, e.g. {ou periopsometha}, "we shall not allow it"; {oi epoisometha}or {oi epeisometha}, "we shall go out to attack him"; {aposometha}, "weshall repel him".]

112 (return)
[ {paras}, or {pasai},belonging to {gunaikes}.]

113 (return)
[ {khersou}, "dry".]

114 (return)
[ Perhaps the same asthe "Hyrgis" mentioned in ch. 57. Some Editors read "Hyrgis" in thispassage.]

115 (return)
[ See ch. 119.]

116 (return)
[ {klaiein lego}.]

117 (return)
[ {touto esti e apoSkutheon resis}: this refers to the last words, {klaiein lego}. MostEditors have doubts about the genuineness of the sentence, regarding it amarginal gloss which has crept into the text; but perhaps withoutsufficient reason.]

118 (return)
[ Or, "with some slighteffect on the course of the war".]

119 (return)
[ See i. 216.]

120 (return)
[ {eremothentes touomilou}.]

121 (return)
[ {iesan tes phones}.]

122 (return)
[ {e mia kaiSauromatai}: some Editors read {e meta Sauromateon}. The MSS. give {e miaSauromatai} (some {Sauromateon}). Stein inserts {kai}.]

123 (return)
[ {khaironteseleutheroi}.]

124 (return)
[ The list includes onlythose who voted in favour of the proposal of Histiaios (i.e. Miltiades isnot included in it): hence perhaps Stein is right in suggesting somechange in the text, e.g. {oi diapherontes te ten psephon basileos kaieontes logou pleistou}. The absence of the name of Coës is remarked byseveral commentators, who forget that he had accompanied Dareios: see ch.97.]

125 (return)
[ Or, "and even so theyfound the passage of the river with difficulty".]

126 (return)
[ {en Persesi}.]

127 (return)
[ i.e. 80,000.]

128 (return)
[ {gar}: some MSS. read{de}; so Stein and other Editors.]

129 (return)
[ i.e. Castor andPolydeukes the sons of Tyndareus, who were among the Argonauts.]

130 (return)
[ {Phera} (genitive).]

131 (return)
[ From {ois} "sheep" and{lukos} "wolf" ({oin en lukoisi}).]

132 (return)
[ {phule}, the wordbeing here apparently used loosely.]

133 (return)
[ {'Erinuon}.]

134 (return)
[ {meta touto upemeinetouto touto}: some Editors mark a lacuna after {upemeine}, or supply somewords like {sunebe de}: "after this the children survived, and the samething happened also in Thera, etc".]

135 (return)
[ Or, "Grinos".]

136 (return)
[ {Euphemides}: the MSS.have {Euthumides}: the correction is from Pindar, Pyth. iv. 455.]

137 (return)
[ {onax}, the usual formof address to Apollo; so in ch. 155.]

138 (return)
[ Or, "Axos".]

139 (return)
[ i.e. Aristoteles,Pind. Pyth. v. 87.]

140 (return)
[ {metaxu apolipon}.]

141 (return)
[ Or, "it happened bothto himself and to the other men of Thera according to their former evilfortune"; but this would presuppose the truth of the story told in ch.151, and {paligkotos} may mean simply "adverse" or "hostile".]

142 (return)
[ {eontes tosoutoi osoik.t.l.} They could hardly have failed to increase in number, but no newsettlers had been added.]

143 (return)
[ {usteron elthe gasanadaiomenes}, "too late for the division of land".]

144 (return)
[ Or, "Thestis".]

145 (return)
[ The MSS. give also"Aliarchos" and "Learchos".]

146 (return)
[ {mathon ekasta}.]

147 (return)
[ {ton terioikon}: i.e.conquered Libyans.]

148 (return)
[ {nesioteon panton}:i.e. the natives of the Cyclades, cp. vi. 99.]

149 (return)
[ {amphirruton tenKurenen einai}: some Editors read by conjecture {ten amphirruton Kureneneinai} (or {Kurenen ten amph, einai}), "that Kyrene was the place flowedround by water".]

150 (return)
[ {pselion}.]

151 (return)
[ Or, "Giligammai".]

152 (return)
[ i.e. the plant socalled, figured on the coins of Kyrene and Barca.]

153 (return)
[ Or, "Asbytai".]

154 (return)
[ i.e. further from thecoast, so {katuperthe}, ch. 174 etc., cp. ch. 16.]

155 (return)
[ Or "Cabales".]

156 (return)
[ See i. 216.]

157 (return)
[ Distinct from thepeople of the same name mentioned in ch. 183: those here mentioned arecalled "Gamphasantes" by Pliny.]

158 (return)
[ {glukuteta},"sweetness".]

159 (return)
[ {allen te ekatombenkai de kai}.]

160 (return)
[ {epithespisanta totripodi}, which can hardly mean "prophesied sitting upon the tripod".]

161 (return)
[ Lit. "the men cometogether regularly to one place within three months," which seems to meanthat meetings are held every three months, before one of which the childis brought.]

162 (return)
[ See ii. 42.]

163 (return)
[ i.e. in the middle ofthe morning.]

164 (return)
[ {tripsin}: the "feel"to the touch: hence it might mean either hardness or softness according tothe context.]

165 (return)
[ {troglodutas}:"Troglodytes".]

166 (return)
[ {uperballonti}: "whenhis heat is greatest".]

167 (return)
[ {ede}.]

168 (return)
[ Or "red".]

169 (return)
[ {domon}: Reiske reads{omon} by conjecture, "over his shoulder".]

170 (return)
[ Or (according to someMSS.), "practise this much and do it well".]

171 (return)
[ {akatapseusta}.Several Editors have adopted the conjecture {katapseusta}, "other fabulousbeasts".]

172 (return)
[ {orues}: perhaps for{oruges} from {orux}, a kind of antelope.]

173 (return)
[ {diktues}: the meaningis uncertain.]

174 (return)
[ {ekhinees},"urchins".]

175 (return)
[ Or "Zabykes".]

176 (return)
[ Or "Zygantes".]

177 (return)
[ {eie d' an pan}: cp.v. 9. Some translate, "and this might well be so".]

178 (return)
[ {oud' areten einai tise Libue spoudaie}.]

179 (return)
[ i.e. corn; cp. i.193.]

180 (return)
[ {bounous}.]

181 (return)
[ See ch. 167.]

182 (return)
[ {meden allo neokhmounkata Barkaious}: cp. v. 19.]

183 (return)
[ {paralabontes}.]

184 (return)
[ {epiphthonoi}.]

HERODOTUS, HISTORIES - BOOK V

Melpomene

1. In the meantime those of the Persians who had been left behind in Europe by Dareios, of whom Megabazos was the commander, had subdued the people of Perinthos first of the Hellespontians, since they refused to be subject to Dareios. These had in former times also been hardly dealt with by the Paionians: for the Paionians from the Strymon had been commanded by an oracle of their god to march against the Perinthians; and if the Perinthians, when encamped opposite to them, should shout aloud and call to them by their name, they were to attack them; but if they should not shout to them, they were not to attack them: and thus the Paionians proceeded to do. Now when the Perinthians were encamped opposite to them in the suburb of their city, a challenge was made and a single combat took place in three different forms; for they matched a man against a man, and a horse against a horse, and a dog against a dog. Then, as the Perinthians were getting the better in two of the three, in their exultation they raised a shout of paion, 1 and the Paionians conjectured that this was the very thing which was spoken of in the oracle, and said doubtless to one another, "Now surely the oracle is being accomplished for us, now it is time for us to act." So the Paionians attacked the Perinthians when they had raised the shout of paion, and they had much the better in the fight, and left but few of them alive.

2. Thus it happened with respect to those things which had been done to them in former times by the Paionians; and at this time, although the Perinthians proved themselves brave men in defence of their freedom, the Persians and Megabazos got the better of them by numbers. Then after Perinthos had been conquered, Megabazos marched his army through the length of Thracia, forcing every city and every race of those who dwell there to submit to the king, for so it had been commanded him by Dareios, to subdue Thracia.

3. Now the Thracian race is the most numerous, except the Indians, in all the world: and if it should come to be ruled over by one man, or to agree together in one, it would be irresistible in fight and the strongest by far of all nations, in my opinion. Since however this is impossible for them and cannot ever come to pass among them, 2 they are in fact weak for that reason. They have many names, belonging to their various tribes in different places; but they all follow customs which are nearly the same in all respects, except the Getai and Trausians and those who dwell above the Crestonians.

4. Of these the practices of the Getai, who believe themselves to be immortal, have been spoken of by me already: 3 and the Trausians perform everything else in the same manner as the other Thracians, but in regard to those who are born and die among them they do as follows:—when a child has been born, the nearest of kin sit round it and make lamentation for all the evils of which he must fulfil the measure, now that he is born, 301 enumerating the whole number of human ills; but when a man is dead, they cover him up in the earth with sport and rejoicing, saying at the same time from what great evils he has escaped and is now in perfect bliss.

5. Those who dwell above the Crestonians do as follows:—each man has many wives, and when any man of them is dead, a great competition takes place among his wives, with much exertion on the part of their friends, about the question of which of them was most loved by their husband; and she who is preferred by the decision and so honoured, is first praised by both men and women, then her throat is cut over the tomb by her nearest of kin, and afterwards she is buried together with her husband; and the others are exceedingly grieved at it, for this is counted as the greatest reproach to them.

6. Of the other Thracians the custom is to sell their children to be carried away out of the country; and over their maidens they do not keep watch, but allow them to have commerce with whatever men they please, but over their wives they keep very great watch; and they buy their wives for great sums of money from their parents. To be pricked with figures is accounted a mark of noble rank, and not to be so marked is a sign of low birth. 4 Not to work is counted most honourable, and to be a worker of the soil is above all things dishonourable: to live on war and plunder is the most honourable thing.

7. These are their most remarkable customs; and of the gods they worship only Ares and Dionysos and Artemis. Their kings, however, apart from the rest of the people, worship Hermes more than all gods, and swear by him alone; and they say that they are descended from Hermes. 8. The manner of burial for the rich among them is this:—for three days they expose the corpse to view, and they slay all kinds of victims and feast, having first made lamentation. Then they perform the burial rites, either consuming the body with fire or covering it up in the earth without burning; and afterwards when they have heaped up a mound they celebrate games with every kind of contest, in which reasonably the greatest prizes are assigned for single combat. 5 This is the manner of burial among the Thracians.

9. Of the region lying further on towards the North of this country no one can declare accurately who the men are who dwell in it; but the parts which lie immediately beyond the Ister are known to be uninhabited and vast in extent. The only men of whom I can hear who dwell beyond the Ister are those who are said to be called Sigynnai, and who use the Median fashion of dress. Their horses, it is said, have shaggy hair all over their bodies, as much as five fingers long; and these are small and flat-nosed and too weak to carry men, but when yoked in chariots they are very high-spirited; therefore the natives of the country drive chariots. The boundaries of this people extend, it is said, to the parts near the Enetoi, who live on the Adriatic; and people say that they are colonists from the Medes. In what way however these have come to be colonists from the Medes I am not able for my part to conceive, but everything is possible in the long course of ages. However that may be, the Ligurians who dwell in the region inland above Massalia call traders sigynnai, and the men of Cyprus give the same name to spears.

10. Now the Thracians say that the other side of the Ister is occupied by bees, and that by reason of them it is not possible to pass through and proceed further: but to me it seems that when they so speak, they say that which is not probable; for these creatures are known to be intolerant of cold, and to me it seems that the regions which go up towards the pole are uninhabitable by reason of the cold climate. These then are the tales reported about this country; and however that may be, Megabazos was then making the coast-regions of it subject to the Persians.

11. Meanwhile Dareios, so soon as he had crossed over the Hellespont and come to Sardis, called to mind the service rendered to him by Histiaios the Milesian and also the advice of the Mytilenian Coës, and having sent for them to come to Sardis he offered them a choice of rewards. Histiaios then, being despot of Miletos, did not make request for any government in addition to that, but he asked for the district of Myrkinos which belonged to the Edonians, desiring there to found a city. Histiaios chose this for himself; but Coës, not being a despot but a man of the people, asked to be made despot of Mitylene.

12. After the desires of both had been fulfilled, they betook themselves to that which they had chosen: and at this same time it chanced that Dareios saw a certain thing which made him desire to command Megabazos to conquer the Paionians and remove them forcibly from Europe into Asia: and the thing was this:—There were certain Paionians named Pigres and Mantyas, who when Dareios had crossed over into Asia, came to Sardis, because they desired themselves to have rule over the Paionians, and with them they brought their sister, who was tall and comely. Then having watched for a time when Dareios took his seat publicly in the suburb of the Lydian city, they dressed up their sister in the best way they could, and sent her to fetch water, having a water-jar upon her head and leading a horse after her by a bridle round her arm, and at the same time spinning flax. Now when the woman passed out of the city by him, Dareios paid attention to the matter, for that which was done by the woman was not of Persian nor yet of Lydian fashion, nor indeed after the manner of any people of Asia. He sent therefore some of his spearmen, bidding them watch what the woman would do with the horse. They accordingly followed after her; and she having arrived at the river watered the horse, and having watered him and filled her jar with the water, she passed along by the same way, bearing the water upon her head, leading the horse after her by a bridle round her arm, and at the same time turning the spindle.

13. Then Dareios, marvelling both at that which he heard from those who went to observe and also at that which he saw himself, bade them bring her into his presence: and when she was brought, her brothers also came, who had been watching these things at no great distance off. So then when Dareios asked of what country she was, the young men said that they were Paionians and that she was their sister; and he replied: "Who then are these Paionians, and where upon the earth do they dwell?" and he asked them also what they desired, that they had come to Sardis. They declared to him that they had come to give themselves up to him, and that Paionia was a country situated upon the river Strymon, and that the Strymon was not far from the Hellespont, and finally that they were colonists from the Teucrians of Troy. All these things severally they told him; and he asked whether all the women of that land were as industrious as their sister; and they very readily replied to this also, saying that it was so, for it was with a view to that very thing that they had been doing this.

14. Then Dareios wrote a letter to Megabazos, whom he had left to command his army in Thrace, bidding him remove the Paionians from their place of habitation and bring them to the king, both themselves and their children and their wives. Then forthwith a horseman set forth to ride in haste bearing the message to the Hellespont, and having passed over to the other side he gave the paper to Megabazos. So he having read it and having obtained guides from Thrace, set forth to march upon Paionia:

15. and the Paionians, being informed that the Persians were coming against them, gathered all their powers together and marched out in the direction of the sea, supposing that the Persians when they invaded them would make their attack on that side. The Paionians then were prepared, as I say, to drive off the army of Megabazos when it came against them; but the Persians hearing that the Paionians had gathered their powers and were guarding the entrance which lay towards the sea, directed their course with guides along the upper road; and passing unperceived by the Paionians they fell upon their cities, which were left without men, and finding them without defenders they easily took possession of them. The Paionians when they heard that their cities were in the hands of the enemy, at once dispersed, each tribe to its own place of abode, and proceeded to deliver themselves up to the Persians. Thus then it happened that these tribes of the Paionians, namely the Siropaionians, 6 the Paioplians and all up to the lake Prasias, were removed from their place of habitation and brought to Asia;

16, but those who dwell about mount Pangaion, and about the Doberians and Agrianians and Odomantians, 7 and about the lake Prasias itself, were not conquered at all by Megabazos. He tried however to remove even those who lived in the lake and who had their dwellings in the following manner:—a platform fastened together and resting upon lofty piles stood in the middle of the water of the lake, with a narrow approach to it from the mainland by a single bridge. The piles which supported the platform were no doubt originally set there by all the members of the community working together, but since that time they continue to set them by observance of this rule, that is to say, every man who marries brings from the mountain called Orbelos three piles for each wife and sets them as supports; and each man takes to himself many wives. And they have their dwelling thus, that is each man has possession of a hut upon the platform in which he lives and of a trap-door 8 leading through the platform down to the lake: and their infant children they tie with a rope by the foot, for fear that they should roll into the water. To their horses and beasts of burden they give fish for fodder; and of fish there is so great quantity that if a man open the trap-door and let down an empty basket by a cord into the lake, after waiting quite a short time he draws it up again full of fish. Of the fish there are two kinds, and they call them paprax and tilon.

17. So then those of the Paionians who had been conquered were being brought to Asia: and Megabazos meanwhile, after he had conquered the Paionians, sent as envoys to Macedonia seven Persians, who after himself were the men of most repute in the army. These were being sent to Amyntas to demand of him earth and water for Dareios the king. Now from lake Prasias there is a very short way into Macedonia; for first, quite close to the lake, there is the mine from which after this time there came in regularly a talent of silver every day to Alexander; and after the mine, when you have passed over the mountain called Dysoron, you are in Macedonia.

18. These Persians then, who had been sent to Amyntas, having arrived came into the presence of Amyntas and proceeded to demand earth and water for king Dareios. This he was willing to give, and also he invited them to be his guests; and he prepared a magnificent dinner and received the Persians with friendly hospitality. Then when dinner was over, the Persians while drinking pledges to one another 9 said thus: "Macedonian guest-friend, it is the custom among us Persians, when we set forth a great dinner, then to bring in also our concubines and lawful wives to sit beside us. Do thou then, since thou didst readily receive us and dost now entertain us magnificently as thy guests, and since thou art willing to give to king Dareios earth and water, consent to follow our custom." To this Amyntas replied: "Persians, among us the custom is not so, but that men should be separate from women. Since however ye being our masters make this request in addition, this also shall be given you." Having so said Amyntas proceeded to send for the women; and when they came being summoned, they sat down in order opposite to the Persians. Then the Persians, seeing women of comely form, spoke to Amyntas and said that this which had been done was by no means well devised; for it was better that the women should not come at all, than that they should come and should not seat themselves by their side, but sit opposite and be a pain to their eyes. So Amyntas being compelled bade them sit by the side of the Persians; and when the women obeyed, forthwith the Persians, being much intoxicated, began to touch their breasts, and some no doubt also tried to kiss them.

19. Amyntas seeing this kept quiet, notwithstanding that he felt anger, because he excessively feared the Persians; but Alexander the son of Amyntas, who was present and saw this, being young and without experience of calamity was not able to endure any longer; but being impatient of it he said to Amyntas: "My father, do thou grant that which thy age demands, and go away to rest, nor persevere longer in the drinking; but I will remain here and give to our guests all that is convenient." On this Amyntas, understanding that Alexander was intending to do some violence, said: "My son, I think that I understand thy words, as the heat of anger moves thee, namely that thou desirest to send me away and then do some deed of violence: therefore I ask of thee not to do violence to these men, that it may not be our ruin, but endure to see that which is being done: as to my departure, however, in that I will do as thou sayest."

20. When Amyntas after having made of him this request had departed, Alexander said to the Persians: "With these women ye have perfect freedom, guests, to have commerce with all, if ye so desire, or with as many of them as ye will. About this matter ye shall be they who give the word; but now, since already the hour is approaching for you to go to bed and I see that ye have well drunk, let these women go away, if so it is pleasing to you, to bathe themselves; and when they have bathed, then receive them back into your company." Having so said, since the Persians readily agreed, he dismissed the women, when they had gone out, to the women's chambers; and Alexander himself equipped men equal in number to the women and smooth-faced, in the dress of the women, and giving them daggers he led them into the banqueting-room; and as he led them in, he said thus to the Persians: "Persians, it seems to me that ye have been entertained with a feast to which nothing was wanting; for other things, as many as we had, and moreover such as we were able to find out and furnish, are all supplied to you, and there is this especially besides, which is the chief thing of all, that is, we give you freely in addition our mothers and our sisters, in order that ye may perceive fully that ye are honoured by us with that treatment which ye deserve, and also in order that ye may report to the king who sent you that a man of Hellas, ruler under him of the Macedonians, entertained you well at board and bed." Having thus said Alexander caused a Macedonian man in the guise of a woman to sit by each Persian, and they, when the Persians attempted to lay hands on them, slew them.

21. So these perished by this fate, both they themselves and their company of servants; for there came with them carriages and servants and all the usual pomp of equipage, and this was all made away with at the same time as they. Afterwards in no long time a great search was made by the Persians for these men, and Alexander stopped them with cunning by giving large sums of money and his own sister, whose name was Gygaia;—by giving, I say, these things to Bubares a Persian, commander of those who were searching for the men who had been killed, Alexander stopped their search.

22. Thus the death of these Persians was kept concealed. And that these descendants of Perdiccas are Hellenes, as they themselves say, I happen to know myself, and not only so, but I will prove in the succeeding history that they are Hellenes. 10 Moreover the Hellanodicai, who manage the games at Olympia, decided that they were so: for when Alexander wished to contend in the games and had descended for this purpose into the arena, the Hellenes who were to run against him tried to exclude him, saying that the contest was not for Barbarians to contend in but for Hellenes: since however Alexander proved that he was of Argos, he was judged to be a Hellene, and when he entered the contest of the foot-race his lot came out with that of the first. 11

23. Thus then it happened with regard to these things: and at the same time Megabazos had arrived at the Hellespont bringing with him the Paionians; and thence after passing over the straits he came to Sardis. Then, since Histiaios the Milesian was already engaged in fortifying with a wall the place which he had asked and obtained from Dareios as a reward for keeping safe the bridge of boats (this place being that which is called Myrkinos, lying along the bank of the river Strymon), Megabazos, having perceived that which was being done by Histiaios, as soon as he came to Sardis bringing the Paionians, said thus to Dareios: "O king, what a thing is this that thou hast done, granting permission to a Hellene who is skilful and cunning to found a city in Thracia in a place where there is forest for shipbuilding in abundance and great quantity of wood for oars and mines of silver and great numbers both of Hellenes and Barbarians living round, who when they have obtained a leader will do that which he shall command them both by day and by night. Therefore stop this man from doing so, that thou be not involved in a domestic war: and stop him by sending for him in a courteous manner; but when thou hast got him in thy hands, then cause that he shall never again return to the land of the Hellenes.".

24. Thus saying Megabazos easily persuaded Dareios, who thought that he was a true prophet of that which was likely to come to pass: and upon that Dareios sent a messenger to Myrkinos and said as follows: "Hisiaios, king Dareios saith these things:—By taking thought I find that there is no one more sincerely well disposed than thou art to me and to my power; and this I know having learnt by deeds not words. Now therefore, since I have it in my mind to accomplish great matters, come hither to me by all means, that I may communicate them to thee." Histiaios therefore, trusting to these sayings and at the same time accounting it a great thing to become a counsellor of the king, came to Sardis; and when he had come Dareios spoke to him as follows: "Histiaios, I sent for thee for this reason, namely because when I had returned from the Scythians and thou wert gone away out of the sight of my eyes, never did I desire to see anything again within so short a time as I desired then both to see thee and that thou shouldst come to speech with me; since I perceived that the most valuable of all possessions is a friend who is a man of understanding and also sincerely well-disposed, both which qualities I know exist in thee, and I am able to bear witness of them in regard to my affairs. Now therefore (for thou didst well in that thou camest hither) this is that which I propose to thee:—leave Miletos alone and also thy newly-founded city in Thracia, and coming with me to Susa, have whatsoever things I have, eating at my table and being my counseller.".

25. Thus said Dareios, and having appointed Artaphrenes 12 his own brother and the son of his father to be governor of Sardis, he marched away to Susa taking with him Histiaios, after he had first named Otanes to be commander of those who dwelt along the sea coasts. This man's father Sisamnes, who had been made one of the Royal Judges, king Cambyses slew, because he had judged a cause unjustly for money, and flayed off all his skin: then after he had torn away the skin he cut leathern thongs out of it and stretched them across the seat where Sisamnes had been wont to sit to give judgment; and having stretched them in the seat, Cambyses appointed the son of that Sisamnes whom he had slain and flayed, to be judge instead of his father, enjoining him to remember in what seat he was sitting to give judgment..

26. This Otanes then, who was made to sit in that seat, had now become the successor of Megabazos in the command: and he conquered the Byzantians and Calchedonians, and he conquered Antandros in the land of Troas, and Lamponion; and having received ships from the Lesbians he conquered Lemnos and Imbros, which were both at that time still inhabited by Pelasgians..

27. Of these the Lemnians fought well, and defending themselves for a long time were at length brought to ruin; 13 and over those of them who survived the Persians set as governor Lycaretos the brother of that Maiandrios who had been king of Samos. This Lycaretos ruled in Lemnos till his death. And the cause of it 14 was this:—he continued to reduce all to slavery and subdue them, accusing some of desertion to the Scythians and others of doing damage to the army of Dareios as it was coming back from Scythia.

28. Otanes then effected so much when he was made commander: and after this for a short time there was an abatement 15 of evils; and then again evils began a second time to fall upon the Ionians, arising from Naxos and Miletos. For Naxos was superior to all the other islands in wealth, and Miletos at the same time had just then come to the very height of its prosperity and was the ornament 16 of Ionia; but before these events for two generations of men it had been afflicted most violently by faction until the Parians reformed it; for these the Milesians chose of all the Hellenes to be reformers of their State..

29. Now the Parians thus reconciled their factions:—the best men of them came to Miletos, and seeing that the Milesians were in a grievously ruined state, they said that they desired to go over their land: and while doing this and passing through the whole territory of Miletos, whenever they saw in the desolation of the land any field that was well cultivated, they wrote down the name of the owner of that field. Then when they had passed through the whole land and had found but few of such men, as soon as they returned to the city they called a general gathering and appointed these men to manage the State, whose fields they had found well cultivated; for they said that they thought these men would take care of the public affairs as they had taken care of their own: and the rest of the Milesians, who before had been divided by factions, they commanded to be obedient to these men.

30. The Parians then had thus reformed the Milesians; but at the time of which I speak evils began to come to Ionia from these States 17 in the following manner:—From Naxos certain men of the wealthier class 18 were driven into exile by the people, and having gone into exile they arrived at Miletos. Now of Miletos it happened that Aristagoras son of Molpagoras was ruler in charge, being both a son-in-law and also a cousin of Histiaios the son of Lysagoras, whom Dareios was keeping at Susa: for Histiaios was despot of Miletos, and it happened that he was at Susa at this time when the Naxians came, who had been in former times guest-friends of Histiaios. So when the Naxians arrived, they made request of Aristagoras, to see if perchance he would supply them with a force, and so they might return from exile to their own land: and he, thinking that if by his means they should return to their own State, he would be ruler of Naxos, but at the same time making a pretext of the guest-friendship of Histiaios, made proposal to them thus: "I am not able to engage that I can supply you with sufficient force to bring you back from exile against the will of those Naxians who have control of the State; for I hear that the Naxians have an army which is eight thousand shields strong and many ships of war: but I will use every endeavour to devise a means; and my plan is this:—it chances that Artaphrenes is my friend: now Artaphrenes, ye must know, 1801 is a son of Hystaspes and brother of Dareios the king; and he is ruler of all the people of the sea-coasts in Asia, with a great army and many ships. This man then I think will do whatsoever we shall request of him." Hearing this the Naxians gave over the matter to Aristagoras to manage as best he could, and they bade him promise gifts and the expenses of the expedition, saying that they would pay them; for they had full expectation that when they should appear at Naxos, the Naxians would do all their bidding, and likewise also the other islanders. For of these islands, that is the Cyclades, not one was as yet subject to Dareios.

31. Aristagoras accordingly having arrived at Sardis, said to Artaphrenes that Naxos was an island not indeed large in size, but fair nevertheless and of fertile soil, as well as near to Ionia, and that there was in it much wealth and many slaves: "Do thou therefore send an expedition against this land, and restore it to those who are now exiles from it: and if thou shalt do this, first I have ready for thee large sums of money apart from the expenses incurred for the expedition (which it is fair that we who conduct it should supply), and next thou wilt gain for the king not only Naxos itself but also the islands which are dependent upon it, Paros and Andros and the others which are called Cyclades; and setting out from these thou wilt easily attack Euboea, an island which is large and wealth, as large indeed as Cyprus, and very easy to conquer. To subdue all these a hundred ships are sufficient." He made answer in these words: "Thou makest thyself a reporter of good things to the house of the king; and in all these things thou advisest well, except as to the number of the ships: for instead of one hundred there shall be prepared for thee two hundred by the beginning of the spring. And it is right that the king himself also should join in approving this matter.".

32. So Aristagoras hearing this went back to Miletos greatly rejoiced; and Artaphrenes meanwhile, when he had sent to Susa and communicated that which was said by Aristagoras, and Dareios himself also had joined in approving it, made ready two hundred triremes and a very great multitude both of Persians and their allies, and appointed to be commander of these Megabates a Persian, one of the Achaimenidai and a cousin to himself and to Dareios, to whose daughter afterwards Pausanias the son of Cleombrotus the Lacedaemonian (at least if the story be true) betrothed himself, having formed a desire to become a despot of Hellas. Having appointed Megabates, I say, to be commander, Artaphrenes sent away the armament to Aristagoras..

33. So when Megabates had taken force together with the Naxians, he sailed with the pretence of going to the Hellespont; but when he came to Chios, he directed his ships to Caucasa, in order that he might from thence pass them over to Naxos with a North Wind. Then, since it was not fated that the Naxians should be destroyed by this expedition, there happened an event which I shall narrate. As Megabates was going round to visit the guards set in the several ships, it chanced that in a ship of Myndos there was no one on guard; and he being very angry bade his spearmen find out the commander of the ship, whose name was Skylax, and bind him in an oar-hole of his ship in such a manner 19 that his head should be outside and his body within. When Skylax was thus bound, some one reported to Aristagoras that Megabates had bound his guest-friend of Myndos and was doing to him shameful outrage. He accordingly came and asked the Persian for his release, and as he did not obtain anything of that which he requested, he went himself and let him loose. Being informed of this Megabates was exceedingly angry and broke out in rage against Aristagoras; and he replied: "What hast thou to do with these matters? Did not Artaphrenes send thee to obey me, and to sail whithersoever I should order? Why dost thou meddle with things which concern thee not?" Thus said Aristagoras; and the other being enraged at this, when night came on sent men in a ship to Naxos to declare to the Naxians all the danger that threatened them..

34. For the Naxians were not at all expecting that this expedition would be against them: but when they were informed of it, forthwith they brought within the wall the property which was in the fields, and provided for themselves food and drink as for a siege, and strengthened their wall. 20 These then were making preparations as for war to come upon them; and the others meanwhile having passed their ships over from Chios to Naxos, found them well defended when they made their attack, and besieged them for four months. Then when the money which the Persians had brought with them had all been consumed by them, and not only that, but Aristagoras himself had spent much in addition, and the siege demanded ever more and more, they built walls for the Naxian exiles and departed to the mainland again with ill success..

35. And so Aristagoras was not able to fulfil his promise to Artaphrenes; and at the same time he was hard pressed by the demand made to him for the expenses of the expedition, and had fears because of the ill success of the armament and because he had become an enemy of Megabates; and he supposed that he would be deprived of his rule over Miletos. Having all these various fears he began to make plans of revolt: for it happened also that just at this time the man who had been marked upon the head had come from Hisiaios who was at Susa, signifying that Aristagoras should revolt from the king. For Histiaios, desiring to signify to Aristagoras that he should revolt, was not able to do it safely in any other way, because the roads were guarded, but shaved off the hair of the most faithful of his slaves, and having marked his head by pricking it, waited till the hair had grown again; and as soon as it was grown, he sent him away to Miletos, giving him no other charge but this, namely that when he should have arrived at Miletos he should bid Aristagoras shave his hair and look at his head: and the marks, as I have said before, signified revolt. This thing Histiaios was doing, because he was greatly vexed by being detained at Susa. He had great hopes then that if a revolt occurred he would be let go to the sea-coast; but if no change was made at Miletos 2001 he had no expectation of ever returning thither again.

36. Accordingly Hisiaios with this intention was sending the messenger; and it chanced that all these things happened to Aristagoras together at the same time. He took counsel therefore with his partisans, declaring to them both his own opinion and the message from Hisiaios; and while all the rest expressed an opinion to the same effect, urging him namely to make revolt, Hecataios the historian urged first that they should not undertake war with the king of the Persians, enumerating all the nations over whom Dareios was ruler, and his power: and when he did not succeed in persuading him, he counselled next that they should manage to make themselves masters of the sea. Now this, he continued, could not come to pass in any other way, so far as he could see, for he knew that the force of the Milesians was weak, but if the treasures should be taken 21 which were in the temple at Branchidai, which Croesus the Lydian dedicated as offerings, he had great hopes that they might become masters of the sea; and by this means they would not only themselves have wealth at their disposal, but the enemy would not be able to carry the things off as plunder. Now these treasures were of great value, as I have shown in the first part of the history. 22 This opinion did not prevail; but nevertheless it was resolved to make revolt, and that one of them should sail to Myus, to make the force which had returned from Naxos and was then there, and endeavour to seize the commanders who sailed in the ships..

37. So Iatragoras was sent for this purpose and seized by craft Oliatos the son of Ibanollis of Mylasa, and Histiaios the son of Tymnes of Termera, and Coës the son of Erxander, to whom Dareios had given Mytilene as a gift, and Aristagoras the son of Heracleides of Kyme, and many others; and then Aristagoras openly made revolt and devised all that he could to the hurt of Dareios. And first he pretended to resign the despotic power and give to Miletos equality, 23 in order that the Milesians might be willing to revolt with him: then afterwards he proceeded to do this same thing in the rest of Ionia also; and some of the despots he drove out, but those whom he had taken from the ships which had sailed with him to Naxis, these he surrendered, because he desired to do a pleasure to their cities, delivering them over severally to that city from which each one came..

38. Now the men of Mitylene, so soon as they received Coës into their hands, brought him out and stoned him to death; but the men of Kyme let their despot go, and so also most of the others let them go. Thus then the despots were deposed in the various cities; and Aristagoras the Milesian, after having deposed the despots, bade each people appoint commanders in their several cities, and then himself set forth as an envoy to Lacedemon; for in truth it was necessary that he should find out some powerful alliance.

39. Now at Sparta Anaxandrides the son of Leon was no longer surviving as king, but had brought his life to an end; and Cleomenes the son of Anaxandrides was holding the royal power, not having obtained it by merit but by right of birth. For Anaxandrides had to wife his own sister's daughter and she was by him much beloved, but no children were born to him by her. This being so, the Ephors summoned him before them and said: "If thou dost not for thyself take thought in time, yet we cannot suffer this to happen, that the race of Eurysthenes should become extinct. Do thou therefore put away from thee the wife whom thou now hast, since, as thou knowest, she bears thee no children, and marry another: and in doing so thou wilt please the Spartans." He made answer saying that he would do neither of these two things, and that they did not give him honourable counsel, in that they advised him to send away the wife whom he had, though she had done him no wrong, and to take to his house another; and in short he would not follow their advice..

40. Upon this the Ephors and the Senators deliberated together and proposed to Anaxandrides as follows: "Since then we perceive that thou art firmly attached to the wife whom thou now hast, consent to do this, and set not thyself against it, lest the Spartans take some counsel about thee other than might be wished. We do not ask of thee the putting away of the wife whom thou hast; but do thou give to her all that thou givest now and at the same time take to thy house another wife in addition to this one, to bear thee children." When they spoke to him after this manner, Anaxandrides consented, having two wives, a thing which was not by any means after the Spartan fashion..

41. Then when no long time had elapsed, the wife who had come in afterwards bore this Cleomenes of whom we spoke; and just when she was bringing to the light an heir to the kingdom of the Spartans, the former wife, who had during the time before been childless, then by some means conceived, chancing to do so just at that time: and though she was in truth with child, the kinsfolk of the wife who had come in afterwards, when they heard of it cried out against her and said that she was making a vain boast, and that she meant to pass off another child as her own. Since then they made a great show of indignation, as the time was fast drawing near, the Ephors being incredulous sat round and watched the woman during the birth of her child: and she bore Dorieos and then straightway conceived Leonidas and after him at once Cleombrotos,—nay, some even say that Cleombrotos and Leonidas were twins. The wife however who had born Cleomenes and had come in after the first wife, being the daughter of Primetades the son of Demarmenos, did not bear a child again..

42. Now Cleomenes, it is said, was not quite in his right senses but on the verge of madness, 24 while Dorieos was of all his equals in age the first, and felt assured that he would obtain the kingdom by merit. Seeing then that he had this opinion, when Anaxandrides died and the Lacedemonians followed the usual custom established the eldest, namely Cleomenes, upon the throne, Dorieos being indignant and not thinking it fit that he should be a subject of Cleomenes, asked the Spartans to give him a company of followers and led them out to found a colony, without either inquiring of the Oracle at Delphi to what land he should go to make a settlement, or doing any of the things which are usually done; but being vexed he sailed away with his ships to Libya, and the Theraians were his guides thither. Then having come to Kinyps 25 he made a settlement in the fairest spot of all Libya, along the banks of the river; but afterwards in the third year he was driven out from thence by the Macai and the Libyans 26 and the Carthaginians, and returned to Peloponnesus..

43. Then Antichares a man of Eleon gave him counsel out of the oracles of Laïos to make a settlement at Heracleia 27 in Sicily, saying that the whole land of Eryx belonged to the Heracleidai, since Heracles himself had won it: and hearing this he went forthwith to Delphi to inquire of the Oracle whether he would be able to conquer the land to which he was setting forth; and the Pythian prophetess replied to him that he would conquer it. Dorieos therefore took with him the armament which he conducted before to Libya, and voyaged along the coast of Italy. 28

44. Now at this time, the men of Sybaris say that they and their king Telys were about to make an expedition against Croton, and the men of Croton being exceedingly alarmed asked Dorieos to help them and obtained their request. So Dorieos joined them in an expedition against Sybaris and helped them to conquer Sybaris. This is what the men of Sybaris say of the doings of Dorieos and his followers; but those of Croton say that no stranger helped them in the war against the Sybarites except Callias alone, a diviner of Elis and one of the descendants of Iamos, and he in the following manner:—he ran away, they say, from Telys the despot of the Sybarites, when the sacrifices did not prove favourable, as he was sacrificing for the expedition against Croton, and so he came to them.

45. Such, I say, are the tales which these tell, and they severally produce as evidence of them the following facts:—the Sybarites point to a sacred enclosure and temple by the side of the dried-up bed of the Crathis, 29 which they say that Dorieos, after he had joined in the capture of the city, set up to Athene surnamed "of the Crathis"; and besides they consider the death of Dorieos himself to be a very strong evidence, thinking that he perished because he acted contrary to the oracle which was given to him; for if he had not done anything by the way but had continued to do that for which he was sent, he would have conquered the land of Eryx and having conquered it would have become possessor of it, and he and his army would not have perished. On the other hand the men of Croton declare that many things were granted in the territory of Croton as special gifts to Callias the Eleisan, of which the descendants of Callias were still in possession down to my time, and that nothing was granted to Dorieos or the descendants of Dorieos: but if Dorieos had in fact helped them in the way with Sybaris, many times as much, they say, would have been given to him as to Callias. These then are the evidences which the two sides produce, and we may assent to whichever of them we think credible..

46. Now there sailed with Dorieos others also of the Spartans, to be joint-founders with him of the colony, namely Thessalos and Paraibates and Keleas and Euryleon; and these when they had reached Sicily with all their armament, were slain, being defeated in battle by the Phenicians and the men of Egesta; and Euryleon only of the joint-founders survived this disaster. This man then having collected the survivors of the expedition, took possession of Minoa the colony of Selinus, and he helped to free the men of Selinus from their despot Peithagoras. Afterwards, when he had deposed him, he laid hands himself upon the despotism in Selinus and became sole ruler there, though but for a short time; for the men of Selinus rose in revolt against him and slew him, notwithstanding that he had fled for refuge to the altar of Zeus Agoraios. 30

47. There had accompanied Dorieos also and died with him Philip the son of Butakides, a man of Croton, who having betrothed himself to the daughter of Telys the Sybarite, became an exile from Croton; and then being disappointed of this marriage he sailed away to Kyrene, whence he set forth and accompanied Dorieos with a trireme of his own, himself supplying the expenses of the crew. Now this man had been a victor at the Olympic games, and he was the most beautiful of the Hellenes who lived in his time; and on account of his beauty he obtained from the men of Egesta that which none else ever obtained from them, for they established a hero-temple over his tomb, and they propitiate him still with sacrifices.

48. In this manner Dorieos ended his life: but if he had endured to be a subject of Cleomenes and had remained in Sparta, he would have been king of Lacedemon; for Cleomenes reigned no very long time, and died leaving no son to succeed him but a daughter only, whose name was Gorgo.

49. However, Aristagoras the despot of Miletos arrived at Sparta while Cleomenes was reigning: and accordingly with him he came to speech, having, as the Lacedemonians say, a tablet of bronze, on which was engraved a map 31 of the whole Earth, with all the sea and all the rivers. And when he came to speech with Cleomenes he said to him as follows: "Marvel not, Cleomenes, at my earnestness in coming hither, for the case is this.—That the sons of the Ionians should be slaves instead of free is a reproach and a grief most of all indeed to ourselves, but of all others most to you, inasmuch as ye are the leaders of Hellas. Now therefore I entreat you by the gods of Hellas to rescue from slavery the Ionians, who are your own kinsmen: and ye may easily achieve this, for the Barbarians are not valiant in fight, whereas ye have attained to the highest point of valour in that which relates to war: and their fighting is of this fashion, namely with bows and arrows and a short spear, and they go into battle wearing trousers and with caps 32 on their heads. Thus they are easily conquered. Then again they who occupy that continent have good things in such quantity as not all the other nations of the world together possess; first gold, then silver and bronze and embroidered garments and beasts of burden and slaves; all which ye might have for yourselves, if ye so desired. And the nations moreover dwell in such order one after the other as I shall declare:—the Ionians here; and next to them the Lydians, who not only dwell in a fertile land, but are also exceedingly rich in gold and silver," 33—and as he said this he pointed to the map of the Earth, which he carried with him engraved upon the tablet,—"and here next to the Lydians," continued Aristagoras, "are the Eastern Phrygians, who have both the greatest number of sheep and cattle 34 of any people that I know, and also the most abundant crops. Next to the Phrygians are the Cappadokians, whom we call Syrians; and bordering upon them are the Kilikians, coming down to this 35 sea, in which lies the island of Cyprus here; and these pay five hundred talents to the king for their yearly tribute. Next to these Kilikians are the Armenians, whom thou mayest see here, and these also have great numbers of sheep and cattle. Next to the Armenians are the Matienians occupying this country here; and next to them is the land of Kissia here, in which land by the banks of this river Choaspes is situated that city of Susa where the great king has his residence, and where the money is laid up in treasuries. After ye have taken this city ye may then with good courage enter into a contest with Zeus in the matter of wealth. Nay, but can it be that ye feel yourselves bound to take upon you the risk of 36 battles against Messenians and Arcadians and Argives, who are equally matched against you, for the sake of land which is not much in extent nor very fertile, and for confines which are but small, though these peoples have neither gold nor silver at all, for the sake of which desire incites one to fight and to die,—can this be, I say, and will ye choose some other way now, when it is possible for you easily to have the rule over all Asia?" Aristagoras spoke thus, and Cleomenes answered him saying: "Guest-friend from Miletos, I defer my answer to thee until the day after to-morrow." 37

50. Thus far then they advanced at that time; and when the appointed day arrived for the answer, and they had come to the place agreed upon, Cleomenes asked Aristagoras how many days' journey it was from the sea of the Ionians to the residence of the king. Now Aristagoras, who in other respects acted cleverly and imposed upon him well, in this point made a mistake: for whereas he ought not to have told him the truth, at least if he desired to bring the Spartans out to Asia, he said in fact that it was a journey up from the sea of three months: and the other cutting short the rest of the account which Aristagoras had begun to give of the way, said: "Guest-friend from Miletos, get thee away from Sparta before the sun has set; for thou speakest a word which sounds not well in the ears of the Lacedemonians, desiring to take them a journey of three months from the sea.".

51. Cleomenes accordingly having so said went away to his house: but Aristagoras took the suppliant's branch and went to the house of Cleomenes; and having entered in as a suppliant, he bade Cleomenes send away the child and listen to him; for the daughter of Cleomenes was standing by him, whose name was Gorgo, and this as it chanced was his only child, being of the age now of eight or nine years. Cleomenes however bade him say that which he desired to say, and not to stop on account of the child. Then Aristagoras proceeded to promise him money, beginning with ten talents, if he would accomplish for him that for which he was asking; and when Cleomenes refused, Aristagoras went on increasing the sums of money offered, until at last he had promised fifty talents, and at that moment the child cried out: "Father, the stranger will do thee hurt, 38 if thou do not leave him and go." Cleomenes, then, pleased by the counsel of the child, departed into another room, and Aristagoras went away from Sparta altogether, and had no opportunity of explaining any further about the way up from the sea to the residence of the king.

52. As regards this road the truth is as follows.—Everywhere there are royal stages 39 and excellent resting-places, and the whole road runs through country which is inhabited and safe. Through Lydia and Phrygia there extend twenty stages, amounting to ninety-four and a half leagues; 40 and after Phrygia succeeds the river Halys, at which there is a gate 4001 which one must needs pass through in order to cross the river, and a strong guard-post is established there. Then after crossing over into Cappadokia it is twenty-eight stages, being a hundred and four leagues, by this way to the borders of Kilikia; and on the borders of the Kilikians you will pass through two several gates and go by two several guard-posts: then after passing through these it is three stages, amounting to fifteen and a half leagues, to journey through Kilikia; and the boundary of Kilikia and Armenia is a navigable river called Euphrates. In Armenia the number of stages with resting-places is fifteen, and of leagues fifty-six and a half, and there is a guard-post on the way: then from Armenia, when one enters the land of Matiene, 41 there are thirty-four stages, amounting to a hundred and thirty-seven leagues; and through this land flow four navigable rivers, which cannot be crossed but by ferries, first the Tigris, then a second and third called both by the same name, 42 though they are not the same river nor do they flow from the same region (for the first-mentioned of them flows from the Armenian land and the other 43 from that of the Matienians), and the fourth of the rivers is called Gyndes, the same which once Cyrus divided into three hundred and sixty channels. 44 Passing thence into the Kissian land, there are eleven stages, forty-two and a half leagues, to the river Choaspes, which is also a navigable stream; and upon this is built the city of Susa. The number of these stages amounts in all to one hundred and eleven..

53. This is the number of stages with resting-places, as one goes up from Sardis to Susa: and if the royal road has been rightly measured as regards leagues, and if the league 45 is equal to thirty furlongs, 46 (as undoubtedly it is), the number of furlongs from Sardis to that which is called the palace of Memnon is thirteen thousand five hundred, the number of leagues being four hundred and fifty. So if one travels a hundred and fifty furlongs each day, just ninety days are spent on the journey. 47.

54. Thus the Milesian Aristagoras, when he told Cleomenes the Lacedemonian that the journey up from the sea to the residence of the king was one of three months, spoke correctly: but if any one demands a more exact statement yet than this, I will give him that also: for we ought to reckon in addition to this the length of the road from Ephesos to Sardis; and I say accordingly that the whole number of furlongs from the sea of Hellas to Susa (for by that name the city of Memnon is known) is fourteen thousand and forty; for the number of furlongs from Ephesos to Sardis is five hundred and forty: thus the three months' journey is lengthened by three days added.

55. Aristagoras then being driven out of Sparta proceeded to Athens; which had been set free from the rule of despots in the way which I shall tell.—When Hipparchos the son of Peisistratos and brother of the despot Hippias, after seeing a vision of a dream which signified it to him plainly, 48 had been slain by Aristogeiton and Harmodios, who were originally by descent Gephyraians, the Athenians continued for four years after this to be despotically governed no less than formerly,—nay, even more..

56. Now the vision of a dream which Hipparchos had was this:—in the night before the Panathenaia it seemed to Hipparchos that a man came and stood by him, tall and of fair form, and riddling spoke to him these verses: 

 "With enduring soul as a lion endure unendurable evil:
  No one of men who doth wrong shall escape from the judgment appointed."

These verses, as soon as it was day, he publicly communicated to the interpreters of dreams; but afterwards he put away thought of the vision 49 and began to take part in that procession during which he lost his life.

57. Now the Gephyraians, of whom were those who murdered Hipparchos, according to their own account were originally descended from Eretria; but as I find by carrying inquiries back, they were Phenicians of those who came with Cadmos to the land which is now called Boeotia, and they dwelt in the district of Tanagra, which they had had allotted to them in that land. Then after the Cadmeians had first been driven out by the Argives, these Gephyraians next were driven out by the Boeotians and turned then towards Athens: and the Athenians received them on certain fixed conditions to be citizens of their State, laying down rules that they should be excluded from a number of things not worth mentioning here..

58. Now these Phenicians who came with Cadmos, of whom were the Gephyraians, brought in among the Hellenes many arts when they settled in this land of Boeotia, and especially letters, which did not exist, as it appears to me, among the Hellenes before this time; and at first they brought in those which are used by the Phenician race generally, but afterwards, as time went on, they changed with their speech the form of the letters also. During this time the Ionians were the race of Hellenes who dwelt near them in most of the places where they were; and these, having received letters by instruction of the Phenicians, changed their form slightly and so made use of them, and in doing so they declared them to be called "phenicians," as was just, seeing that the Phenicians had introduced them into Hellas. Also the Ionians from ancient time call paper "skins," because formerly, paper being scarce, they used skins of goat and sheep; nay, even in my own time many of the Barbarians write on such skins..

59. I myself too once saw Cadmeian characters in the temple of Ismenian Apollo at Thebes of the Boeotians, engraved on certain 4901 tripods, and in most respects resembling the Ionic letters: one of these tripods has the inscription, 

 "Me Amphitryon offered from land Teleboian returning:" 50

this inscription would be of an age contemporary with Laïos the son of Labdacos, the son of Polydoros, the son of Cadmos..

60. Another tripod says thus in hexameter rhythm: 

 "Me did Scaios offer to thee, far-darting Apollo,
  Victor in contest of boxing, a gift most fair in thine honour:"

now Scaios would be the son of Hippocoön (at least if it were really he who offered it, and not another with the same name as the son of Hippocoön), being of an age contemporary with OEdipus the son of Laïos: 61, and the third tripod, also in hexameter rhythm, says: 

 "Me Laodamas offered to thee, fair-aiming Apollo,
  He, of his wealth, 51 being king, as a gift most fair in thine honor:"

now it was in the reign of this very Laodamas the son of Eteocles that the Cadmeians were driven out by the Argives and turned to go to the Enchelians; and the Gephyraians being then left behind were afterwards forced by the Boeotians to retire to Athens. Moreover they have temples established in Athens, in which the other Athenians have no part, and besides others which are different from the rest, there is especially a temple of Demeter Achaia and a celebration of her mysteries.

62. I have told now of the vision of a dream seen by Hipparchos, and also whence the Gephrynians were descended, of which race were the murderers of Hipparchos; and in addition to this I must resume and continue the story which I was about to tell at first, how the Athenians were freed from despots. When Hippias was despot and was dealing harshly with the Athenians because of the death of Hipparchos, the Alcmaionidai, who were of Athenian race and were fugitives from the sons of Peisistratos, 52 as they did not succeed in their attempt made together with the other Athenian exiles to return by force, but met with great disaster when they attempted to return and set Athens free, after they had fortified Leipsydrion which is above Paionia,—these Alomaionidai after that, still devising every means against the sons of Peisistratos, accepted the contract to build and complete the temple at Delphi, that namely which now exists but then did not as yet: and being wealthy and men of repute already from ancient time, they completed the temple in a manner more beautiful than the plan required, and especially in this respect, that having agreed to make the temple of common limestone, 53 they built the front parts of it in Parian marble.

63. So then, as the Athenians say, these men being settled at Delphi persuaded the Pythian prophetess by gifts of money, that whenever men of the Spartans should come to inquire of the Oracle, either privately or publicly sent, she should propose to them to set Athens free. The Lacedemonians therefore, since the same utterance was delivered to them on all occasions, sent Anchimolios the son of Aster, who was of repute among their citizens, with an army to drive out the sons of Peisistratos from Athens, although these were very closely connected with them by guest-friendship; for they held that the concerns of the god 5301 should be preferred to those of men: and this force they sent by sea in ships. He therefore, having put in to shore at Phaleron, disembarked his army; but the sons of Peisistratos being informed of this beforehand called in to their aid an auxiliary force from Thessaly, for they had made an alliance with the Thessalians; and the Thessalians at their request sent by public resolution a body of a thousand horse and also their king Kineas, a man of Conion. 54 So having obtained these as allies, the sons of Peisistratos contrived as follows:—they cut down the trees in the plain of Phaleron and made this district fit for horsemen to ride over, and after that they sent the cavalry to attack the enemy's camp, who falling upon it slew (besides many others of the Lacedemonians) Anchimolios himself also: and the survivors of them they shut up in their ships. Such was the issue of the first expedition from Lacedemon: and the burial-place of Anchimolios is at Alopecai in Attica, near the temple of Heracles which is at Kynosarges..

64. After this the Lacedemonians equipped a larger expedition and sent it forth against Athens; and they appointed to be commander of the army their king Cleomenes the son of Anaxandrides, and sent it this time not by sea but by land. With these, when they had invaded the land of Attica, first the Thessalian horse engaged battle; and in no long time they were routed and there fell of them more than forty men; so the survivors departed without more ado and went straight back to Thessaly. Then Cleomenes came to the city together with those of the Athenians who desired to be free, and began to besiege the despots shut up in the Pelasgian wall.

65. And the Lacedemonians would never have captured the sons of Peisistratos at all; for they on their side had no design to make a long blockade, and the others were well provided with food and drink; so that they would have gone away back to Sparta after besieging them for a few days only: but as it was, a thing happened just at this time which was unfortunate for those, and at the same time of assistance to these; for the children of the sons of Peisistratos were captured, while being secretly removed out of the country: and when this happened, all their matters were thereby cast into confusion, and they surrendered receiving back their children on the terms which the Athenians desired, namely that they should depart out of Attica within five days. After this they departed out of the country and went to Sigeion on the Scamander, after their family had ruled over the Athenians for six-and-thirty years. These also were originally Pylians and sons of Neleus, descended from the same ancestors as the family of Codros and Melanthos, who had formerly become kings of Athens being settlers from abroad. Hence too Hippocrates had given to his son the name of Peisistratos as a memorial, calling him after Peisistratos the son of Nestor.

Thus the Athenians were freed from despots; and the things worthy to be narrated which they did or suffered after they were liberated, up to the time when Ionia revolted from Dareios and Aristagoras the Milesian came to Athens and asked them to help him, these I will set forth first before I proceed further.

66. Athens, which even before that time was great, then, after having been freed from despots, became gradually yet greater; and in it two men exercised power, namely Cleisthenes a descendant of Alcmaion, the same who is reported to have bribed the Pythian prophetess, and Isagoras, the son of Tisander, of a family which was highly reputed, but of his original descent I am not able to declare; his kinsmen however offer sacrifices to the Carian Zeus. These men came to party strife for power; and then Cleisthenes was being worsted in the struggle, he made common cause with the people. After this he caused the Athenians to be in ten tribes, who were formerly in four; and he changed the names by which they were called after the sons of Ion, namely Geleon, Aigicoreus, Argades, and Hoples, and invented for them names taken from other heroes, all native Athenians except Ajax, whom he added as a neighbour and ally, although he was no Athenian.

67. Now in these things it seems to me that this Cleisthenes was imitating his mother's father Cleisthenes the despot of Sikyon: for Cleisthenes when he went to war with Argos first caused to cease in Sikyon the contests of rhapsodists, which were concerned with the poems of Homer, because Argives and Argos are celebrated in them almost everywhere; then secondly, since there was (as still there is) in the market-place itself of the Sikyonians a hero-temple of Adrastos the son of Talaos, Cleisthenes had a desire to cast him forth out of the land, because he was an Argive. So having come to Delphi he consulted the Oracle as to whether he should cast out Adrastos; and the Pythian prophetess answered him saying that Adrastos was king of the Sikyonians, whereas he was a stoner 55 of them. So since the god did not permit him to do this, he went away home and considered means by which Adrastos should be brought to depart of his own accord: and when he thought that he had discovered them, he sent to Thebes in Boeotia and said that he desired to introduce into his city Melanippos the son of Astacos, and the Thebans gave him leave. So Cleisthenes introduced Melanippos into his city, and appointed for him a sacred enclosure within the precincts of the City Hall 56 itself, and established him there in the strongest position. Now Cleisthenes introduced Melanippos (for I must relate this also) because he was the greatest enemy of Adrastos, seeing that he had killed both his brother Mekisteus and his son-in-law Tydeus: and when he had appointed the sacred enclosure for him, he took away the sacrifices and festivals of Adrastos and gave them to Melanippos. Now the Sikyonians were accustomed to honour Adrastos with very great honours; for this land was formerly the land of Polybos, and Adrastos was daughter's son to Polybos, and Polybos dying without sons gave his kingdom to Adrastos: the Sikyonians then not only gave other honours to Adrastos, but also with reference to his sufferings they specially honoured him with tragic choruses, not paying the honour to Dionysos but to Adrastos. Cleisthenes however gave back the choruses to Dionysos, and the other rites besides this he gave to Melannipos..

68. Thus he had done to Adrastos; and he also changed the names of the Dorian tribes, in order that the Sikyonians might not have the same tribes as the Argives; in which matter he showed great contempt of the Sikyonians, for the names he gave were taken from the names of a pig and an ass by changing only the endings, except in the case of his own tribe, to which he gave a name from his own rule. These last then were called Archelaoi, 57 while of the rest those of one tribe were called Hyatai, 58 of another Oneatai, 59 and of the remaining tribe Choireatai. 60 These names of tribes were used by the men of Sikyon not only in the reign of Cleisthenes, but also beyond that for sixty years after his death; then however they considered the matter and changed them into Hylleis, Pamphyloi, and Dymanatai, adding to these a fourth, to which they gave the name Aigialeis after Aigialeus the son of Adrastos.

69. Thus had the Cleisthenes of Sikyon done: and the Athenian Cleisthenes, who was his daughter's son and was called after him, despising, as I suppose, the Ionians, as he the Dorians, imitated his namesake Cleisthenes in order that the Athenians might not have the same tribes as the Ionians: for when at the time of which we speak he added to his own party the whole body of the common people of the Athenians, which in former time he had despised, 61 he changed the names of the tribes and made them more in number than they had been; he made in fact ten rulers of tribes instead of four, and by tens also he distributed the demes in the tribes; and having added the common people to his party he was much superior to his opponents..

70. Then Isagoras, as he was being worsted in his turn, contrived a plan in opposition to him, that is to say, he called in Cleomenes the Lacedemonian to help him, who had been a guest-friend to himself since the siege of the sons of Peisistratos; moreover Cleomenes was accused of being intimate with the wife of Isagoras. First then Cleomenes sent a herald to Athens demanding the expulsion of Cleisthenes and with him many others of the Athenians, calling them the men who were under the curse: 62 this message he sent by instruction of Isagoras, for the Alcmaionidai and their party were accused of the murder to which reference was thus made, while he and his friends had no part in it..

71. Now the men of the Athenians who were "under the curse" got this name as follows:—there was one Kylon among the Athenians, a man who had gained the victory at the Olympic games: this man behaved with arrogance, wishing to make himself despot; and having formed for himself an association of men of his own age, he endeavoured to seize the Acropolis: but not being able to get possession of it, he sat down as a suppliant before the image of the goddess. 63 These men were taken from their place as suppliants by the presidents of the naucraries, who then administered affairs at Athens, on the condition that they should be liable to any penalty short of death; and the Alcmaionidai are accused of having put them to death. This had occurred before the time of Peisistratos..

72. Now when Cleomenes sent demanding the expulsion of Cleisthenes and of those under the curse, Cleisthenes himself retired secretly; but after that nevertheless Cleomenes appeared in Athens with no very large force, and having arrived he proceeded to expel as accursed seven hundred Athenian families, of which Isagoras had suggested to him the names. Having done this he next endeavoured to dissolve the Senate, and he put the offices of the State into the hands of three hundred, who were the partisans of Isagoras. The Senate however making opposition, and not being willing to submit, Cleomenes with Isagoras and his partisans seized the Acropolis. Then the rest of the Athenians joined together by common consent and besieged them for two days; and on the third day so many of them as were Lacedemonians departed out of the country under a truce. Thus was accomplished for Cleomenes the ominous saying which was uttered to him: for when he had ascended the Acropolis with the design of taking possession of it, he was going to the sanctuary of the goddess, as to address her in prayer; but the priestess stood up from her seat before he had passed through the door, and said, "Lacedemonian stranger, go back and enter not into the temple, for it is not lawful for Dorians to pass in hither." He said: "Woman, I am not a Dorian, but an Achaian." So then, paying no attention to the ominous speech, he made his attempt and then was expelled again with the Lacedemonians; but the rest of the men the Athenians laid in bonds to be put to death, and among them Timesitheos the Delphian, with regard to whom I might mention very great deeds of strength and courage which he performed..

73. These then having been thus laid in bonds were put to death; and the Athenians after this sent for Cleisthenes to return, and also for the seven hundred families which had been driven out by Cleomenes: and then they sent envoys to Sardis, desiring to make an alliance with the Persians; for they were well assured that the Lacedemonians and Cleomenes had been utterly made their foes. So when these envoys had arrived at Sardis and were saying that which they had been commanded to say, Artaphrenes the son of Hystaspes, the governor of Sardis, asked what men these were who requested to be allies of the Persians, and where upon the earth they dwelt; and having heard this from the envoys, he summed up his answer to them thus, saying that if the Athenians were willing to give earth and water to Dareios, he was willing to make alliance with them, but if not, he bade them begone: and the envoys taking the matter upon themselves said that they were willing to do so, because they desired to make the alliance..

74. These, when they returned to their own land, were highly censured: and Cleomenes meanwhile, conceiving that he had been outrageously dealt with by the Athenians both with words and with deeds, was gathering together an army from the whole of the Peloponnese, not declaring the purpose for which he was gathering it, but desiring to take vengeance on the people of the Athenians, and intending to make Isagoras despot; for he too had come out of the Acropolis together with Cleomenes. Cleomenes then with a large army entered Eleusis, while at the same time the Boeotians by agreement with him captured Oinoe and Hysiai, the demes which lay upon the extreme borders of Attica, and the Chalkidians on the other side invaded and began to ravage various districts of Attica. The Athenians then, though attacked on more sides than one, thought that they would remember the Boeotians and Chalkidians afterwards, and arrayed themselves against the Peloponnesians who were in Eleusis..

75. Then as the armies were just about the join battle, the Corinthians first, considering with themselves that they were not acting rightly, changed their minds and departed; and after that Demaratos the son of Ariston did the same, who was king of the Spartans as well as Cleomenes, though he had joined with him in leading the army out from Lacedemon and had not been before this at variance with Cleomenes. In consequence of this dissension a law was laid down at Sparta that it should not be permitted, when an army went out, that both the kings should go with it, for up to this time both used to go with it, and that as one of the kings was set free from service, so one of the sons of Tyndareus 64 also should be left behind; for before this time both of these two were called upon by them for help and went with the armies.

76. At this time then in Eleusis the rest of the allies, seeing that the kings of the Lacedemonians did not agree and also that the Corinthians had deserted their place in the ranks, themselves too departed and got them away quickly. And this was the fourth time that the Dorians had come to Attica, twice having invaded it to make war against it, and twice to help the mass of the Athenian people,—first when they at the same time colonised Megara (this expedition may rightly be designated as taking place when Codros was king of the Athenians), for the second and third times when they came making expeditions from Sparta to drive out the sons of Peisistratos, and fourthly on this occasion, when Cleomenes at the head of the Peloponnesians invaded Eleusis: thus the Dorians invaded Athens then for the fourth time.

77. This army then having been ingloriously broken up, the Athenians after that, desiring to avenge themselves, made expedition first against the Chalkidians; and the Boeotians came to the Euripos to help the Chalkidians. The Athenians, therefore, seeing those who had come to help, 6401 resolved first to attack the Boeotians before the Chalkidians. Accordingly they engaged battle with the Boeotians, and had much the better of them, and after having slain very many they took seven hundred of them captive. On this very same day the Athenians passed over into Euboea and engaged battle with the Chalkidians as well; and having conquered these also, they left four thousand holders of allotments in the land belonging to the "Breeders of Horses": 65 now the wealthier of the Chalkidians were called the Breeders of Horses. And as many of them as they took captive, they kept in confinement together with the Boeotians who had been captured, bound with fetters; and then after a time they let them go, having fixed their ransom at two pounds of silver apiece: 66 but their fetters, in which they had been bound, they hung up on the Acropolis; and these were still existing even to my time hanging on walls which had been scorched with fire by the Mede, 67 and just opposite the sanctuary which lies towards the West. The tenth part of the ransom also they dedicated for an offering, and made of it a four-horse chariot of bronze, which stands on the left hand as you enter the Propylaia in the Acropolis, and on it is the following inscription: 

 "Matched in the deeds of war with the tribes of Boeotia and Chalkis
    The sons of Athens prevailed, conquered and tamed them in fight:
  In chains of iron and darkness they quenched their insolent spirit;
    And to Athene present these, of their ransom a tithe."

78. The Athenians accordingly increased in power; and it is evident, not by one instance only but in every way, that Equality 68 is an excellent thing, since the Athenians while they were ruled by despots were not better in war that any of those who dwelt about them, whereas after they had got rid of despots they became far the first. This proves that when they were kept down they were wilfully slack, because they were working for a master, whereas when they had been set free each one was eager to achieve something for himself.

79. These then were faring thus: and the Thebans after this sent to the god, desiring to be avenged on the Athenians; the Pythian prophetess however said that vengeance was not possible for them by their own strength alone, but bade them report the matter to the "many-voiced" and ask help of those who were "nearest" to them. So when those who were sent to consult the Oracle returned, they made a general assembly and reported the oracle; and then the Thebans heard them say that they were to ask help of those who were nearest to them, they said: "Surely those who dwell nearest to us are the men of Tanagra and Coroneia and Thespiai; and these always fight zealously on our side and endure the war with us to the end: what need is there that we ask of these? Rather perhaps that is not the meaning of the oracle.".

80. While they commented upon it thus, at length one perceived "that which the oracle means to tell us. Asopos is said to have had two daughters born to him, Thebe and Egina; and as these are sisters, I think that the god gave us for answer that we should ask the men of Egina to become our helpers." Then as there seemed to be no opinion expressed which was better than this, they sent forthwith and asked the men of Egina to help them, calling upon them in accordance with the oracle; and they, when these made request, said that they sent with them the sons of Aiacos to help them..

81. After that the Thebans, having made an attempt with the alliance of the sons of Aiacos and having been roughly handled by the Athenians, sent again and gave them back the sons of Aiacos and asked them for men. So the Eginetans, exalted by great prosperity and calling to mind an ancient grudge against the Athenians, then on the request of the Thebans commenced a war against the Athenians without notice: for while the Athenians were intent on the Boeotians, they sailed against them to Attica with ships of war, and they devastated Phaleron and also many demes in the remainder of the coast region, and so doing they deeply stirred the resentment of the Athenians. 69

82. Now the grudge which was due beforehand from the Eginetans to the Athenians came about from a beginning which was as follows:—The land of the Epidaurians yielded to its inhabitants no fruit; and accordingly with reference to this calamity the Epidaurians went to inquire at Delphi, and the Pythian prophetess bade them set up images of Damia and Auxesia, and said that when they had set up these, they would meet with better fortune. The Epidaurians then asked further whether they should make images of bronze or of stone; and the prophetess bade them not use either of these, but make them of the wood of a cultivated olive-tree. The Epidaurians therefore asked the Athenians to allow them to cut for themselves an olive-tree, since they thought that their olives were the most sacred; nay some say that at that time there were no olives in any part of the earth except at Athens. The Athenians said that they would allow them on condition that they should every year bring due offerings to Athene Polias 70 and to Erechtheus. The Epidaurians, then, having agreed to these terms, obtained that which they asked, and they made images out of these olive-trees and set them up: and their land bore fruit and they continued to fulfil towards the Athenians that which they had agreed to do..

83. Now during this time and also before this the Eginetans were subject to the Epidaurians, and besides other things they were wont to pass over to Epidauros to have their disputes with one another settled by law: 71 but after this time they built for themselves ships and made revolt from the Epidaurians, moved thereto by wilfulness. So as they were at variance with them, they continued to inflict damage on them, since in fact they had command of the sea, and especially they stole away from them these images of Damia and Auxesia, and they brought them and set them up in the inland part of their country at a place called Oia, which is about twenty furlongs distant from their city. Having set them up in this spot they worshipped them with sacrifices and choruses of women accompanied with scurrilous jesting, ten men being appointed for each of the deities to provide the choruses: and the choruses spoke evil of no man, but only of the women of the place. Now the Epidaurians also had the same rites; and they have also rites which may not be divulged..

84. These images then having been stolen, the Epidaurians no longer continued to fulfil towards the Athenians that which they had agreed. The Athenians accordingly sent and expressed displeasure to the Epidaurians; and they declared saying that they were doing no wrong; for during the time when they had the images in their country they continued to fulfil that which they had agreed upon, but since they had been deprived of them, it was not just that they should make the offerings any more; and they bade them demand these from the men of Egina, who had the images. So the Athenians sent to Egina and demanded the images back; but the Eginetans said that they had nothing to do with the Athenians.

85. The Athenians then report that in one single trireme were despatched those of their citizens who were sent by the State after this demand; who having come to Egina, attempted to tear up from off their pedestals the images, (alleging that they were made of wood which belonged to the Athenians), in order to carry them back with them: but not being able to get hold of them in this manner (say the Athenians) they threw ropes round them and were pulling them, when suddenly, as they pulled, thunder came on and an earthquake at the same time with the thunder; and the crew of the trireme who were pulling were made beside themselves by these, and being brought to this condition they killed one another as if they were enemies, until at last but one of the whole number was left; and he returned alone to Phaleron..

86. Thus the Athenians report that it came to pass: but the Eginetans say that it was not with a single ship that the Athenians came; for a single ship, and even a few more than one, they could have easily repelled, even if they had not happened to have ships of their own: but they say that the Athenians sailed upon their country with a large fleet of ships, and they gave way before them and did not fight a sea-battle. They cannot however declare with certainty whether they gave way thus because they admitted that they were not strong enough to fight the battle by sea, or because they intended to do something of the kind which they actually did. The Athenians then, they say, as no one met them in fight, landed from their ships and made for the images; but not being able to tear them up from their pedestals, at last they threw ropes round them and began to pull, until the images, as they were being pulled, did both the same thing (and here they report something which I cannot believe, but some other man may), for they say that the images fell upon their knees to them and that they continue to be in that position ever since this time. The Athenians, they say, were doing thus; and meanwhile they themselves (say the Eginetans), being informed that the Athenians were about to make an expedition against them, got the Argives to help them; and just when the Athenians had disembarked upon the Eginetan land, the Argives had come to their rescue, and not having been perceived when they passed over from Epidauros to the island, they fell upon the Athenians before these had heard anything of the matter, cutting them off secretly from the way to their ships; and at this moment it was that the thunder and the earthquake came upon them..

87. This is the report which is given by the Argives and Eginetans both, and it is admitted by the Athenians also that but one alone of them survived and came back to Attica: only the Argives say that this one remained alive from destruction wrought by them upon the army of Athens, while the Athenians say that the divine power was the destroyer. However, even this one man did not remain alive, but perished, they say, in the following manner:—when he returned to Athens he reported the calamity which had happened; and the wives of the men who had gone on the expedition to Egina, hearing it and being very indignant that he alone of all had survived, came round this man and proceeded to stab him with the brooches of their mantles, each one of them asking of him where her husband was. Thus he was slain; and to the Athenians it seemed that the deed of the women was a much more terrible thing even than the calamity which had happened; and not knowing, it is said, how they should punish the women in any other way, they changed their fashion of dress to that of Ionia,—for before this the women of the Athenians wore Dorian dress, very like that of Corinth,—they changed it therefore to the linen tunic, in order that they might not have use for brooches..

88. In truth however this fashion of dress is not Ionian originally but Carian, for the old Hellenic fashion of dress for women was universally the same as that which we now call Dorian. Moreover it is said that with reference to these events the Argives and Eginetans made it a custom among themselves in both countries 72 to have the brooches made half as large again as the size which was then established in use, and that their women should offer brooches especially in the temple of these goddesses, 73 and also that they should carry neither pottery of Athens nor anything else of Athenian make to the temple, but that it should be the custom for the future to drink there from pitchers made in the lands themselves.

89. The women of the Argives and Eginetans from this time onwards because of the quarrel with the Athenians continued to wear brooches larger than before, and still do so even to my time; and the origin of the enmity of the Athenians towards the Eginetans came in the manner which has been said. So at this time, when the Thebans invaded them, the Eginetans readily came to the assistance of the Boeotians, calling to mind what occurred about the images. The Eginetans then were laying waste, as I have said, the coast regions of Attica; and when the Athenians were resolved to make an expedition against the Eginetans, an oracle came to them from Delphi bidding them stay for thirty years reckoned from the time of the wrong done by the Eginetans, and in the one-and-thirtieth year to appoint a sacred enclosure for Aiacos and then to begin the war against the Eginetans, and they would succeed as they desired; but if they should make an expedition against them at once, they would suffer in the meantime very much evil and also inflict very much, but at last they would subdue them. When the Athenians heard the report of this, they appointed a sacred enclosure for Aiacos, namely that which is now established close to the market-place, but they could not endure to hear that they must stay for thirty years, when they had suffered injuries from the Eginetans..

90. While however they were preparing to take vengeance, a matter arose from the Lacedemonians which provided a hindrance to them: for the Lacedemonians, having learnt that which had been contrived by the Alcmaionidai with respect to the Pythian prophetess, and that which had been contrived by the Pythian prophetess against themselves and the sons of Peisistratos, were doubly grieved, not only because they had driven out into exile men who were their guest-friends, but also because after they had done this no gratitude was shown to them by the Athenians. Moreover in addition to this, they were urged on by the oracles which said that many injuries would be suffered by them from the Athenians; of which oracles they had not been aware of before, but they had come to know them, since Cleomenes had brought them to Sparta. In fact Cleomenes had obtained from the Acropolis of the Athenians those oracles which the sons of Peisistratos possessed before and had left in the temple when they were driven out; and Cleomenes recovered them after they had been left behind..

91. At this time, then, when the Lacedemonians had recovered the oracles and when they saw that the Athenians were increasing in power and were not at all willing to submit to them, observing that the Athenian race now that it was free was becoming 74 a match for their own, whereas when held down by despots it was weak and ready to be ruled,—perceiving, I say, all these things, they sent for Hippias the son of Peisistratos to come from Sigeion on the Hellespont, whither the family of Peisistratos go for refuge; 75 and when Hippias had come upon the summons, the Spartans sent also for envoys to come from their other allies and spoke to them as follows: "Allies, we are conscious within ourselves that we have not acted rightly; for incited by counterfeit oracles we drove out into exile men who were very closely united with us as guest-friends and who undertook the task of rendering Athens submissive to us, and then after having done this we delivered over the State to a thankless populace, which so soon as it had raised its head, having been freed by our means drove out us and our king with wanton outrage; and now exalted with pride 76 it is increasing in power, so that the neighbours of these men first of all, that is the Boeotians and Chalkidians, have already learnt, and perhaps some others also will afterwards learn, that they committed an error. 7601 As however we erred in doing those things of which we have spoken, we will try now to take vengeance on them, going thither together with you; 77 since it was for this very purpose that we sent for Hippias, whom ye see here, and for you also, to come from your cities, in order that with common counsel and a common force we might conduct him to Athens and render back to him that which we formerly took away."

92. Thus they spoke; but the majority of the allies did not approve of their words. The rest however kept silence, but the Corinthian Socles 78 spoke as follows: (a) "Surely now the heaven shall be below the earth, and the earth raised up on high above the heaven, and men shall have their dwelling in the sea, and fishes shall have that habitation which men had before, seeing that ye, Lacedemonians, are doing away with free governments 79 and are preparing to bring back despotism again into our cities, than which there is no more unjust or more murderous thing among men. For if in truth this seems to you to be good, namely that the cities should be ruled by despots, do ye yourselves first set up a despot in your own State, and then endeavour to establish them also for others: but as it is, ye are acting unfairly towards your allies, seeing that ye have had no experience of despots yourselves and provide with the greatest care at Sparta that this may never come to pass. If however ye had had experience of it, as we have had, ye would be able to contribute juster opinions of it than at present. (b) For the established order of the Corinthian State was this:—the government was an oligarchy, and the oligarchs, who were called Bacchiadai, had control over the State and made marriages among themselves. 80 Now one of these men, named Amphion, had a daughter born to him who was lame, and her name was Labda. This daughter, since none of the Bacchiadai wished to marry her, was taken to wife by Aëtion the son of Echecrates, who was of the deme of Petra, but by original descent a Lapith and of the race of Caineus. Neither from this wife nor from another were children born to him, therefore he set out to Delphi to inquire about offspring; and as he entered, forthwith the prophetess addressed him in these lines: 

  "'Much to be honoured art thou, yet none doth render thee honour. 81
  Labda conceives, and a rolling rock will she bear, which shall ruin
  Down on the heads of the kings, and with chastisement visit Corinthos.'

This answer given to Aëtion was by some means reported to the Bacchiadai, to whom the oracle which had come to Corinth before this was not intelligible, an oracle which had reference to the same thing as that of Aëtion and said thus: 

 "'An eagle conceives in the rocks 82 and shall bear a ravening lion,
  Strong and fierce to devour, who the knees of many shall loosen.
  Ponder this well in your minds, I bid you, Corinthians, whose dwelling
  Lies about fair Peirene's spring and in craggy Corinthos.' 83

(c) This oracle, I say, having come before to the Bacchiadai was obscure; but afterwards when they heard that which had come to Aëtion, forthwith they understood the former also, that it was in accord with that of Aëtion; and understanding this one also they kept quiet, desiring to destroy the offspring which should be born to Aëtion. Then, so soon as his wife bore a child, they sent ten of their own number to the deme in which Aëtion had his dwelling, to slay the child; and when these had come to Petra and had passed into the court of Aëtion's house, they asked for the child; and Labda, not knowing anything of the purpose for which they had come, and supposing them to be asking for the child on account of friendly feeling towards its father, brought it and placed it in the hands of one of them. Now they, it seems, had resolved by the way that the first of them who received the child should dash it upon the ground. However, when Labda brought and gave it, it happened by divine providence that the child smiled at the man who had received it; and when he perceived this, a feeling of compassion prevented him from killing it, and having this compassion he delivered it to the next man, and he to the third. Thus it passed through the hands of all the ten, delivered from one to another, since none of them could bring himself to destroy its life. So they gave the child back to its mother and went out; and then standing by the doors they abused and found fault with one another, laying blame especially on the one who had first received the child, because he had not done according to that which had been resolved; until at last after some time they determined again to enter and all to take a share in the murder. (d) From the offspring of Aëtion however it was destined that evils should spring up for Corinth: for Labda was listening to all this as she stood close by the door, and fearing lest they should change their mind and take the child a second time and kill it, she carried it and concealed it in the place which seemed to her the least likely to be discovered, that is to say a corn-chest, 84 feeling sure that if they should return and come to a search, they were likely to examine everything: and this in fact happened. So when they had come, and searching had failed to find it, they thought it best to return and say to those who had sent them that they had done all that which they had been charged by them to do. (e) They then having departed said this; and after this the son of Aëtion grew, and because he had escaped this danger, the name of Kypselos was given him as a surname derived from the corn-chest. Then when Kypselos had grown to manhood and was seeking divination, a two-edged 85 answer was given him at Delphi, placing trust in which he made an attempt upon Corinth and obtained possession of it. Now the answer was as follows: 

 "'Happy is this man's lot of a truth, who enters my dwelling,
  Offspring of Aëtion, he shall rule in famous Corinthos,
  Kypselos, he and his sons, but his children's children no longer.'

Such was the oracle: and Kypselos when he became despot was a man of this character,—many of the Corinthians he drove into exile, many he deprived of their wealth, and very many more of their lives. (f) And when he had reigned for thirty years and had brought his life to a prosperous end, his son Periander became his successor in the despotism. Now Periander at first was milder than his father; but after he had had dealings through messengers with Thrasybulos the despot of Miletos, he became far more murderous even than Kypselos. For he sent a messenger to Thrasybulos and asked what settlement of affairs was the safest for him to make, in order that he might best govern his State: and Thrasybulos led forth the messenger who had come from Periander out of the city, and entered into a field of growing corn; and as he passed through the crop of corn, while inquiring and asking questions repeatedly 86 of the messenger about the occasion of his coming from Corinth, he kept cutting off the heads of those ears of corn which he saw higher than the rest; and as he cut off their heads he cast them away, until he had destroyed in this manner the finest and richest part of the crop. So having passed through the place and having suggested no word of counsel, he dismissed the messenger. When the messenger returned to Corinth, Periander was anxious to hear the counsel which had been given; but he said that Thrasybulos had given him no counsel, and added that he wondered at the deed of Periander in sending him to such a man, for the man was out of his senses and a waster of his own goods,—relating at the same time that which he had seen Thrasybulos do. (g) So Periander, understanding that which had been done and perceiving that Thrasybulos counselled him to put to death those who were eminent among his subjects, began then to display all manner of evil treatment to the citizens of the State; for whatsoever Kypselos had left undone in killing and driving into exile, this Periander completed. And in one day he stripped all the wives of the Corinthians of their clothing on account of his own wife Melissa. For when he had sent messengers to the Thesprotians on the river Acheron to ask the Oracle of the dead about a deposit made with him by a guest-friend, Melissa appeared and said she would not tell in what place the deposit was laid, for she was cold and had no clothes, since those which he had buried with her were of no use to her, not having been burnt; and this, she said, would be an evidence to him that she was speaking the truth, namely that when the oven was cold, Periander had put his loaves into it. When the report of this was brought back to Periander, the token made him believe, because he had had commerce with Melissa after she was dead; and straightway after receiving the message he caused proclamation to be made that all the wives of the Corinthians should come out to the temple of Hera. They accordingly went as to a festival in their fairest adornment; and he having set the spearmen of his guard in ambush, stripped them all alike, both the free women and their attendant; and having gathered together all their clothes in a place dug out, he set fire to them, praying at the same time to Melissa. Then after he had done this and had sent a second time, the apparition of Melissa told him in what spot he had laid the deposit entrusted to him by his guest-friend.

"Such a thing, ye must know, Lacedemonians, is despotism, and such are its deeds: and we Corinthians marvelled much at first when we saw that ye were sending for Hippias, and now we marvel even more because ye say these things; and we adjure you, calling upon the gods of Hellas, not to establish despotisms in the cities. If however ye will not cease from your design, but endeavour to restore Hippias contrary to that which is just, know that the Corinthians at least do not give their consent to that which ye do."

93. Socles being the envoy of Corinth thus spoke, and Hippias made answer to him, calling to witness the same gods as he, that assuredly the Corinthians would more than all others regret the loss of the sons of Peisistratos, when the appointed days should have come for them to be troubled by the Athenians. Thus Hippias made answer, being acquainted with the oracles more exactly than any other man: but the rest of the allies, who for a time had restrained themselves and kept silence, when they heard Socles speak freely, gave utterance every one of them to that which they felt, and adopted the opinion of the Corinthian envoy, adjuring the Lacedemonians not to do any violence to a city of Hellas.

94. Thus was this brought to an end: and Hippias being dismissed from thence had Anthemus offered to him by Amyntas king of the Macedonians and Iolcos by the Thessalians. He however accepted neither of these, but retired again to Sigeion; which city Peisistratos had taken by force of arms from the Mytilenians, and having got possession of it, had appointed his own natural son Hegesistratos, born of an Argive woman, to be despot of it: he however did not without a struggle keep possession of that which he received from Peisistratos; for the Mytilenians and Athenians carried on war for a long time, having their strongholds respectively at Achilleion and at Sigeion, the one side demanding that the place be restored to them, and the Athenians on the other hand not admitting this demand, but proving by argument that the Aiolians had no better claim to the territory of Ilion than they and the rest of the Hellenes, as many as joined with Menelaos in exacting vengeance for the rape of Helen..

95. Now while these carried on the war, besides many other things of various kinds which occurred in the battles, once when a fight took place and the Athenians were conquering, Alcaios the poet, taking to flight, escaped indeed himself, but the Athenians retained possession of his arms and hung them up on the walls of the temple of Athene which is at Sigeion. About this matter Alcaios composed a song and sent it to Mytilene, reporting therein his misadventure to one Melanippos, who was his friend. Finally Periander the son of Kypselos made peace between the Athenians and the Mytilenians, 87 for to him they referred the matter as arbitrator; and he made peace between them on the condition that each should continue to occupy that territory which they then possessed..

96. Sigeion then in this matter had come under the rule of the Athenians. And when Hippias had returned to Asia from Lacedemon, he set everything in motion, stirring up enmity between the Athenians and Artaphrenes, and using every means to secure that Athens should come under the rule of himself and of Dareios. Hippias, I say, was thus engaged; and the Athenians meanwhile hearing of these things sent envoys to Sardis, and endeavoured to prevent the Persians from following the suggestions of the exiled Athenians. Artaphrenes however commanded them, if they desired to be preserved from ruin, to receive Hippias back again. This proposal the Athenians were not by any means disposed to accept when it was reported; and as they did not accept this, it became at once a commonly received opinion among them that they were enemies of the Persians.

97. While they had these thoughts and had been set at enmity with the Persians, at this very time Aristagoras the Milesian, ordered away from Sparta by Cleomenes the Lacedemonian, arrived at Athens; for this was the city which had most power of all the rest besides Sparta. And Aristagoras came forward before the assembly of the people and said the same things as he had said at Sparta about the wealth which there was in Asia, and about the Persian manner of making war, how they used neither shield nor spear and were easy to overcome. Thus I say he said, and also he added this, namely that the Milesians were colonists from the Athenians, and that it was reasonable that the Athenians should rescue them, since they had such great power; and there was nothing which he did not promise, being very urgent in his request, until at last he persuaded them: for it would seem that it is easier to deceive many than one, seeing that, though he did not prove able to deceive Cleomenes the Lacedemonian by himself, yet he did this to thirty thousand Athenians. The Athenians then, I say, being persuaded, voted a resolution to despatch twenty ships to help the Ionians, and appointed to command them Melanthios one of their citizens, who was in all things highly reputed. These ships proved to be the beginning of evils for the Hellenes and the Barbarians.

98. Aristagoras however sailed on before and came to Miletos; and then having devised a plan from which no advantage was likely to come for the Ionians (nor indeed was he doing what he did with a view to that, but in order to vex king Dareios), he sent a man to Phrygia to the Piaonians who had been taken captive by Megabazos from the river Strymon, and who were dwelling in a district and village of Phrygia apart by themselves; and when the messenger came to the Paionians he spoke these words: "Paionians, Aristagoras the despot of Miletos sent me to offer to you salvation, if ye shall be willing to do as he says; for now all Ionia has revolted from the king and ye have an opportunity of coming safe to your own land: to reach the sea shall be your concern, and after this it shall be thenceforth ours." The Paionians hearing this received it as a most welcome proposal, and taking with them their children and their women they began a flight to the sea; some of them however were struck with fear and remained in the place where they were. Having come to the coast the Paionians crossed over thence to Chios, and when they were already in Chios there arrived in their track a large body of Persian horsemen pursuing the Paionians. These, as they did not overtake them, sent over to Chios to bid the Paionians return back: the Paionians however did not accept their proposal, but the men of Chios conveyed them from Chios to Lesbos, and the Lesbians brought them to Doriscos, and thence they proceeded by land and came to Paionia.

99. Aristagoras meanwhile, when the Athenians had arrived with twenty ships, bringing with them also five triremes of the Eretrians, joined the expedition not for the sake of the Athenians but of the Milesians themselves, to repay them a debt which they owed (for the Milesians in former times had borne with the Eretrians the burden of all that war which they had with the Chalkidians at the time when the Chalkidians on their side were helped by the Samians against the Eretrians and Milesians),—when these, I say, had arrived and the other allies were on the spot, Aristagoras proceeded to make a march upon Sardis. On this march he did not go himself, but remained at Miletos and appointed others to be in command of the Milesians, namely his brother Charopinos and of the other citizens one Hermophantos. 8701

100. With this force then the Ionians came to Ephesos, and leaving their ships at Coresos in the land of Ephesos, went up themselves in a large body, taking Ephesians to guide them in their march. So they marched along by the river Caÿster, and then when they arrived after crossing the range of Tmolos, they took Sardis without any resistance, all except the citadel, but the citadel Artaphrenes himself saved from capture, having with him a considerable force of men..

101. From plundering this city after they had taken it they were prevented by this:—the houses in Sardis were mostly built of reeds, and even those of them which were of brick had their roofs thatched with reeds: of these houses one was set on fire by a soldier, and forthwith the fire going on from house to house began to spread over the whole town. So then as the town was on fire, the Lydians and all the Persians who were in the city being cut off from escape, since the fire was prevailing in the extremities round about them, and not having any way out of the town, flowed together to the market-place and to the river Pactolos, which brings down gold-dust for them from Tmolos, flowing through the middle of their market-place, and then runs out into the river Hermos, and this into the sea;—to this Pactolos, I say, and to the market-place the Lydians and Persians gathered themselves together, and were compelled to defend themselves. The Ionians then, seeing some of the enemy standing on their defence and others in great numbers coming on to the attack, were struck with fear and retired to the mountain called Tmolos, and after that at nightfall departed to go to their ships.

102. Sardis was then destroyed by fire, and in it also the temple of the native goddess Hybebe; which the Persians alleged afterwards as a reason for setting on fire in return the temples in the land of the Hellenes. However at the time of which I speak the Persians who occupied districts within the river Halys, informed beforehand of this movement, were gathering together and coming to the help of the Lydians; and, as it chanced, they found when they came that the Ionians no longer were in Sardis; but they followed closely in their track and came up with them at Ephesos: and the Ionians stood indeed against them in array, but when they joined battle they had very much the worse; and besides other persons of note whom the Persians slaughtered, there fell also Eualkides commander of the Eretrians, a man who had won wreaths in contests of the games and who was much celebrated by Simonides of Keos: and those of them who survived the battle dispersed to their various cities.

103. Thus then they fought at that time; and after the battle the Athenians left the Ionians together, and when Aristagoras was urgent in calling upon them by messengers for assistance, they said that they would not help them: the Ionians, however, though deprived of the alliance of the Athenians, none the less continued to prepare for the war with the king, so great had been the offences already committed by them against Dareios. They sailed moreover to the Hellespont and brought under their power Byzantion and all the other cities which are in those parts; and then having sailed forth out of the Hellespont, they gained in addition the most part of Caria to be in alliance with them: for even Caunos, which before was not willing to be their ally, then, after they had burnt Sardis, was added to them also..

104. The Cyprians too, excepting those of Amathus, were added voluntarily to their alliance; for these also had revolted from the Medes in the following manner:—there was one Onesilos, younger brother of Gorgos king of Salamis, and son of Chersis, the son of Siromos, the son of Euelthon. This man in former times too had been wont often to advise Gorgos to make revolt from the king, and at this time, when he heard that the Ionians had revolted, he pressed him very hard and endeavoured to urge him to it. Since however he could not persuade Gorgos, Onesilos watched for a time when he had gone forth out of the city of Salamis, and then together with the men of his own faction he shut him out of the gates. Gorgos accordingly being robbed of the city went for refuge to the Medes, and Onesilos was ruler of Salamis and endeavoured to persuade all the men of Cyprus to join him in revolt. The others then he persuaded; but since those of Amathus were not willing to do as he desired, he sat down before their city and besieged it.

105. Onesilos then was besieging Amathus; and meanwhile, when it was reported to king Dareios that Sardis had been captured and burnt by the Athenians and the Ionians together, and that the leader of the league for being about these things 88 was the Milesian Aristagoras, it is said that at first being informed of this he made no account of the Ionians, because he knew that they at all events would not escape unpunished for their revolt, but he inquired into who the Athenians were; and when he had been informed, he asked for his bow, and having received it and placed an arrow upon the string, he discharged it upwards towards heaven, and as he shot into the air he said: "Zeus, that it may be granted me to take vengeance upon the Athenians!" Having so said he charged one of his attendants, that when dinner was set before the king he should say always three times: "Master, remember the Athenians.".

106. When he had given this charge, he called into his presence Histiaios the Milesian, whom Dareios had now been keeping with him for a long time, and said: "I am informed, Histiaios, that thy deputy, to whom thou didst depute the government of Miletos, has made rebellion against me; for he brought in men against me from the other continent and persuaded the Ionians also,—who shall pay the penalty to me for that which they did,—these, I say, he persuaded to go together with them, and thus he robbed me of Sardis. Now therefore how thinkest thou that this is well? and how without thy counsels was anything of this kind done? Take heed lest thou afterwards find reason to blame thyself for this." Histiaios replied: "O king, what manner of speech is this that thou hast uttered, saying that I counselled a matter from which it was likely that any vexation would grow for thee, either great or small? What have I to seek for in addition to that which I have, that I should do these things; and of what am I in want? for I have everything that thou hast, and I am thought worthy by thee to hear all thy counsels. Nay, but if my deputy is indeed acting in any such manner as thou hast said, be assured that he has done it merely on his own account. I however, for my part, do not even admit the report to be true, that the Milesians and my deputy are acting in any rebellious fashion against thy power: but if it prove that they are indeed doing anything of that kind, and if that which thou hast heard, O king, be the truth, learn then what a thing thou didst in removing me away from the sea-coast; for it seems that the Ionians, when I had gone out of the sight of their eyes, did that which they had long had a desire to do; whereas if I had been in Ionia, not a city would have made the least movement. Now therefore as quickly as possible let me set forth to go to Ionia, that I may order all these matters for thee as they were before, and deliver into thy hands this deputy of Miletos who contrived these things: and when I have done this after thy mind, I swear by the gods of the royal house that I will not put off from me the tunic which I wear when I go down to Ionia, until I have made Sardinia tributary to thee, which is the largest of all islands.".

107. Thus saying Histiaios endeavoured to deceive the king, and Dareios was persuaded and let him go, charging him, when he should have accomplished that which he had promised, to return to him again at Susa.

108. In the meantime, while the news about Sardis was going up to the king, and while Dareios, after doing that which he did with the bow, came to speech with Histiaios, and Histiaios having been let go by Dareios was making his journey to the sea-coast,—during all that time the events were happening which here follow.—As Onesilos of Salamis was besieging those of Amathus, it was reported to him that Artybios a Persian, bringing with him in ships a large Persian army, was to be expected shortly to arrive in Cyprus. Being informed of this, Onesilos sent heralds to different places in Ionia to summon the Ionians to his assistance; and they took counsel together and came without delay with a large force. Now the Ionians arrived in Cyprus just at the time when the Persians having crossed over in ships from Kilikia were proceeding by land to attack Salamis, while the Phenicians with the ships were sailing round the headland which is called the "Keys of Cyprus.".

109. This being the case, the despots of Cyprus called together the commanders of the Ionians and said: "Ionians, we of Cyprus give you a choice which enemy ye will rather fight with, the Persians or the Phenicians: for if ye will rather array yourselves on land and make trial of the Persians in fight, it is time now for you to disembark from your ships and array yourselves on the land, and for us to embark in your ships to contend against the Phenicians; but if on the other hand ye will rather make trial of the Phenicians,—whichever of these two ye shall choose, ye must endeavour that, so far as it rests with you, both Ionia and Cyprus shall be free." To this the Ionians replied: "We were sent out by the common authority of the Ionians to guard the sea, and not to deliver our ships to the Cyprians and ourselves fight with the Persians on land. We therefore will endeavour to do good service in that place to which we were appointed; and ye must call to mind all the evils which ye suffered from the Medes, when ye were in slavery to them, and prove yourselves good men.".

110. The Ionians made answer in these words; and afterwards, when the Persians had come to the plain of Salamis, the kings of the Cyprians set in order their array, choosing the best part of the troops of Salamis and of Soloi to be arrayed against the Persians and setting the other Cyprians against the rest of the enemy's troops; and against Artybios, the commander of the Persians, Onesilos took up his place in the array by his own free choice.

111. Now Artybios was riding a horse which had been trained to rear up against a hoplite. Onesilos accordingly being informed of this, and having a shield-bearer, by race of Caria, who was of very good repute as a soldier and full of courage besides, 89 said to this man: "I am informed that the horse of Artybios rears upright and works both with his feet and his mouth against any whom he is brought to attack. Do thou therefore consider the matter, and tell me forthwith which of the two thou wilt rather watch for and strike, the horse or Artybios himself." To this his attendant replied: "O king, I am ready to do both or either of these two things, and in every case to do that which thou shalt appoint for me; but I will declare to thee the way in which I think it will be most suitable 90 for thy condition. I say that it is right for one who is king and commander to fight with a king and commander; for if thou shalt slay the commander of the enemy, it turns to great glory for thee; and again, if he shall slay thee, which heaven forbid, even death when it is at the hands of a worthy foe is but half to be lamented: but for us who are under thy command it is suitable to fight with the others who are under his command and with his horse: and of the tricks of the horse have thou no fear at all, for I engage to thee that after this at least he shall never stand against any man more." Thus he spoke; and shortly afterwards the opposed forces joined battle both on land and with their ships..

112. On that day the Ionians for their part greatly distinguished themselves and overcame the Phenicians, and of them the Samians were best: and meanwhile on land, when the armies met, they came to close quarters and fought; and as regards the two commanders, what happened was this:—when Artybios came to fight with Onesilos sitting upon his horse, Onesilos, as he had concerted with his shield-bearer, struck at Artybios himself, when he came to fight with him; and when the horse put its hoofs against the shield of Onesilos, then the Carian struck with a falchion 91 and smote off the horse's feet..

113 So Artybios the commander of the Persians fell there on the spot together with his horse: and while the others also were fighting, Stesenor the despot of Curion deserted them, having with him a large force of men,—now these Curians are said to be settlers from Argos,—and when the Curians had deserted, forthwith also the war-chariots of the men of Salamis proceeded to do the same as the Curians. When these things took place, the Persians had the advantage over the Cyprians; and after their army had been put to rout, many others fell and among them Onesilos the son of Chersis, he who brought about the revolt of the Cyprians, and also the king of the Solians, Aristokypros the son of Philokypros,—that Philokypros whom Solon the Athenian, when he came to Cyprus, commended in verse above all other despots..

114. So the men of Amathus cut off the head of Onesilos, because he had besieged them; and having brought it to Amathus they hung it over the gate of the city: and as the head hung there, when it had now become a hollow, a swarm of bees entered into it and filled it with honeycomb. This having so come to pass, the Amathusians consulted an Oracle about the head, and they received an answer bidding them take it down and bury it and sacrifice to Onesilos every year as a hero; and if they did this, it would go better with them..

115. The Amathusians accordingly continued to do so even to my time. But the Ionians who had fought the sea-fight in Cyprus, when they perceived that the fortunes of Onesilos were ruined and that the cities of the Cyprians were besieged, except Salamis, and that this city had been delivered over by the Salaminians to Gorgos the former king,—as soon as they perceived this, the Ionians sailed away back to Ionia. Now of the cities in Cyprus Soloi held out for the longest time under the siege; and the Persians took it in the fifth month by undermining the wall round.

116. The Cyprians then, after they had made themselves free for one year, had again been reduced to slavery afresh: and meanwhile Daurises, who was married to a daughter of Dareios, and Hymaies and Otanes, who were also Persian commanders and were married also to daughters of Dareios, after they had pursued those Ionians who had made the expedition to Sardis and defeating them in battle had driven them by force to their ships,—after this distributed the cities amongst themselves and proceeded to sack them..

117. Daurises directed his march to the cities on the Hellespont, and he took Dardanos and Abydos and Percote and Lampsacos and Paisos, of these he took on each day one; and as he was marching from Paisos against the city of Parion, the report came that the Carians had made common cause with the Ionians and were in revolt from the Persians. He turned back therefore from the Hellespont and marched his army upon Caria..

118. And, as it chanced, a report of this was brought to the Carians before Daurises arrived; and the Carians being informed of it gathered together at the place which is called the "White Pillars" and at the river Marsyas, which flows from the region of Idrias and runs out into the Maiander. When the Carians had been gathered together there, among many other counsels which were given, the best, as it seems to me, was that of Pixodaros the son of Mausolos, a man of Kindye, who was married to the daughter of the king of the Kilikians, Syennesis. The opinion of this man was to the effect that the Carians should cross over the Maiander and engage battle with the Persians having the river at their backs, in order that the Carians, not being able to fly backwards and being compelled to remain where they were, might prove themselves even better men in fight than they naturally would. This opinion did not prevail; but they resolved that the Persians rather than themselves should have the Maiander at their backs, evidently 92 in order that if there should be a flight of the Persians and they should be worsted in the battle, they might never return home, but might fall into the river..

119. After this, when the Persians had come and had crossed the Maiander, the Carians engaged with the Persians on the river Marsyas and fought a battle which was obstinately contested and lasted long; but at length they were worsted by superior numbers: and of the Persians there fell as many as two thousand, but of the Carians ten thousand. Then those of them who escaped were shut up in Labraunda 93 within the sanctuary of Zeus Stratios, which is a large sacred grove of plane-trees; now the Carians are the only men we know who offer sacrifices to Zeus Stratios. These men then, being shut up there, were taking counsel together about their safety, whether they would fare better if they delivered themselves over to the Persians or if they left Asia altogether..

120. And while they were thus taking counsel, there came to their aid the Milesians and their allies. Then the Carians dismissed the plans which they were before considering and prepared to renew the war again from the beginning: and when the Persians came to attack them, they engaged with them and fought a battle, and they were worsted yet more completely than before; and while many were slain of all parties, 94 the Milesians suffered most..

121. Then afterwards the Carians repaired this loss and retrieved their defeat; for being informed that the Persians had set forth to march upon their cities, they laid an ambush on the road which is by Pedasos, 95 and the Persians falling into it by night were destroyed both they and their commanders, namely Daurises and Amorges and Sisimakes; and with them died also Myrsos the son of Gyges. Of this ambush the leader was Heracleides the son of Ibanollis, a man of Mylasa.

122. These then of the Persians were thus destroyed; and meanwhile Hymaies, who was another of those who pursued after the Ionians that had made the expedition to Sardis, directed his march to the Propontis and took Kios in Mysia; and having conquered this city, when he was informed that Daurises had left the Hellespont and was marching towards Caria, he left the Propontis and led his army to the Hellespont: and he conquered all the Aiolians who occupy the district of Ilion, and also the Gergithes, who were left behind as a remnant of the ancient Teucrians. While conquering these tribes Hymaies himself ended his life by sickness in the land of Troas..

123. He thus brought his life to an end; and Artaphrenes the governor of the province of Sardis was appointed with Otanes the third of the commanders to make the expedition against Ionia and that part of Aiolia which bordered upon it. Of Ionia these took the city of Clazomenai, and of the Aiolians Kyme.

124. While the cities were thus being taken, Aristagoras the Milesian, being, as he proved in this instance, not of very distinguished courage, since after having disturbed Ionia and made preparation of great matters 96 he counselled running away when he saw these things, (moreover it had become clear to him that it was impossible to overcome king Dareios),—he, I say, having regard to these things, called together those of his own party and took counsel with them, saying that it was better that there should be a refuge prepared for them, in case that they should after all be driven out from Miletos, and proposing the question whether he should lead them from thence to Sardinia, to form a colony there, or to Myrkinos in the land of the Edonians, which Histiaios had been fortifying, having received it as a gift from Dareios. This was the question proposed by Aristagoras..

125. Now the opinion of Hecataios the son of Hegesander the historian 97 was that he should not take a colony to either of these places, but build a wall of defence for himself in the island of Leros and keep still, if he should be forced to leave Miletos; and afterwards with this for his starting point he would be able to return to Miletos..

126. This was the counsel of Hecataios; but Aristagoras was most inclined to go forth to Myrkinos. He therefore entrusted the government of Miletos to Pythagoras, a man of repute among the citizens, and he himself sailed away to Thrace, taking with him every one who desired to go; and he took possession of the region for which he had set out. But starting from this to make war, he perished by the hands of the Thracians, that is both Aristagoras himself and his army, when he was encamped about a certain city and the Thracians desired to go out from it under a truce.

—————





NOTES TO BOOK V

1 (return)
[ {ie paion} (or {paian}), as the burden of a song of triumph.]

2 (return)
[ {eggenetai}: many MSS. and some Editors read {en genetai}, "and the race can never become united."]

3 (return)
[ iv. 93.]

301 (return)
[ Or "from the time that he was born."]

4 (return)
[ {to astikton} is probably for {to me estikhthai}: but possibly the meaning may be, "those who are not so marked are of low birth."]

5 (return)
[ "the greatest prizes are assigned for single combat in proportion" (as it is more difficult).]

6 (return)
[ Or "Siriopaionians."]

7 (return)
[ The words "and about the Doberians and Agrianians and Odomantians" are marked by Stein as an interpolation, on the ground that the two tribes first mentioned are themselves Paionian; but Doberians are distinguished from Paionians in vii. 113.]

8 (return)
[ {theres katarraktes}: the MSS. have {thures katapaktes} (which can hardly be right, since the Ionic form would be {katapektes}), meaning "fastened down." Stein suggests {thures katepaktes} (from {katepago}), which might mean "a door closed downwards," but the word is not found. (The Medicean MS. has {e} written over the last {a} of {katapaktes}.)]

9 (return)
[ {diapinontes}: or perhaps, "drinking against one another."]

10 (return)
[ See viii. 137.]

11 (return)
[ i.e. "he was drawn to run in the first pair."]

12 (return)
[ The best MSS. give this form throughout, which is also used by Æschylus: cp. iii. 70, note 60.]

13 (return)
[ {ekakothesan}.]

14 (return)
[ {toutou}: it is doubtful whether this means his power or his death. Perhaps something has dropped out after {teleuta}.]

15 (return)
[ {anesis}: a conjectural emendation of {aneos}. (Perhaps however, the word was rather {ananeosis}, "after a short time there was a renewal of evils"). Grote wishes to translate this clause, "after a short time there was an abatement of evils," being of opinion that the {anesis kakon} lasted about eight years. However the expression {ou pollon khronon} is so loose that it might well cover the required period of time.]

16 (return)
[ {praskhema}.]

17 (return)
[ i.e. Miletos and Naxos.]

18 (return)
[ {ton pakheon}.]

1801 (return)
[ {umin}: omitted in some MSS. and editions.]

19 (return)
[ Lit. "dividing him in such a manner."]

20 (return)
[ {kai to teikhos esaxanto}: {esaxanto} from {satto}, which generally means "load." Various conjectures have been made, e.g. {kai to teikhos ephraxanto}, or {kata takhos esaxanto}, the comma after {pota} being removed.]

2001 (return)
[ {me de neoteron ti poieuses tes Miletou}, "if Miletos made no change (i.e. rebellion)."]

21 (return)
[ {katairetheie}, "taken down" from their place (cp. {anetheke} below).]

22 (return)
[ {en to peoto ton logon}. The reference is to i. 92.]

23 (return)
[ {isonomien}: cp. iii. 80.]

24 (return)
[ {akromantes}: cp. {akrakholos}. It may mean "somewhat mad," so {akrozumos}, "slightly leavened," and other words.]

25 (return)
[ {Kinupa}: for this Stein reads by conjecture {Aibuen} and afterwards {para Kinupa potamon} for {para potamon}: but Kinyps was the name of the district about the river (iv. 198), and the name of the river is easily supplied from this.]

26 (return)
[ {Makeon te kai Libuon}. The Macai were of course Libyans, therefore perhaps we should read (with Niebuhr) {Makeon te Libuon}: or {Makeon te kai allon Libuon}.]

27 (return)
[ Stein thinks that Heracleia Minoa on the S. coast of Sicily cannot be meant, because too distant to be considered part of the "land of Eryx." Evidently however this expression is very vague, and there seems no need to correct the text as he proposes.]

28 (return)
[ {para ten Italion}: the name applied anciently only to the South-West of the peninsula.]

29 (return)
[ {Krathin}, the MSS. give {krastin} here, and {krastie} below for {Krathie}. Sybaris was situated between the rivers Crathis and Sybaris.]

30 (return)
[ i.e. "of the Market-place."]

31 (return)
[ {periodos}.]

32 (return)
[ {kurbasias}: see vii. 64.]

33 (return)
[ {poluargurotatoi}: this seems to include gold also, for which Lydia was famous.]

34 (return)
[ {poluprobatotatoi}.]

35 (return)
[ {tende}, pointing to it in the map.]

36 (return)
[ If {anaballesthai} is the true reading here, it cannot mean, "put off to another time," as Stein translates it; for the form of the sentence proves that it is to be taken as a question, co-ordinate with that which follows: {peri men khores ara ou polles khreon esti umeas makhas anaballesthai, parekhon de tes Asies arkhein allo ti airesesthe}; the first clause being in sense subordinate to the second.]

37 (return)
[ {es triten emeren}.]

38 (return)
[ {diaphthereei se}. It is impossible to reproduce the double meaning of {diaphtheirein}, "to destroy," and "to corrupt with bribes." The child was apparently alarmed by the vehement gestures of Aristagoras and supposed that he was going to kill her father. Cleomenes accepts the omen.]

39 (return)
[ {stathmoi}: "stations," the distance between them averaging here about 120 stades.]

40 (return)
[ {parasaggai}: the "parasang," as estimated at 30 stades, would be nearly 3½ English miles.]

4001 (return)
[ i.e. a narrow pass; so also below in speaking of the passes into Kilikia.]

41 (return)
[ In the MSS. this clause follows the account of the four rivers, and the distance through Matiene is given as "four stages" with no number of leagues added. By transposing the clause we avoid placing the rivers in Armenia instead of Matiene; and by making the number of stages thirty-four, with a corresponding number of leagues, we make the total right at the end and give the proper extension to Matiene.]

42 (return)
[ i.e. Zabatos: the name has perhaps fallen out of the text.]

43 (return)
[ {o d' usteron}: "the one mentioned afterwards." Stein reads {o d' usteros}.]

44 (return)
[ See i. 189.]

45 (return)
[ {parasagges}.]

46 (return)
[ {stadia}: the stade being equal to 606¾ English feet.]

47 (return)
[ Reckoned for the march of an army.]

48 (return)
[ Omitting {to eoutou pathei} which stands in the MSS. before {enargestaten}. If the words are retained, we must translate "which clearly pointed to his fate."]

49 (return)
[ {apeipamenos ten opsin}, which some translate "he made offerings to avert the dream."]

4901 (return)
[ {tisi}: many Editors adopt the conjecture {trisi}, three.]

50 (return)
[ {anetheken eon}: various conjectures have been made here, e.g. {anetheken elon}, {anetheken ion}, {anetheke theo}, {anetheken eont}, {anetheke neon}: the last, which is Bentley's, is perhaps the best; but it is doubtful whether the active form of the verb is admissible.]

51 (return)
[ {autos}: the MSS. have {auton}. If {autos} is right, the meaning is "from his own property."]

52 (return)
[ The expression {Peisistratidai} is used loosely for the family in general.]

53 (return)
[ {porinou lithou}, "tufa."]

5301 (return)
[ Or "of God."]

54 (return)
[ {Koniaion}. There is no such place as Conion known in Thessaly, but we cannot correct the text with any certainty.]

55 (return)
[ There is perhaps a play of words in {basileus} and {leuster}.]

56 (return)
[ {prutaneio}.]

57 (return)
[ "Rulers of the people."]

58 (return)
[ "Swine-ites."]

59 (return)
[ "Ass-ites."]

60 (return)
[ "Pig-ites."]

61 (return)
[ {proteron aposmenon, tote panta}: most of the MSS. read {panton} for {panta}. The Editors propose various corrections, e.g. {proteron apospenon panton, tote k.t.l.}, "which before were excluded from everything," or {proteron apospenon, tote panton metadidous}, "giving the people, which before he had despised, a share of all rights": or {panton} is corrected to {epanion}, "on his return from exile," temporary exile being supposed as the result of the defeat mentioned in ch. 66.]

62 (return)
[ {tous enageas}.]

63 (return)
[ i.e. of Athene Polias in the Erechtheion.]

64 (return)
[ Cp. iv. 145.]

6401 (return)
[ {tous boethous}: most of the MSS. have {tous Boiotous}.]

65 (return)
[ {ippobotai}.]

66 (return)
[ {dimneos apotimesamenoi}.]

67 (return)
[ See viii. 53.]

68 (return)
[ {isegorin}: probably not "equal freedom of speech," but practically the same as {isonomie}, ch. 37.]

69 (return)
[ Lit. "penetrated the Athenian greatly": most MSS. and Editors read {esineonto} (or {esinonto}) for {esikneonto}, which is given by the first hand in at least two good MSS.]

70 (return)
[ i.e. "Athene (protectress) of the city," who shared with Erechtheus the temple on the Acropolis called the "Erechtheion"; see viii. 55.]

71 (return)
[ More lit. "to give and receive from one another satisfaction."]

72 (return)
[ {eti tode poiesai nomon einai, para sphisi ekateroisi k.t.l.} The Editors punctuate variously, and alterations have been proposed in the text.]

73 (return)
[ i.e. Damia and Auxesia.]

74 (return)
[ {ginoito}: some MSS. read {an ginoito}, "would become": so Stein and many other Editors.]

75 (return)
[ Some Editors omit this clause, "whither—refuge."]

76 (return)
[ "having grown a good opinion of itself."]

7601 (return)
[ Or, altering {oste} to {os ge} or {osper}, "as the neighbours of these men first of all, that is the Boeotians and Chalkidians, have already learnt, and perhaps some others will afterwards learn that they have committed an error." The word {amarton} would thus be added as an afterthought, with reference primarily to the Corinthians, see ch. 75.]

77 (return)
[ {peiresometha spheas ama umin apikomenoi tisasthai}: some MSS. read {akeomenoi} and omit {tisasthai}. Hence it has been proposed to read {peisesometha sphea ama umin akeomenoi}, "we will endeavour to remedy this with your help," which may be right.]

78 (return)
[ So the name is given by the better class of MSS. Others, followed by most Editors, make it "Sosicles."]

79 (return)
[ {isokratias}.]

80 (return)
[ Lit. "gave and took (in marriage) from one another."]

81 (return)
[ {Eetion, outis se tiei polutiton eonta}: the play upon {Eetion} and {tio} can hardly be rendered. The "rolling rock" in the next line is an allusion to Petra, the name of the deme.]

82 (return)
[ {aietos en petresi kuei}, with a play upon the names {Eetion} ({Aeton}) and {Petre} again.]

83 (return)
[ {ophruoenta}, "situated on a brow or edge," the regular descriptive epithet of Corinth.]

84 (return)
[ {kupselen}: cp. Aristoph. Pax, 631.]

85 (return)
[ {amphidexion}: commonly translated "ambiguous," but in fact the oracle is of the clearest, so much so that Abicht cuts the knot by inserting {ouk}. Stein explains it to mean "doubly favourable," {amphoterothen dexion}. I understand it to mean "two-edged" (cp. {amphekes}), in the sense that while promising success to Kypselos and his sons, it prophesies also the deposition of the family in the generation after, and so acts (or cuts) both ways.]

86 (return)
[ {anapodizon}, "calling him back over the same ground again."]

87 (return)
[ Evidently the war must be dated earlier than the time of Peisistratos.]

8701 (return)
[ Or (according to some MSS.), "another of the citizens, named Hermophantos."]

88 (return)
[ {tes sulloges oste tauta sunuphanthenai}, "the assembling together so that these things were woven."]

89 (return)
[ {kai allos lematos pleos}.]

90 (return)
[ {plospheresteron}, or perhaps {plopheresteron}, "to be preferred"; so one MS.: {plospheres} ordinarily means "like."]

91 (return)
[ {drepano}, cp. vii. 93.]

92 (return)
[ {delade}, ironical.]

93 (return)
[ Or, "Labranda."]

94 (return)
[ i.e. Carians, Persians, and Ionians.]

95 (return)
[ {en Pedaso}: the MSS. vary between {en Pidaso, epi daso}, and {epi lasoisi}, and Valla's translation has "in viam quae in Mylassa fert." Some Editors read {epi Mulasoisi}, others {epi Pedaso}.]

96 (return)
[ {egkerasamenos pregmata megala}.]

97 (return)
[ {andros logopoiou}.]

HERODOTUS, HISTORIES - BOOK VI

Erato

1. Aristagoras accordingly, after having caused Ionia to revolt, thus brought his life to an end; and meanwhile Histiaios the despot of Miletos, having been let go by Dareios had arrived at Sardis: and when he came from Susa, Artaphrenes the governor of Sardis asked him for what reason he supposed the Ionians had revolted; and he said that he could not tell, and moreover he expressed wonder at that which had happened, pretending that he knew nothing of the state of affairs. Then Artaphrenes seeing that he was using dissimulation said, having knowledge of the truth about the revolt: "Thus it is with thee, Histiaios, about these matters,—this shoe was stitched by thee, and put on by Aristagoras.".

2. Thus said Artaphrenes with reference to the revolt; and Histiaios fearing Artaphrenes because he understood the matter, ran away the next night at nightfall and went to the sea-coast, having deceived king Dareios, seeing that he had engaged to subdue Sardinia the largest of islands, and instead of that he was endeavouring to take upon himself leadership of the Ionians in the war against Dareios. Then having crossed over to Chios he was put in bonds by the Chians, being accused by them of working for a change of their State by suggestion of Dareios. When however the Chians learnt the whole story and heard that he was an enemy to the king, they released him..

3. Then Histiaios, being asked by the Ionians for what reason he had so urgently charged Aristagoras to revolt from the king and had wrought so great an evil for the Ionians, did not by any means declare to them that which had been in truth the cause, but reported to them that king Dareios had resolved to remove the Phenicians from their land and to settle them in Ionia, and the Ionians in Phenicia; and for this reason, he said, he had given the charge. Thus he attempted to alarm the Ionians, although the king had never resolved to do so at all.

4. After this Histiaios acting through a messenger, namely Hermippos a man of Atarneus, sent papers to the Persians who were at Sardis, implying that he had already talked matters over with them about a revolt: and Hermippos did not deliver them to those to whom he was sent, but bore the papers and put them into the hands of Artaphrenes. He then, perceiving all that was being done, bade Hermippos bear the papers sent by Histiaios and deliver them to those to whom he was sent to bear them, and to deliver to him the replies sent back by the Persians to Histiaios. These things having been discovered, Artaphrenes upon that put to death many of the Persians.

5. As regards Sardis therefore there was confusion of the design; and when Histiaios had been disappointed of this hope, the Chians attempted to restore him to Miletos at the request of Histiaios himself. The Milesians, however, who had been rejoiced before to be rid of Aristagoras, were by no means eager to receive another despot into their land, seeing that they had tasted of liberty: and in fact Histiaios, attempting to return to Miletos by force and under cover of night, was wounded in the thigh by one of the Milesians. He then, being repulsed from his own city, returned to Chios; and thence, as he could not persuade the Chians to give him ships, he crossed over to Mytilene and endeavoured to persuade the Lesbians to give him ships. So they manned eight triremes and sailed with Histiaios to Byzantion, and stationing themselves there they captured the ships which sailed out of the Pontus, excepting where the crews of them said that they were ready to do the bidding of Histiaios.

6. While Histiaios and the men of Mytilene were acting thus, a large army both of sea and land forces was threatening to attack Miletos itself; for the commanders of the Persians had joined together to form one single army and were marching upon Miletos, considering the other towns of less account. Of their naval force the most zealous were the Phenicians, and with them also served the Cyprians, who had just been subdued, and the Kilikians and Egyptians..

7. These, I say, were advancing upon Miletos and the rest of Ionia; and meanwhile the Ionians being informed of this were sending deputies 1 chosen from themselves to the Panionion. 2 When these had arrived at that place and took counsel together, they resolved not to gather a land-army to oppose the Persians, but that the Milesians should defend their walls by themselves, and that the Ionians should man their fleet, leaving out not one of their ships, and having done so should assemble as soon as possible at Lade, to fight a sea-battle in defence of Miletos. Now Lade is a small island lying opposite the city of the Milesians..

8. Then the Ionians manned their ships and came thither, and with them also those Aiolians who inhabit Lesbos; and they were drawn up in order thus:—the extremity of the line towards the East was held by the Milesians themselves, who furnished eighty ships; next to them were the Prienians with twelve ships and the men of Myus with three; next to those of Myus were the Teians with seventeen ships, and after the Teians the Chians with a hundred; after these were stationed the men of Erythrai and of Phocaia, the former furnishing eight ships and the latter three; next to the Phocaians were the Lesbians with seventy ships, and last, holding the extremity of the line towards the West, were stationed the Samians with sixty ships. Of all these the total number proved to be three hundred and fifty-three triremes..

9. These were the ships of the Ionians; and of the Barbarians the number of ships was six hundred. When these too were come to the Milesian coast and their whole land-army was also there, then the commanders of the Persians, being informed of the number of the Ionian ships, were struck with fear lest they should be unable to overcome them, and thus on the one hand should not be able to conquer Miletos from not having command of the sea, and at the same time should run a risk of being punished by Dareios. Reflecting upon these things they gathered together the despots of the Ionians who were exiles with the Medes, having been deposed from their governments by Aristagoras the Milesian, and who chanced to be then joining in the expedition against Miletos,—of these men they called together those who were present and spoke to them as follows: "Ionians, now let each one of you show himself a benefactor of the king's house, that is to say, let each one of you endeavour to detach his own countrymen from the body of the alliance: and make your proposals promising at the same time that they shall suffer nothing unpleasant on account of the revolt, and neither their temples nor their private houses shall be burnt, nor shall they have any worse treatment than they had before this; but if they will not do so, but will by all means enter into a contest with us, threaten them and tell them this, which in truth shall happen to them, namely that if they are worsted in the fight they shall be reduced to slavery, and we shall make their sons eunuchs, and their maidens we shall remove to Bactria, and deliver their land to others.".

10. They thus spoke; and the despots of Ionia sent each one by night to his own people announcing to them this. The Ionians however, that is those to whom these messages came, continued obstinate and would not accept the thought of treason to their cause; and each people thought that to them alone the Persians were sending this message.

11. This happened as soon as the Persians came to Miletos; and after this the Ionians being gathered together at Lade held meetings; and others no doubt also made speeches to them, but especially the Phocaian commander Dionysios, who said as follows: "Seeing that our affairs are set upon the razor's edge, Ionians, whether we shall be free or slaves, and slaves too to be dealt with as runaways, now therefore if ye shall be willing to take upon yourselves hardships, ye will have labour for the time being, but ye will be able to overcome the enemy and be free; whereas if ye continue to be self-indulgent and without discipline, I have no hope for you that ye will not pay the penalty to the king for your revolt. Nay, but do as I say, and deliver yourselves over to me; and I engage, if the gods grant equal conditions, that either the enemy will not fight with us, or that fighting he shall be greatly discomfited.".

12. Hearing this the Ionians delivered themselves to Dionysios; and he used to bring the ships out every day in single file, 3 that he might practise the rowers by making the ships break through one another's line, 4 and that he might get the fighting-men in the ships under arms; an then for the rest of the day he would keep the ships at anchor; and thus he gave the Ionians work to do during the whole day. For seven days then they submitted and did that which he commanded; but on the day after these the Ionians, being unaccustomed to such toils and being exhausted with hard work and hot sun, spoke to one another thus: "Against which of the deities have we offended, that we thus fill up the measure of evil? for surely we have delivered ourselves to a Phocaian, an impostor, who furnishes but three ships: and he has taken us into his hands and maltreats us with evil dealing from which we can never recover; and many of us in fact have fallen into sicknesses, and many others, it may be expected, will suffer the same thing shortly; and for us it is better to endure anything else in the world rather than these ills, and to undergo the slavery which will come upon us, whatever that shall be, rather than to be oppressed by that which we have now. Come, let us not obey him after this any more." So they said, and forthwith after this every one refused to obey him, and they pitched their tents in the island like an army, and kept in the shade, and would not go on board their ships or practise any exercises.

13. Perceiving this which was being done by the Ionians, the commanders of the Samians then at length accepted from Aiakes the son of Syloson those proposals which Aiakes sent before at the bidding of the Persians, asking them to leave the alliance of the Ionians; the Samians, I say, accepted these proposals, perceiving that there was great want of discipline on the part of the Ionians, while at the same time it was clear to them that it was impossible to overcome the power of the king; and they well knew also that even if they should overcome the present naval force of Dareios, 5 another would be upon them five times as large. Having found an occasion 6 then, so soon as they saw that the Ionians refused to be serviceable, they counted it gain for themselves to save their temples and their private property. Now Aiakes, from whom the Samians accepted the proposals, was the son of Syloson, the son of Aiakes, and being despot of Samos he had been deprived of his rule by Aristagoras the Milesian, like the other despots of Ionia..

14. So when the Phenicians sailed to the attack, the Ionians also put out their ships from shore against them, sailing in single file: and when they came near and engaged battle with one another, as regards what followed I am not able exactly to record which of the Ionians showed themselves cowards or good men in this sea-fight, for they throw blame upon one another. The Samians however, it is said, according to their agreement with Aiakes put up their sails then and set forth from their place in the line to sail back to Samos, excepting only eleven ships: of these the captains stayed in their places and took part in the sea-fight, refusing to obey the commanders of their division; and the public authority of the Samians granted them on account of this to have their names written up on a pillar with their fathers' names also, 601 as having proved themselves good men; and this pillar exists still in the market-place. Then the Lesbians also, when they saw that those next them in order were taking to flight, did the same things as the Samians had done, and so also most of the Ionians did the very same thing..

15. Of those which remained in their places in the sea-fight the Chians suffered very severely, 7 since they displayed brilliant deeds of valour and refused to play the coward. These furnished, as was before said, a hundred ships and in each of them forty picked men of their citizens served as fighting-men; 8 and when they saw the greater number of their allies deserting them, they did not think fit to behave like the cowards among them, but left along with a few only of their allies they continued to fight and kept breaking through the enemy's line; until at last, after they had conquered many ships of the enemy, they lost the greater number of their own..

16. The Chians then with the remainder of their ships fled away to their own land; but those of the Chians whose ships were disabled by the damage which they had received, being pursued fled for refuge to Mycale; and their ships they ran ashore there and left them behind, while the men proceeded over the mainland on foot: and when the Chians had entered the Ephesian territory on their way, then since 801 they came into it by night and at a time when a festival of Thesmophoria was being celebrated by the women of the place, the Ephesians, not having heard beforehand how it was with the Chians and seeing that an armed body had entered their land, supposed certainly that they were robbers and had a design upon the women; so they came out to the rescue in a body and slew the Chians.

17. Such was the fortune which befell these men: but Dionysios the Phocaian, when he perceived that the cause of the Ionians was ruined, after having taken three ships of the enemy sailed away, not to Pocaia any more, for he knew well that it would be reduced to slavery together with the rest of Ionia, and he sailed forthwith straight to Phenicia; and having there sunk merchant ships and taken a great quantity of goods, he sailed thence to Sicily. Then with that for his starting-point he became a freebooter, not plundering any Hellenes, but Carthaginians and Tyrsenians only.

18. The Persians, then, being conquerors of the Ionians in the sea-fight, besieged Miletos by land and sea, undermining the walls and bringing against it all manner of engines; and they took it completely 9 in the sixth year from the revolt of Aristagoras, and reduced the people to slavery; so that the disaster agreed with the oracle which had been uttered with reference to Miletos..

19. For when the Argives were inquiring at Delphi about the safety of their city, there was given to them an oracle which applied to both, that is to say, part of it had reference to the Argives themselves, while that which was added afterwards referred to the Milesians. The part of it which had reference to the Argives I will record when I reach that place in the history, 10 but that which the Oracle uttered with reference to the Milesians, who were not there present, is as follows: 

 "And at that time, O Miletos, of evil deeds the contriver,
  Thou shalt be made for many a glorious gift and a banquet:
  Then shall thy wives be compelled to wash the feet of the long-haired,
  And in Didyma then my shrine shall be tended by others."

At the time of which I speak these things came upon the Milesians, since most of the men were killed by the Persians, who are long-haired, and the women and children were dealt with as slaves; and the temple at Didyma, with the sacred building and the sanctuary of the Oracle, was first plundered and then burnt. Of the things in this temple I have made mention frequently in other parts of the history. 11.

20. After this the Milesians who had been taken prisoner were conducted to Susa; and king Dareios did to them no other evil, but settled them upon the Sea called Erythraian, in the city of Ampe, by which the Tigris flows when it runs out into the sea. Of the Milesian land the Persians themselves kept the surroundings of the city and the plain, but the heights they gave to the Carians of Pedasa for a possession.

21. When the Milesians suffered this treatment from the Persians, the men of Sybaris, who were dwelling in Laos and Skidros, being deprived of their own city, did not repay like with like: for when Sybaris was taken by the men of Croton, the Milesians all from youth upwards shaved their heads and put on great mourning: for these cities were more than all others of which we know bound together by ties of friendship. Not like the Sybarites were the Athenians; for these made it clear that they were grieved at the capture of Miletos, both in many other ways and also by this, that when Phrynichos had composed a drama called the "Capture of Miletos" and had put it on the stage, the body of spectators fell to weeping, and the Athenians moreover fined the poet a thousand drachmas on the ground that he had reminded them of their own calamities; and they ordered also that no one in future should represent this drama.

22. Miletos then had been stripped bare of its former inhabitants: but of the Samians they who had substance were by no means satisfied with that which had been concerted by the commanders of their fleet with the Medes; and taking counsel forthwith after the sea-fight it seemed good to them, before their despot Aiakes arrived in the country, to sail away and make a colony, and not to stay behind and be slaves of the Medes and of Aiakes: for just at this time the people of Zancle in Sicily were sending messengers to Ionia and inviting the Ionians to come to the "Fair Strand," 1101 desiring there to found a city of Ionians. Now this which is called the Fair Strand is in the land of the Sikelians and on that side of Sicily which lies towards Tyrsenia. So when these gave the invitation, the Samians alone of all the Ionians set forth, having with them those of the Milesians who had escaped: and in the course of this matter it happened as follows:—

23. The Samians as they made their way towards Sicily reached Locroi Epizephyroi, and at the same time the people of Zancle, both themselves and their king, whose name was Skythes, were encamped about a city of the Sikelians, desiring to conquer it. Perceiving these things, Anaxilaos the despot of Rhegion, being then at variance with those of Zancle, communicated with the Samians and persuaded them that they ought to leave the Fair Strand alone, to which they were sailing, and take possession of Zancle instead, since it was left now without men to defend it. The Samians accordingly did as he said and took possession of Zancle; and upon this the men of Zancle, being informed that their city was possessed by an enemy, set out to rescue it, and invited Hippocrates the despot of Gela to help them, for he was their ally. When however Hippocrates also with his army had come up to their rescue, first he put Skythes the ruler of the Zanclaians in fetters, on the ground that he had been the cause of the city being lost, and together with him his brother Pythogenes, and sent them away to the town of Incyos; 12 then he betrayed the cause of the remaining Zanclaians by coming to terms with the Samians and exchanging oaths with them; and in return for this it had been promised by the Samians that Hippocrates should receive as his share the half of all the movable goods in the city and of the slaves, and the whole of the property in the fields round. So the greater number of the Zanclaians he put in bonds and kept himself as slaves, but the chief men of them, three hundred in number, he gave to the Samians to put to death; which however the Samians did not do.

24. Now Skythes the ruler of the Zanclaians escaped from Incyos to Himera, and thence he came to Asia and went up to the court of Dareios: and Dareios accounted him the most righteous of all the men who had come up to him from Hellas; for he obtained leave of the king and went away to Sicily, and again came back from Sicily to the king; and at last he brought his life to an end among the Persians in old age and possessing great wealth. The Samians then, having got rid of the rule of the Medes, had gained for themselves without labour the fair city of Zancle.

25. After the sea-battle which was fought for Miletos, the Phenicians by the command of the Persians restored to Samos Aiakes the son of Syloson, since he had been to them of much service and had done for them great things; and the Samians alone of all who revolted from Dareios, because of the desertion of their ships which were in the sea-fight, 13 had neither their city nor their temples burnt. Then after the capture of Miletos the Persians forthwith got possession of Caria, some of the cities having submitted to their power voluntarily, while others of them they brought over by force.

26. Thus it came to pass as regards these matters: and meanwhile Histiaios the Milesian, who was at Byzantion and was seizing the merchant vessels of the Ionians as they sailed forth out of the Pontus, received the report of that which had happened about Miletos. Upon that he entrusted the matters which had to do with the Hellespont to Bisaltes the son of Apollophanes, a man of Abydos, while he himself with the Lesbians sailed to Chios; and when a body of the Chians who were on guard did not allow him to approach, he fought with them at that spot in the Chian land which is called the "Hollows." 14 Histiaios then not only slew many of these, but also, taking Polichne of the Chians as his base, he conquered with the help of the Lesbians the remainder of the Chians as well, since they had suffered great loss by the sea-fight..

27. And heaven is wont perhaps to give signs beforehand whenever great evils are about to happen to a city or a race of men; for to the Chians also before these events remarkable signs had come. In the first place when they had sent to Delphi a chorus of a hundred youths, two only returned home, the remaining ninety-eight of them having been seized by a plague and carried off; and then secondly in their city about the same time, that is shortly before the sea-fight, as some children were being taught 15 in school the roof fell in upon them, so that of a hundred and twenty children only one escaped. These signs God showed to them beforehand; and after this the sea-fight came upon them and brought their State down upon its knees; and as the Chians had suffered great loss, he without difficulty effected the conquest of them.

28. Thence Histiaios made an expedition against Thasos, taking with him a large force of Ionians and Aiolians; and while he was encamped about the town of Thasos, a report came to him that the Phenicians were sailing up from Miletos to conquer the rest of Ionia. Being informed of this he left Thasos unconquered and himself hastened to Lesbos, taking with him his whole army. Then, as his army was in want of food, 16 he crossed over from Lesbos to reap the corn in Atarneus and also that in the plain of the Caïcos, which belonged to the Mysians. In these parts there chanced to be a Persian named Harpagos commanding a considerable force; and this man fought a battle with him after he had landed, and he took Histiaios himself prisoner and destroyed the greater part of his army..

29. And Histiaios was taken prisoner in the following manner:—As the Hellenes were fighting with the Persians at Malene in the district of Atarneus, after they had been engaged in close combat for a long time, the cavalry at length charged and fell upon the Hellenes; and the cavalry in fact decided the battle. 17 So when the Hellenes had been turned to flight, Histiaios trusting that he would not be put to death by the king on account of his present fault, conceived a love of life, so that when he was being caught in his flight by a Persian and was about to be run through by him in the moment of his capture, he spoke in Persian and made himself known, saying that he was Histiaios the Milesian..

30. If then upon being taken prisoner he had been brought to king Dareios, he would not, as I think, have suffered any harm, but Dareios would have forgiven the crime with which he was charged; as it was, however, for this very reason and in order that he might not escape from punishment and again become powerful with the king, Artaphrenes the governor of Sardis and Harpagos who had captured him, when he had reached Sardis on his way to the king, put him to death there and then, and his body they impaled, but embalmed his head and brought it up to Dareios at Susa. Dareios having been informed of this, found fault with those who had done so, because they had not brought him up to his presence alive; and he bade wash the head of Histiaios and bestow upon it proper care, and then bury it, as that of one who had been greatly a benefactor both of the king himself and of the Persians.

31. Thus it happened about Histiaios; and meanwhile the Persian fleet, after wintering near Miletos, when it put to sea again in the following year conquered without difficulty the islands lying near the mainland, Chios, Lesbos, and Tenedos; and whenever they took one of the islands, the Barbarians, as each was conquered, swept the inhabitants off it; 18 and this they do in the following manner:—they extend themselves from the sea on the North to the sea on the South, each man having hold of the hand of the next, and then they pass through the whole island hunting the people out of it. They took also the Ionian cities on the mainland in the same manner, except that they did not sweep off the inhabitants thus, for it was not possible..

32. Then the commanders of the Persians proved not false to the threats with which they had threatened the Ionians when these were encamped opposite to them: for in fact when they conquered the cities, they chose out the most comely of the boys and castrated them, making eunuchs of them, and the fairest of the maidens they carried off by force to the king; and not only this, but they also burnt the cities together with the temples. Thus for the third time had the Ionians been reduced to slavery, first by the Lydians and then twice in succession by the Persians.

33. Departing from Ionia the fleet proceeded to conquer all the places of the Hellespont on the left as one sails in, for those on the right had been subdued already by the Persians themselves, approaching them by land. Now the cities of the Hellespont in Europe are these:—first comes the Chersonese, in which there are many cities, then Perinthos, the strongholds of the Thracian border, Selymbria, and Byzantion. The people of Byzantion and those of Calchedon opposite did not even wait for the coming of the Persian ships, but had left their own land first and departed, going within the Euxine; and there they settled in the city of Mesambria. 19 So the Phenicians, having burnt these places which have been mentioned, directed their course next to Proconnesos and Artake; and when they had delivered these also to the flames, they sailed back to the Chersonese to destroy the remaining cities which they had not sacked when they touched there before: but against Kyzicos they did not sail at all; for the men of Kyzicos even before the time when the Phenicians sailed in had submitted to the king of their own accord, and had made terms with Oibares the son of Megabazos, the Persian governor at Daskyleion. 20.

34. In the Chersonese then the Phenicians made themselves masters of all the other cities except the city of Cardia. Of these cities up to that time Miltiades the son of Kimon, the son of Stesagoras, had been despot, Miltiades the son of Kypselos having obtained this government in the manner which here follows:—The inhabitants of this Chersonese were Dolonkian Thracians; and these Dolonkians, being hard pressed in war by the Apsinthians, sent their kings to Delphi to consult the Oracle about the war. And the Pythian prophetess answered them that they must bring into their land as founder of a settlement the man who should first offer them hospitality as they returned from the temple. The Dolonkians then passed along the Sacred Road through the land of the Phokians and of the Boeotians, and as no man invited them, they turned aside and came to Athens..

35. Now at that time in Athens the government was held by Peisistratos, but Miltiades also the son of Kypselos had some power, who belonged to a family which kept four-horse chariot teams, and who was descended originally from Aiacos and Egina, though in more recent times his family was Athenian, Philaios the son of Ajax having been the first of his house who became an Athenian. This Miltiades was sitting in the entrance of his own dwelling, and seeing the Dolonkians going by with dress that was not of the native Athenian fashion and with spears, he shouted to them; and when they approached, he offered them lodging and hospitality. They then having accepted and having been entertained by him, proceeded to declare all the utterances of the Oracle; and having declared it they asked him to do as the god had said: and Miltiades when he heard it was at once disposed to agree, because he was vexed by the rule of Peisistratos and desired to be removed out of the way. He set out therefore forthwith to Delphi to inquire of the Oracle whether he should do that which the Dolonkians asked of him:.

36, and as the Pythian prophetess also bade him do so, Miltiades the son of Kypselos, who had before this been victor at Olympia with a four-horse chariot, now taking with him of the Athenians everyone who desired to share in the expedition, sailed with the Dolonkians and took possession of the land: and they who had invited him to come to them made him despot over them. First then he made a wall across the isthmus of the Chersonese from the city of Cardia to Pactye, in order that the Apsinthians might not be able to invade the land and do them damage. Now the number of furlongs 21 across the isthmus at this place is six-and-thirty, and from this isthmus the Chersonese within is altogether four hundred and twenty furlongs in length..

37. Having made a wall then across the neck of the Chersonese and having in this manner repelled the Apsinthians, Miltiades made war upon the people of Lampsacos first of all others; and the people of Lampsacos laid an ambush and took him prisoner. Now Miltiades had come to be a friend 22 of Croesus the Lydian; and Croesus accordingly, being informed of this event, sent and commanded the people of Lampsacos to let Miltiades go; otherwise he threatened to destroy them utterly like a pine-tree. 23 Then when the people of Lampsacos were perplexed in their counsels as to what that saying should mean with which Croesus had threatened them, namely that he would destroy them utterly like a pine-tree, at length one of the elder men with difficulty perceived the truth, and said that a pine alone of all trees when it has been cut down does not put forth any further growth but perishes, being utterly destroyed. The people of Lampsacos therefore fearing Croesus loosed Miltiades and let him go..

38. He then escaped by means of Croesus, but afterwards he brought his life to an end leaving no son to succeed him, but passing over his rule and his possessions to Stesagoras, who was the son of Kimon, his brother on the mother's side: 24 and the people of the Chersonese still offer sacrifices to him after his death as it is usual to do to a founder, and hold in his honour a contest of horse-races and athletic exercises, in which none of the men of Lampsacos are allowed to contend. After this there was war with those of Lampsacos; and it happened to Stesagoras also that he died without leaving a son, having been struck on the head with an axe in the City Hall by a man who pretended to be a deserter, but who proved himself to be in fact an enemy and a rather hot one moreover..

39. Then after Stesagoras also had ended his life in this manner, Miltiades son of Kimon and brother of that Stesagoras who was dead, was sent in a trireme to the Chersonese to take possession of the government by the sons of Peisistratos, who had dealt well with him at Athens also, pretending that they had had no share in the death of his father Kimon, of which in another part of the history I will set forth how it came to pass. 25 Now Miltiades, when he came to the Chersonese, kept himself within his house, paying honours in all appearance 26 to the memory of his brother Stesagoras; and the chief men of the inhabitants of the Chersonese in every place, being informed of this, gathered themselves together from all the cities and came in a body to condole with him, and when they had come they were laid in bonds by him. Miltiades then was in possession of the Chersonese, supporting a body of five hundred mercenary troops; and he married the daughter of Oloros the king of the Thracians, who was named Hegesipyle.

40. Now this Miltiades son of Kimon had at the time of which we speak but lately returned 27 to the Chersonese; and after he had returned, there befell him other misfortunes worse than those which had befallen him already; for two years before this he had been a fugitive out of the land from the Scythians, since the nomad Scythians provoked by king Dareios had joined all in a body and marched as far as this Chersonese, and Miltiades had not awaited their attack but had become a fugitive from the Chersonese, until at last the Scythians departed and the Dolonkians brought him back again. These things happened two years before the calamities which now oppressed him:.

41, and now, being informed that the Phenicians were at Tenedos, he filled five triremes with the property which he had at hand and sailed away for Athens. And having set out from the city of Cardia he was sailing through the gulf of Melas; and as he passed along by the shore of the Chersonese, the Phenicians fell in with his ships, and while Miltiades himself with four of his ships escaped to Imbros, the fifth of his ships was captured in the pursuit by the Phenicians. Of this ship it chanced that Metiochos the eldest of the sons of Miltiades was in command, not born of the daughter of Oloros the Thracian, but of another woman. Him the Phenicians captured together with his ship; and being informed about him, that he was the son of Miltiades, they brought him up to the king, supposing that they would lay up for themselves a great obligation; because it was Miltiades who had declared as his opinion to the Ionians that they should do as the Scythians said, at that time when the Scythians requested them to break up the bridge of boats and sail away to their own land. Dareios however, when the Phenicians brought up to him Metiochos the son of Miltiades, did Metiochos no harm but on the contrary very much good; for he gave him a house and possessions and a Persian wife, by whom he had children born who have been ranked as Persians. Miltiades meanwhile came from Imbros to Athens.

42. In the course of this year there was done by the Persians nothing more which tended to strife with the Ionians, but these things which follow were done in this year very much to their advantage.—Artaphrenes the governor of Sardis sent for envoys from all the cities and compelled the Ionians to make agreements among themselves, so that they might give satisfaction for wrongs and not plunder one another's land. This he compelled them to do, and also he measured their territories by parasangs,—that is the name which the Persians give to the length of thirty furlongs, 28—he measured, I say, by these, and appointed a certain amount of tribute for each people, which continues still unaltered from that time even to my own days, as it was appointed by Artaphrenes; and the tribute was appointed to be nearly of the same amount for each as it had been before..

43. These were things which tended to peace for the Ionians; but at the beginning of the spring, the other commanders having all been removed by the king, Mardonios the son of Gobryas came down to the sea, bringing with him a very large land-army and a very large naval force, being a young man and lately married to Artozostra daughter of king Dareios. When Mardonios leading this army came to Kilikia, he embarked on board a ship himself and proceeded together with the other ships, while other leaders led the land-army to the Hellespont. Mardonios however sailing along the coast of Asia came to Ionia: and here I shall relate a thing which will be a great marvel to those of the Hellenes who do not believe that to the seven men of the Persians Otanes declared as his opinion that the Persians ought to have popular rule; 29 for Mardonios deposed all the despots of the Ionians and established popular governments in the cities. Having so done he hastened on to the Hellespont; and when there was collected a vast number of ships and a large land-army, they crossed over the Hellespont in the ships and began to make their way through Europe, and their way was directed against Eretria and Athens..

44. These, I say, furnished them the pretence for the expedition, but they had it in their minds to subdue as many as they could of the Hellenic cities; and in the first place they subdued with their ships the Thasians, who did not even raise a hand to defend themselves: then with the land-army they gained the Macedonians to be their servants in addition to those whom they had already; for all the nations on the East of the Macedonians 30 had become subject to them already before this. Crossing over then from Thasos to the opposite coast, they proceeded on their way near the land as far as Acanthos, and then starting from Acanthos they attempted to get round Mount Athos; but as they sailed round, there fell upon them a violent North Wind, against which they could do nothing, and handled them very roughly, casting away very many of their ships on Mount Athos. It is said indeed that the number of the ships destroyed was three hundred, 3001, and more than twenty thousand men; for as this sea which is about Athos is very full of sea monsters, some were seized by these and so perished, while others were dashed against the rocks; and some of them did not know how to swim and perished for that cause, others again by reason of cold..

45. Thus fared the fleet; and meanwhile Mardonios and the land-army while encamping in Macedonia were attacked in the night by the Brygian Thracians, and many of them were slain by the Brygians and Mardonios himself was wounded. However not even these escaped being enslaved by the Persians, for Mardonios did not depart from that region until he had made them subject. But when he had subdued these, he proceeded to lead his army back, since he had suffered great loss with his land-army in fighting against the Brygians and with his fleet in going round Athos. So this expedition departed back to Asia having gained no honour by its contests.

46. In the next year after this Dareios first sent a messenger to the men of Thasos, who had been accused by their neighbours of planning revolt, and bade them take away the wall around their town and bring their ships to Abdera. The Thasians in fact, as they had been besieged by Histiaios the Milesian and at the same time had large revenues coming in, were using their money in building ships of war and in surrounding their city with a stronger wall. Now the revenues came to them from the mainland and from the mines: from the gold-mines in Scapte Hyle 31 there came in generally eighty talents a year, and from those in Thasos itself a smaller amount than this but so much that in general the Thasians, without taxes upon the produce of their soil, had a revenue from the mainland and from the mines amounting yearly to two hundred talents, and when the amount was highest, to three hundred..

47. I myself saw these mines, and by much the most marvellous of them were those which the Phenicians discovered, who made the first settlement in this island in company with Thasos; and the island had the name which it now has from this Thasos the Phenician. These Phenician mines are in that part of Thasos which is between the places called Ainyra and Koinyra and opposite Samothrake, where there is a great mountain which has been all turned up in the search for metal. Thus it is with this matter: and the Thasians on the command of the king both razed their walls and brought all their ships to Abdera.

48. After this Dareios began to make trial of the Hellenes, what they meant to do, whether to make war with him or to deliver themselves up. He sent abroad heralds therefore, and appointed them to go some to one place and others to another throughout Hellas, bidding them demand earth and water for the king. These, I say, he sent to Hellas; and meanwhile he was sending abroad other heralds to his own tributary cities which lay upon the sea-coast, and he bade them have ships of war built and also vessels to carry horses..

49. They then were engaged in preparing these things; and meanwhile when the heralds had come to Hellas, many of those who dwelt upon the mainland gave that for which the Persian made demand, 32 and all those who dwelt in the islands did so, to whomsoever they came to make their demand. The islanders, I say, gave earth and water to Dareios, and among them also those of Egina, and when these had done so, the Athenians went forthwith urgent against them, supposing that the Eginetans had given with hostile purpose against themselves, in order to make an expedition against them in combination with the Persians; and also they were glad to get hold of an occasion against them. Accordingly they went backward and forwards to Sparta and accused the Eginetans of that which they had done, as having proved themselves traitors to Hellas..

50. In consequence of this accusation Cleomenes the son of Anaxandrides, king of the Spartans, crossed over to Egina meaning to seize those of the Eginetans who were the most guilty; but as he was attempting to seize them, certain of the Eginetans opposed him, and among them especially Crios the son of Polycritos, who said that he should not with impunity carry off a single Eginetan, for he was doing this (said he) without authority from the Spartan State, having been persuaded to it by the Athenians with money; otherwise he would have come and seized them in company with the other king: and this he said by reason of a message received from Demaratos. Cleomenes then as he departed from Egina, asked Crios 33 what was his name, and he told him the truth; and Cleomenes said to him: "Surely now, O Ram, thou must cover over thy horns with bronze for thou wilt shortly have a great trouble to contend with."

51. Meanwhile Demaratos the son of Ariston was staying behind in Sparta and bringing charges against Cleomenes, he also being king of the Spartans but of the inferior house; which however is inferior in no other way (for it is descended from the same ancestor), but the house of Eurysthenes has always been honoured more, apparently because he was the elder brother..

52. For the Lacedemonians, who herein agree with none of the poets, say that Aristodemos the son of Aristomachos, the son of Cleodaios, the son of Hyllos, being their king, led them himself (and not the sons of Aristodemos) to this land which they now possess. Then after no long time the wife of Aristodemos, whose name was Argeia,—she was the daughter, they say, of Autesion, the son of Tisamenes, the son of Thersander, the son of Polyneikes,—she, it is said, brought forth twins; and Aristodemos lived but to see his children and then ended his life by sickness. So the Lacedemonians of that time resolved according to established custom to make the elder of the children their king; but they did not know which of them they should take, because they were like one another and of equal size; and when they were not able to make out, or even before this, they inquired of their mother; and she said that even she herself did not know one from the other. She said this, although she knew in truth very well, because she desired that by some means both might be made kings. The Lacedemonians then were in a strait; and being in a strait they sent to Delphi to inquire what they should do in the matter. And the Pythian prophetess bade them regard both children as their kings, but honour most the first in age. 34 The prophetess, they say, thus gave answer to them; and when the Lacedemonians were at a loss none the less how to find out the elder of them, a Messenian whose name was Panites made a suggestion to them: this Panites, I say, suggested to the Lacedemonians that they should watch the mother and see which of the children she washed and fed before the other; and if she was seen to do this always in the same order, then they would have all that they were seeking and desiring to find out, but if she too was uncertain and did it in a different order at different times, it would be plain to them that even she had no more knowledge than any other, and they must turn to some other way. Then the Spartans following the suggestion of the Messenian watched the mother of the sons of Aristodemos and found that she gave honour thus to the first-born both in feeding and in washing; for she did not know with that design she was being watched. They took therefore the child which was honoured by its mother and brought it up as the first-born in the public hall, 35 and to it was given the name of Eurysthenes, while the other was called Procles. These, when they had grown up, both themselves were at variance, they say, with one another, though they were brothers, throughout the whole time of their lives, and their descendants also continued after the same manner.

53. This is the report given by the Lacedemonians alone of all the Hellenes; but this which follows I write in accordance with that which is reported by the Hellenes generally,—I mean that the names of these kings of the Dorians are rightly enumerated by the Hellenes up to Perseus the son of Danae (leaving the god out of account), 36 and proved to be of Hellenic race; for even from that time they were reckoned as Hellenes. I said "up to Perseus" and did not take the descent from a yet higher point, because there is no name mentioned of a mortal father for Perseus, as Amphitryon is for Heracles. Therefore with reason, as is evident, I have said "rightly up to Perseus"; but if one enumerates their ancestors in succession going back from Danae the daughter of Acrisios, the rulers of the Dorians will prove to be Egyptians by direct descent..

54. Thus I have traced the descent according to the account given by the Hellenes; but as the story is reported which the Persians tell, Perseus himself was an Assyrian and became a Hellene, whereas the ancestors of Perseus were not Hellenes; and as for the ancestors of Acrisios, who (according to this account) belonged not to Perseus in any way by kinship, they say that these were, as the Hellenes report, Egyptians..

55. Let it suffice to have said so much about these matters; and as to the question how and by what exploits being Egyptians they received the sceptres of royalty over the Dorians, we will omit these things, since others have told about them; but the things with which other narrators have not dealt, of these I will make mention.

56. These are the royal rights which have been given by the Spartans to their kings, namely, two priesthoods, of Zeus Lakedaimon and Zeus Uranios; 37 and the right of making war against whatsoever land they please, and that no man of the Spartans shall hinder this right, or if he do, he shall be subject to the curse; and that when they go on expeditions the kings shall go out first and return last; that a hundred picked men shall be their guard upon expeditions; and that they shall use in their goings forth to war as many cattle as they desire, and take both the hides and the backs of all that are sacrificed..

57. These are their privileges in war; and in peace moreover things have been assigned to them as follows:—if any sacrifice is performed at the public charge, it is the privilege of the kings to sit down at the feast before all others, and that the attendants shall begin with them first, and serve to each of them a portion of everything double of that which is given to the other guests, and that they shall have the first pouring of libations and the hides of the animals slain in sacrifice; that on every new moon and seventh day of the month there shall be delivered at the public charge to each one of these a full-grown victim in the temple of Apollo, and a measure 38 of barley-groats and a Laconian "quarter" 39 of wine; and that at all the games they shall have seats of honour specially set apart for them: moreover it is their privilege to appoint as protectors of strangers 40 whomsoever they will of the citizens, and to choose each two "Pythians:" now the Pythians are men sent to consult the god at Delphi, and they eat with the kings at the public charge. And if the kings do not come to the dinner, it is the rule that there shall be sent out for them to their houses two quarts 41 of barley-groats for each one and half a pint 42 of wine; but if they are present, double shares of everything shall be given them, and moreover they shall be honoured in this same manner when they have been invited to dinner by private persons. The kings also, it is ordained, shall have charge of the oracles which are given, but the Pythians also shall have knowledge of them. It is the rule moreover that the kings alone give decision on the following cases only, that is to say, about the maiden who inherits her father's property, namely who ought to have her, if her father have not betrothed her to any one, and about public ways; also if any man desires to adopt a son, he must do it in presence of the kings: and it is ordained that they shall sit in council with the Senators, who are in number eight-and-twenty, and if they do not come, those of the Senators who are most closely related to them shall have the privileges of the kings and give two votes besides their own, making three in all. 4201.

58. These rights have been assigned to the kings for their lifetime by the Spartan State; and after they are dead these which follow:—horsemen go round and announce that which has happened throughout the whole of the Laconian land, and in the city women go about and strike upon a copper kettle. Whenever this happens so, two free persons of each household must go into mourning, a man and a woman, and for those who fail to do this great penalties are appointed. Now the custom of the Lacedemonians about the deaths of their kings is the same as that of the Barbarians who dwell in Asia, for most of the Barbarians practise the same customs as regards the death of their kings. Whensoever a king of the Lacedemonians is dead, then from the whole territory of Lacedemon, not reckoning the Spartans, a certain fixed number of the "dwellers round" 43 are compelled to go to the funeral ceremony:

59. and when there have been gathered together of these and of the Helots and of the Spartans themselves many thousands in the same place, with their women intermingled, they beat their foreheads with a good will and make lamentation without stint, saying that this one who has died last of their kings was the best of all: and whenever any of their kings has been killed in war, they prepare an image to represent him, laid upon a couch with fair coverings, and carry it out to be buried. Then after they have buried him, no assembly is held among them for ten days, nor is there any meeting for choice of magistrates, but they have mourning during these days. In another respect too these resemble the Persians; that is to say, when the king is dead and another is appointed king, this king who is newly coming in sets free any man of the Spartans who was a debtor to the king or to the State; while among the Persians the king who comes to the throne remits to all the cities the arrears of tribute which are due.

60. In the following point also the Lacedemonians resemble the Egyptians; that is to say, their heralds and fluteplayers and cooks inherit the crafts of their fathers, and a fluteplayer is the son of a fluteplayer, a cook of a cook, and a herald of a herald; other men do not lay hands upon the office because they have loud and clear voices, and so shut them out of it, but they practise their craft by inheritance from their fathers.

61. Thus are these things done: and at this time of which we speak, 44 while Cleomenes was in Egina doing deeds 45 which were for the common service of Hellas, Demaratos brought charges against him, not so much because he cared for the Eginetans as because he felt envy and jealousy of him. Then Cleomenes, after he returned from Egina, planned to depose Demaratos from being king, making an attempt upon him on account of this matter which follows:—Ariston being king in Sparta and having married two wives, yet had no children born to him; and since he did not acknowledge that he himself was the cause of this, he married a third wife; and he married her thus:—he had a friend, a man of the Spartans, to whom of all the citizens Ariston was most inclined; and it chanced that this man had a wife who was of all the women in Sparta the fairest by far, and one too who had become the fairest from having been the foulest. For as she was mean in her aspect, her nurse, considering that she was the daughter of wealthy persons and was of uncomely aspect, and seeing moreover that her parents were troubled by it,—perceiving I say these things, her nurse devised as follows:—every day she bore her to the temple of Helen, which is in the place called Therapne, lying above the temple of Phoebus; and whenever the nurse bore her thither, she placed her before the image and prayed the goddess to deliver the child from her unshapeliness. And once as the nurse was going away out of the temple, it is said that a woman appeared to her, and having appeared asked her what she was bearing in her arms; and she told her that she was bearing a child; upon which the other bade her show the child to her, but she refused, for it had been forbidden to her by the parents to show it to any one: but the woman continued to urge her by all means to show it to her. So then perceiving that the woman earnestly desired to see it, the nurse showed her the child. Then the woman stroking the head of the child said that she should be the fairest of all the women in Sparta; and from that day her aspect was changed. Afterwards when she came to the age for marriage, she was married to Agetos the son of Alkeides, this friend of Ariston of whom we spoke..

62. Now Ariston it seems was ever stung by the desire of this woman, and accordingly he contrived as follows:—he made an engagement himself with his comrade, whose wife this woman was, that he would give him as a gift one thing of his own possessions, whatsoever he should choose, and he bade his comrade make return to him in similar fashion. He therefore, fearing nothing for his wife, because he saw that Ariston also had a wife, agreed to this; and on these terms they imposed oaths on one another. After this Ariston on his part gave that which Agetos had chosen from the treasures of Ariston, whatever the thing was; and he himself, seeking to obtain from him the like return, endeavoured then to take away the wife of his comrade from him: and he said that he consented to give anything else except this one thing only, but at length being compelled by the oath and by the treacherous deception, 46 he allowed her to be taken away from him..

63. Thus had Ariston brought into his house the third wife, having dismissed the second: and this wife, not having fulfilled the ten months 47 but in a shorter period of time, bore him that Demaratos of whom we were speaking; and one of his servants reported to him as he was sitting in council 48 with the Ephors, that a son had been born to him. He then, knowing the time when he took to him his wife, and reckoning the months upon his fingers, said, denying with an oath, "The child would not be mine." This the Ephors heard, but they thought it a matter of no importance at the moment; and the child grew up and Ariston repented of that which he had said, for he thought Demaratos was certainly his own son; and he gave him the name "Demaratos" for this reason, namely because before these things took place the Spartan people all in a body 49 had made a vow 50 praying that a son might be born to Ariston, as one who was pre-eminent in renown over all the kings who had ever arisen in Sparta.

64. For this reason the name Demaratos 51 was given to him. And as time went on Ariston died, and Demaratos obtained the kingdom: but it was fated apparently that these things should become known and should cause Demaratos to be deposed from the kingdom; and therefore 52 Demaratos came to be at variance greatly with Cleomenes both at the former time when he withdrew his army from Eleusis, and also now especially, when Cleomenes had crossed over to take those of the Eginetans who had gone over to the Medes..

65. Cleomenes then, being anxious to take vengeance on him, concerted matters with Leotychides the son of Menares, the son of Agis, who was of the same house as Demaratos, under condition that if he should set him up as king instead of Demaratos, he would go with him against the Eginetans. Now Leotychides had become a bitter foe of Demaratos on account of this matter which follows:—Leotychides had betrothed himself to Percalos the daughter of Chilon son of Demarmenos; and Demaratos plotted against him and deprived Leotychides of his marriage, carrying off Percalos himself beforehand, and getting her for his wife. Thus had arisen the enmity of Leotychides against Demaratos; and now by the instigation of Cleomenes Leotychides deposed against Demaratos, saying that he was not rightfully reigning over the Spartans, not being a son of Ariston: and after this deposition he prosecuted a suit against him, recalling the old saying which Ariston uttered at the time when his servant reported to him that a son was born to him, and he reckoning up the months denied with an oath, saying that it was not his. Taking his stand upon this utterance, Leotychides proceeded to prove that Demaratos was not born of Ariston nor was rightfully reigning over Sparta; and he produced as witnesses those Ephors who chanced then to have been sitting with Ariston in council and to have heard him say this..

66. At last, as there was contention about those matters, the Spartans resolved to ask the Oracle at Delphi whether Demaratos was the son of Ariston. The question then having been referred by the arrangement of Cleomenes to the Pythian prophetess, thereupon Cleomenes gained over to his side Cobon the son of Aristophantos, who had most power among the Delphians, and Cobin persuaded Perialla the prophetess of the Oracle 53 to say that which Cleomenes desired to have said. Thus the Pythian prophetess, when those who were sent to consult the god asked her their question, gave decision that Demaratos was not the son of Ariston. Afterwards however these things became known, and both Cobon went into exile from Delphi and Perialla the prophetess of the Oracle was removed from her office.

67. With regard to the deposing of Demaratos from the kingdom it happened thus: but Demaratos became an exile from Sparta to the Medes on account of a reproach which here follows:—After he had been deposed from the kingdom Demaratos was holding a public office to which he had been elected. Now it was the time of the Gymnopaidiai; and as Demaratos was a spectator of them, Leotychides, who had now become king himself instead of Demaratos, sent his attendant and asked Demaratos in mockery and insult what kind of a thing it was to be a magistrate after having been king; and he vexed at the question made answer and said that he himself had now had experience of both, but Leotychides had not; this question however, he said, would be the beginning either of countless evil or countless good fortune for the Lacedemonians. Having thus said, he veiled his head and went forth out of the theatre to his own house; and forthwith he made preparations and sacrificed an ox to Zeus, and after having sacrificed he called his mother..

68. Then when his mother had come, he put into her hands some of the inner parts 54 of the victim, and besought her, saying as follows: "Mother, I beseech thee, appealing to the other gods and above all to this Zeus the guardian of the household, 55 to tell me the truth, who is really and truly my father. For Leotychides spoke in his contention with me, saying that thou didst come to Ariston with child by thy former husband; and others besides, reporting that which is doubtless an idle tale, 56 say that thou didst go in to one of the servants, namely the keeper of the asses, and that I am his son. I therefore entreat thee by the gods to tell me the truth; for if thou hast done any of these things which are reported, thou hast not done them alone, but with many other women; and the report is commonly believed in Sparta that there was not in Ariston seed which should beget children; for if so, then his former wives also would have borne children.".

69. Thus he spoke, and she made answer as follows: "My son, since thou dost beseech me with entreaties to speak the truth, the whole truth shall be told to thee. When Ariston had brought me into his house, on the third night 57 there came to me an apparition in the likeness of Ariston, and having lain with me it put upon me the garlands which it had on; and the apparition straitway departed, and after this Ariston came; and when he saw me with garlands, he asked who it was who had given me them; and I said that he had given them, but he did not admit it; and I began to take oath of it, saying that he did not well to deny it, for he had come (I said) a short time before and had lain with me and given me the garlands. Then Ariston, seeing that I made oath of it, perceived that the matter was of the gods; and first the garlands were found to be from the hero-temple which stands by the outer door of the house, which they call the temple of Astrabacos, 58 and secondly the diviners gave answer that it was this same hero. Thus, my son, thou hast all, as much as thou desirest to learn; for either thou art begotten of this hero and the hero Astrabacos is thy father, or Ariston is thy father, for on that night I conceived thee: but as to that wherein thy foes most take hold of thee, saying that Ariston himself, when thy birth was announced to him, in the hearing of many declared that thou wert not his son, because the time, the ten months namely, had not yet been fulfilled, in ignorance of such matters he cast forth that saying; for women bring forth children both at the ninth month and also at the seventh, and not all after they have completed ten months; and I bore thee, my son, at the seventh month: and Ariston himself also perceived after no long time that he had uttered this saying in folly. Do not thou then accept any other reports about thy begetting, for thou hast heard in all the full truth; but to Leotychides and to those who report these things may their wives bear children by keepers of asses!"

70. Thus she spoke; and he, having learnt that which he desired to learn, took supplies for travelling and set forth to go to Elis, pretending that he was going to Delphi to consult the Oracle: but the Lacedemonians, suspecting that he was attempting to escape, pursued after him; and it chanced that before they came Demaratos had passed over to Zakynthos from Elis; and the Lacedemonians crossing over after him laid hands on his person and carried away his attendants from him. Afterwards however, since those of Zakynthos refused to give him up, he passed over from thence to Asia, to the presence of king Dareios; and Dareios both received him with great honour as a guest, and also gave him land and cities. Thus Demaratos had come to Asia, and such was the fortune which he had had, having been distinguished in the estimation of the Lacedemonians 59 in many other ways both by deeds and by counsels, and especially having gained for them an Olympic victory with the four-horse chariot, being the only one who achieved this of all the kings who ever arose in Sparta.

71. Demaratos being deposed, Leotychides the son of Menares succeeded to the kingdom; and he had born to him a son Zeuxidemos, whom some of the Spartans called Kyniscos. This Zeuxidemos did not become king of Sparta, for he died before Leotychides, leaving a son Archidemos: and Leotychides having lost Zeuxidemos married a second wife Eurydame, the sister of Menios and daughter of Diactorides, by whom he had no male issue, but a daughter Lampito, whom Archidemos the son of Zeuxidemos took in marriage, she being given to him by Leotychides..

72. Leotychides however did not himself 60 live to old age in Sparta, but paid a retribution for Demaratos as follows:—he went as commander of the Lacedemonians to invade Thessaly, and when he might have reduced all to subjection, he accepted gifts of money amounting to a large sum; and being taken in the act there in the camp, as he was sitting upon a glove full of money, he was brought to trial and banished from Sparta, and his house was razed to the ground. So he went into exile to Tegea and ended his life there..

73. These things happened later; but at this time, when Cleomenes had brought to a successful issue the affair which concerned Demaratos, forthwith he took with him Leotychides and went against the Eginetans, being very greatly enraged with them because of their insults towards him. So the Eginetans on their part, since both the kings had come against them, thought fit no longer to resist; and the Spartans selected ten men who were the most considerable among the Eginetans both by wealth and by birth, and took them away as prisoners, and among others also Crios 61 the son of Polycritos and Casambos the son of Aristocrates, who had the greatest power among them; and having taken these away to the land of Attica, they deposited them as a charge with the Athenians, who were the bitterest enemies of the Eginetans.

74. After this Cleomenes, since it had become known that he had devised evil against Demaratos, was seized by fear of the Spartans and retired to Thessaly. Thence he came to Arcadia, and began to make mischief 62 and to combine the Arcadians against Sparta; and besides other oaths with which he caused them to swear that they would assuredly follow him whithersoever he should lead them, he was very desirous also to bring the chiefs of the Arcadians to the city of Nonacris and cause them to swear by the water of Styx; for near this city it is said by the Arcadians 63 that there is the water of Styx, and there is in fact something of this kind: a small stream of water is seen to trickle down from a rock into a hollow ravine, and round the ravine runs a wall of rough stones. Now Nonacris, where it happens that this spring is situated, is a city of Arcadia near Pheneos..

75. The Lacedemonians, hearing that Cleomenes was acting thus, were afraid, and proceeded to bring him back to Sparta to rule on the same terms as before: but when he had come back, forthwith a disease of madness seized him (who had been even before this somewhat insane 64), and whenever he met any of the Spartans, he dashed his staff against the man's face. And as he continued to do this and had gone quite out of his senses, his kinsmen bound him in stocks. Then being so bound, and seeing his warder left alone by the rest, he asked him for a knife; and the warder not being at first willing to give it, he threatened him with that which he would do to him afterwards if he did not; until at last the warder fearing the threats, for he was one of the Helots, gave him a knife. Then Cleomenes, when he had received the steel, began to maltreat himself from the legs upwards: for he went on cutting his flesh lengthways from the legs to the thighs and from the thighs to the loins and flanks, until at last he came to the belly; and cutting this into strips he died in that manner. And this happened, as most of the Hellenes report, because he persuaded the Pythian prophetess to advise that which was done about Demaratos; but as the Athenians alone report, it was because when he invaded Eleusis he laid waste the sacred enclosure of the goddesses; 65 and according to the report of the Argives, because from their sanctuary dedicated to Argos he caused to come down those of the Argives who had fled for refuge from the battle and slew them, and also set fire to the grove itself, holding it in no regard..

76. For when Cleomenes was consulting the Oracle at Delphi, the answer was given him that he should conquer Argos; so he led the Spartans and came to the river Erasinos, which is said to flow from the Stymphalian lake; for this lake, they say, running out into a viewless chasm, appears again above ground in the land of Argos; and from thence onwards this water is called by the Argives Erasinos: having come, I say, to this river, Cleomenes did sacrifice to it; and since the sacrifices were not at all favourable for him to cross over, he said that he admired the Erasinos for not betraying the men of its country, but the Argives should not even so escape. After this he retired back from thence and led his army down to Thyrea; and having done sacrifice to the Sea by slaying a bull, he brought them in ships to the land of Tiryns and Nauplia..

77. Being informed of this, the Argives came to the rescue towards the sea; and when they had got near Tiryns and were at the place which is called Hesipeia, 66 they encamped opposite to the Lacedemonians leaving no very wide space between the armies. There the Argives were not afraid of the open fighting, but only lest they should be conquered by craft; for to this they thought referred the oracle which the Pythian prophetess gave in common to these and to the Milesians, 67 saying as follows: 

 "But when the female at length shall conquer the male in the battle,
  Conquer and drive him forth, and glory shall gain among Argives,
  Then many wives of the Argives shall tear both cheeks in their mourning;
  So that a man shall say some time, of the men that came after,
  'Quelled by the spear it perished, the three-coiled terrible serpent,'

The conjunction of all these things caused fear to the Argives, and with a view to this they resolved to make use of the enemy's herald; and having so resolved they proceeded to do as follows:—whenever the Spartan herald proclaimed anything to the Lacedemonians, the Argives also did that same thing..

78. So Cleomenes, perceiving that the Argives were doing whatever the herald of the Lacedemonians proclaimed, passed the word to the Lacedemonians that when the herald should proclaim that they were to get breakfast, then they should take up their arms and go to attack the Argives. This was carried out even so by the Lacedemonians; for as the Argives were getting breakfast according to the herald's proclamation, they attacked them; and many of them they slew, but many more yet took refuge in the sacred grove of Argos, and upon these they kept watch, sitting round about the place. Then Cleomenes did this which follows:—

79. He had with him deserters, and getting information by inquiring of these, he sent a herald and summoned forth those of the Argives who were shut up in the sanctuary, mentioning each by name; and he summoned them forth saying that he had received their ransom. Now among the Peloponnesians ransom is two pounds weight of silver 68 appointed to be paid for each prisoner. So Cleomenes summoned forth about fifty of the Argives one by one and slew them; and it chanced that the rest who were in the enclosure did not perceive that this was being done; for since the grove was thick, those within did not see how it fared with those who were without, at least until one of them climbed up a tree and saw from above that which was being done. Accordingly they then no longer came forth when they were called.

80. So Cleomenes thereupon ordered all the Helots to pile up brushwood round the sacred grove; and they obeying, he set fire to the grove. And when it was now burning, he asked one of the deserters to what god the grove was sacred, and the man replied that it was sacred to Argos. When he heard that, he groaned aloud and said, "Apollo who utterest oracles, surely thou hast greatly deceived me, saying that I should conquer Argos: I conjecture that the oracle has had its fulfilment for me already.".

81. After this Cleomenes sent away the greater part of his army to go back to Sparta, but he himself took a thousand of the best men and went to the temple of Hera to sacrifice: and when he wished to sacrifice upon the altar, the priest forbade him, saying that it was not permitted by religious rule for a stranger to sacrifice in that place. Cleomenes however bade the Helots take away the priest from the altar and scourge him, and he himself offered the sacrifice. Having so done he returned back to Sparta;.

82, and after his return his opponents brought him up before the Ephors, saying that he had received gifts and therefore had not conquered Argos, when he might easily have conquered it. He said to them,—but whether he was speaking falsely or whether truly I am not able with certainty to say,—however that may be, he spoke and said that when he had conquered the sanctuary of Argos, it seemed to him that the oracle of the god had had its fulfilment for him; therefore he did not think it right to make an attempt on the city, at least until he should have had recourse to sacrifice, and should have learnt whether the deity 69 permitted him or whether she stood opposed to him: and as he was sacrificing for augury 70 in the temple of Hera, a flame of fire blazed forth from the breasts of the image; and thus he knew the certainty of the matter, namely that he would not conquer Argos: for if fire had blazed forth from the head of the image, he would have been conqueror of the city from top to bottom, 71 but since it blazed from the breasts, everything had been accomplished for him which the god desired should come to pass. Thus speaking he seemed to the Spartans to speak credibly and reasonably, and he easily escaped his pursuers. 72

83. Argos however was so bereft of men that their slaves took possession of all the State, ruling and managing it until the sons of those who had perished grew to be men. Then these, endeavouring to gain Argos back to themselves, cast them out; and the slaves being driven forth gained possession of Tiryns by fighting. Now for a time these two parties had friendly relations with one another; but afterwards there came to the slaves a prophet named Cleander, by race a Phigalian from Arcadia: this man persuaded the slaves to attack their masters, and in consequence of this there was war between them for a long time, until at last with difficulty the Argives overcame them.

84. The Argives then say that this was the reason why Cleomenes went mad and had an evil end: but the Spartans themselves say that Cleomenes was not driven mad by any divine power, but that he had become a drinker of unmixed wine from having associated with Scythians, and that he went mad in consequence of this: for the nomad Scythians, they say, when Dareios had made invasion of their land, desired eagerly after this to take vengeance upon him; and they sent to Sparta and tried to make an alliance, and to arrange that while the Scythians themselves attempted an invasion of Media by the way of the river Phasis, the Spartans should set forth from Ephesos and go up inland, and then that they should meet in one place: and they say that Cleomenes when the Scythians had come for this purpose, associated with them largely, and that thus associating more than was fit, he learnt the practice of drinking wine unmixed with water; and for this cause (as the Spartans think) he went mad. Thenceforth, as they say themselves, when they desire to drink stronger wine, they say "Fill up in Scythian fashion." 73 Thus the Spartans report about Cleomenes; but to me it seems that this was a retribution which Cleomenes paid for Demaratos.

85. Now when the Eginetans heard that Cleomenes had met his end, they sent messengers to Sparta to denounce Leotychides for the matter of the hostages which were being kept at Athens: and the Lacedemonians caused a court to assemble and judged that the Eginetans had been dealt with outrageously by Leotychides; and they condemned him to be taken to Egina and delivered up in place of the men who were being kept at Athens. Then when the Eginetans were about to take Leotychides, Theasides the son of Leoprepes, a man of repute in Sparta, said to them: "What are ye proposing 74 to do, men of Egina? Do ye mean to take away the king of the Spartans, thus delivered up to you by his fellow-citizens? If the Spartans now being in anger have decided so, beware lest at some future time, if ye do this, they bring an evil upon your land which may destroy it." Hearing this the Eginetans abstained from taking him; but they came to an agreement that Leotychides should accompany them to Athens and restore the men to the Eginetans.

86. When however Leotychides came to Athens and asked for the deposit back, the Athenians, not being willing to give up the hostages, produced pretexts for refusing, and alleged that two kings had deposited them and they did not think it right to give them back to the one without the other: so since the Athenians said that they would not give them back, Leotychides spoke to them as follows:

(a) "Athenians, do whichever thing ye yourselves desire; for ye know that if ye give them up, ye do that which religion commands, and if ye refuse to give them up, ye do the opposite of this: but I desire to tell you what kind of a thing came to pass once in Sparta about a deposit. We Spartans report that there was in Lacedemon about two generations before my time on Glaucos the son of Epikydes. This man we say attained the highest merit in all things besides, and especially he was well reported of by all who at that time dwelt in Lacedemon for his uprightness: and we relate that in due time 75 it happened to him thus:—a man of Miletos came to Sparta and desired to have speech with him, alleging the reasons which follow: 'I am a Milesian,' he said, 'and I am come hither desiring to have benefit from thy uprightness, Glaucos; for as there was much report of thy uprightness throughout all the rest of Hellas and also in Ionia, I considered with myself that Ionia is ever in danger, whereas Peloponnesus is safely established, and also that we never see wealth continue in the possession of the same persons long;—reflecting, I say, on these things and taking counsel with myself, I resolved to turn into money the half of my possessions, and to place it with thee, being well assured that if it were placed with thee I should have it safe. Do thou therefore, I pray thee, receive the money, and take and keep these tallies; and whosoever shall ask for the money back having the tokens answering to these, to him do thou restore it.' (b) The stranger who had come from Miletos said so much; and Glaucos accepted the deposit on the terms proposed. Then after a long time had gone by, there came to Sparta the sons of him who had deposited the money with Glaucos; and they came to speech with Glaucos, and producing the tokens asked for the money to be given back: but he repulsed them answering them again thus: 'I do not remember the matter, nor does my mind bring back to me any knowledge of those things whereof ye speak; but I desire to recollect and do all that is just; for if I received it, I desire to restore it honestly; and if on the other hand I did not receive it at all, I will act towards you in accordance with the customs of the Hellenes: 76 therefore I defer the settling of the matter with you for three months from now.' (c) The Milesians accordingly went away grieved, for they supposed that they had been robbed of the money; but Glaucos set forth to Delphi to consult the Oracle: and when he inquired of the Oracle whether he should rob them of the money by an oath, the Pythian prophetess rebuked him with these lines: 

  "'Glaucos, thou, Epikydes' son, yea, this for the moment,
   This, to conquer their word by an oath and to rob, is more gainful.
   Swear, since the lot of death waits also for him who swears truly.
   But know thou that Oath has a son, one nameless and handless and
   footless, Yet without feet he pursues, without hands he seizes, and
   wholly He shall destroy the race and the house of the man who offendeth.
   But for the man who swears truly his race is the better hereafter.'

Having heard this Glaucos entreated that the god would pardon him for that which he had said, but the prophetess said that to make trial of the god and to do the deed were things equivalent. (d) Glaucos then, having sent for the Milesians, gave back to them the money: but the reason for which, O Athenians, I set forth to relate to you this story, shall now be told. At the present time there is no descendant of Glaucos existing, nor any hearth which is esteemed to be that of Glaucos, but he has been utterly destroyed and rooted up out of Sparta. Thus it is good not even to entertain a thought about a deposit other than that of restoring it, when they who made it ask for it again."

87. When Leotychides had thus spoken, since not even so were the Athenians willing to listen to him, he departed back; and the Eginetans, before paying the penalty for their former wrongs wherein they did outrage to the Athenians to please the Thebans, 77 acted as follows:—complaining of the conduct of the Athenians and thinking that they were being wronged, they made preparations to avenge themselves upon the Athenians; and since the Athenians were celebrating a four-yearly festival 78 at Sunion, they lay in wait for the sacred ship which was sent to it and took it, the vessel being full of men who were the first among the Athenians; and having taken it they laid the men in bonds..

88. The Athenians after they had suffered this wrong from the Eginetans no longer delayed to contrive all things possible to their hurt. And there was 79 in Egina a man of repute, one Nicodromos the son of Cnithos: 80 this man had cause of complaint against the Eginetans for having before this driven him forth out of the island; and hearing now that the Athenians had resolved to do mischief to the Eginetans, he agreed with the Athenians to deliver up Egina to them, telling them on what day he would make his attempt and by what day it would be necessary for them to come to his assistance..

89. After this Nicodromos, according as he had agreed with the Athenians, seized that which is called the old city, but the Athenians did not come to his support at the proper time; for, as it chanced, they had not ships sufficient to fight with the Eginetans; so while they were asking the Corinthians to lend them ships, during this time their cause went to ruin. The Corinthians however, being at this time exceedingly friendly with them, gave the Athenians twenty ships at their request; and these they gave by selling them at five drachmas apiece, for by the law it was not permitted to give them as a free gift. Having taken these ships of which I speak and also their own, the Athenians with seventy ships manned in all sailed to Egina, and they were later by one day than the time agreed..

90. Nicodromos meanwhile, as the Athenians did not come to his support at the proper time, embarked in a ship and escaped from Egina, and with him also went others of the Eginetans; and the Athenians gave them Sunion to dwell in, starting from whence these men continued to plunder the Eginetans who were in the island..

91. This happened afterwards: but at the time of which we speak the well-to-do class among the Eginetans prevailed over the men of the people, who had risen against them in combination with Nicodromos, and then having got them into their power they were bringing their prisoners forth to execution. From this there came upon them a curse which they were not able to expiate by sacrifice, though they devised against it all they could; but they were driven forth from the island before the goddess became propitious to them. For they had taken as prisoners seven hundred of the men of the people and were bringing them forth to execution, when one of them escaped from his bonds and fled for refuge to the entrance of the temple of Demeter the Giver of Laws, 81 and he took hold of the latch of the door and clung to it; and when they found that they could not drag him from it by pulling him away, they cut off his hands and so carried him off, and those hands remained clinging to the latch of the door..

92. Thus did the Eginetans to one another: and when the Athenians came, they fought against them with seventy ships, and being worsted in the sea-fight they called to their assistance the same whom they had summoned before, namely the Argives. These would no longer come to their help, having cause of complaint because the ships of Egina compelled by Cleomenes had put in to the land of Argos and their crews had landed with the Lacedemonians; with whom also had landed men from ships of Sikyon in this same invasion: and as a penalty for this there was laid upon them by the Argives a fine of a thousand talents, five hundred for each State. The Sikyonians accordingly, acknowledging that they had committed a wrong, had made an agreement to pay a hundred talents and be free from the penalty; the Eginetans however did not acknowledge their wrong, but were more stubborn. For this reason then, when they made request, none of the Argives now came to their help at the charge of the State, but volunteers came to the number of a thousand; and their leader was a commander named Eurybates, a man who had practised the five contests. 82 Of these men the greater number never returned back, but were slain by the Athenians in Egina; and the commander himself, Eurybates, fighting in single combat 83 killed in this manner three men and was himself slain by the fourth, Sophanes namely of Dekeleia.

93. The Eginetans however engaged in contest with the Athenians in ships, when these were in disorder, and defeated them; and they took of them four ships together with their crews.

94. So the Athenians were at war with the Eginetans; and meanwhile the Persian was carrying forward his design, since he was put in mind ever by his servant to remember the Athenians, and also because of the sons of Peisistratos were near at hand and brought charges continually against the Athenians, while at the same time Dareios himself wished to take hold of this pretext and subdue those nations of Hellas which had not given him earth and water. Mardonios then, since he had fared miserably in his expedition, he removed from his command; and appointing other generals to command he despatched them against Eretria and Athens, namely Datis, who was a Mede by race, and Artaphrenes the son of Artaphrenes, a nephew of the king: and he sent them forth with the charge to reduce Athens and Eretria to slavery and to bring the slaves back into his presence..

95. When these who had been appointed to command came in their march from the king to the Aleïan plain in Kilikia, taking with them a large and well-equipped land-army, then while they were encamping there, the whole naval armament came up, which had been appointed for several nations to furnish; and there came to them also the ships for carrying horses, which in the year before Dareios had ordered his tributaries to make ready. In these they placed their horses, and having embarked the land-army in the ships they sailed for Ionia with six hundred triremes. After this they did not keep their ships coasting along the mainland towards the Hellespont and Thrace, but they started from Samos and made their voyage by the Icarian Sea 84 and between the islands; because, as I think, they feared more than all else the voyage round Athos, seeing that in the former year 85 while making the passage by this way they had come to great disaster. Moreover also Naxos compelled them, since it had not been conquered at the former time. 86.

96. And when they had arrived at Naxos, coming against it from the Icarian Sea (for it was against Naxos first that the Persians intended to make expedition, remembering the former events), the Naxians departed forthwith fleeing to the mountains, and did not await their attack; but the Persians made slaves of those of them whom they caught and set fire to both the temples and the town. Having so done they put out to sea to attack the other islands.

97. While these were doing thus, the Delians also had left Delos and fled away to Tenos; and when the armament was sailing in thither, Datis sailed on before and did not allow the ships to anchor at the island of Delos, but at Rhenaia on the other side of the channel; and he himself, having found out by inquiry where the men of Delos were, sent a herald and addressed them thus: "Holy men, why are ye fled away and departed, having judged of me that which is not convenient? for even I of myself have wisdom at least so far, and moreover it has been thus commanded me by the king, not to harm at all that land in which the two divinities were born, neither the land itself nor the inhabitants of it. Now therefore return to your own possessions and dwell in your island." Thus he proclaimed by a herald to the Delians; and after this he piled up and burned upon the altar three hundred talents' weight of frankincense.

98. Datis having done these things sailed away with his army to fight against Eretria first, taking with him both Ionians and Aiolians; and after he had put out to sea from thence, Delos was moved, not having been shaken (as the Delians reported to me) either before that time or since that down to my own time; and this no doubt the god 8601 manifested as a portent to men of the evils that were about to be; for in the time of Dareios the son of Hystaspes and Xerxes the son of Dareios and Artoxerxes the son of Xerxes, three generations following upon one another, there happened more evils to Hellas than during the twenty other generations which came before Dareios, some of the evils coming to it from the Persians, and others from the leaders themselves of Hellas warring together for supremacy. Thus it was not unreasonable that Delos should be moved, which was before unmoved. [And in an oracle it was thus written about it: 87 

 "Delos too will I move, unmoved though it hath been aforetime."]

Now in the Hellenic tongue the names which have been mentioned have this meaning—Dareios means "compeller," 88 Xerxes "warrior," 89 Artoxerxes "great warrior." 90 Thus then might the Hellenes rightly call these kings in their own tongue.

99. The Barbarians then, when they had departed from Delos, touched at the islands as they went, and from them received additional forces and took sons of the islanders as hostages: and when in sailing round about the islands they put in also to Carystos, seeing that the Carystians would neither give them hostages nor consent to join in an expedition against cities that were their neighbours, meaning Eretria and Athens, they began to besiege them and to ravage their land; until at last the Carystians also came over to the will of the Persians..

100. The Eretrians meanwhile being informed that the armament of the Persians was sailing to attack them, requested the Athenians to help them; and the Athenians did not refuse their support, but gave as helpers those four thousand to whom had been allotted the land of the wealthy 91 Chalkidians. The Eretrians however, as it turned out, had no sound plan of action, for while they sent for the Athenians, they had in their minds two different designs: some of them, that is, proposed to leave the city and go to the heights of Euboea; while others of them, expecting to win gain for themselves from the Persian, were preparing to surrender the place. Having got knowledge of how things were as regards both these plans, Aischines the son of Nothon, one of the leaders of the Eretrians, told the whole condition of their affairs to those of the Athenians who had come, and entreated them to depart and go to their own land, that they might not also perish. So the Athenians did according to this counsel given to them by Aischines..

101. And while these passed over to Oropos and saved themselves, the Persians sailed on and brought their ships to land about Temenos and Chioreai and Aigilea in the Eretrian territory; and having taken possession of these places, 9101 forthwith they began to disembark their horses and prepared to advance against the enemy. The Eretrians however did not intend to come forth against them and fight; but their endeavour was if possible to hold out by defending their walls, since the counsel prevailed not to leave the city. Then a violent assault was made upon the wall, and for six days there fell many on both sides; but on the seventh day Euphorbos the son of Alkimachos and Philagros the son of Kyneos, men of repute among the citizens, gave up the city to the Persians. These having entered the city plundered and set fire to the temples in retribution for the temples which were burned at Sardis, and also reduced the people to slavery according to the commands of Dareios.

102. Having got Eretria into their power, they stayed a few days and then sailed for the land of Attica, pressing on 92 hard and supposing that the Athenians would do the same as the Eretrians had done. And since Marathon was the most convenient place in Attica for horsemen to act and was also very near to Eretria, therefore Hippias the son of Peisistratos was guiding them thither..

103. When the Athenians had information of this, they too went to Marathon to the rescue of their land; and they were led by ten generals, of whom the tenth was Miltiades, whose father Kimon of Stesagoras had been compelled to go into exile from Athens because of Peisistratos the son of Hippocrates: and while he was in exile it was his fortune to win a victory at the Olympic games with a four-horse chariot, wherein, as it happened, he did the same thing as his half-brother Miltiades 93 had done, who had the same mother as he. Then afterwards in the next succeeding Olympic games he gained a victory with the same mares and allowed Peisistratos to be proclaimed as victor; and having resigned to him the victory he returned to his own native land under an agreement for peace. Then after he had won with the same mares at another Olympic festival, it was his hap to be slain by the sons of Peisistratos, Peisistratos himself being no longer alive. These killed him near the City Hall, having set men to lie in wait for him by night; and the burial-place of Kimon is in the outskirts of the city, on the other side of the road which is called the way through Coile, and just opposite him those mares are buried which won in three Olympic games. This same thing was done also by the mares belonging to Euagoras the Laconian, but besides these by none others. Now the elder of the sons of Kimon, Stesagoras, was at that time being brought up in the house of his father's brother Miltiades in the Chersonese, while the younger son was being brought up at Athens with Kimon himself, having been named Miltiades after Miltiades the settler of the Chersonese..

104. This Miltiades then at the time of which we speak had come from the Chersonese and was a general of the Athenians, after escaping death in two forms; for not only did the Phenicians, who had pursued after him as far as Imbros, endeavour earnestly to take him and bring him up to the presence of the king, but also after this, when he had escaped from these and had come to his own native land and seemed to be in safety from that time forth, his opponents, who had laid wait for him there, brought him up before a court and prosecuted him for his despotism in the Chersonese. Having escaped these also, he had then been appointed a general of the Athenians, being elected by the people.

105. First of all, while they were still in the city, the generals sent off to Sparta a herald, namely Pheidippides 94 an Athenian and for the rest a runner of long day-courses and one who practised this as his profession. With this man, as Pheidippides himself said and as he made report to the Athenians, Pan chanced to meet by mount Parthenion, which is above Tegea; and calling aloud the name of Pheidippides, Pan bade him report to the Athenians and ask for what reason they had no care of him, though he was well disposed to the Athenians and had been serviceable to them on many occasions before that time, and would be so also yet again. Believing that this tale was true, the Athenians, when their affairs had been now prosperously settled, established under the Acropolis a temple of Pan; and in consequence of this message they propitiate him with sacrifice offered every year and with a torch-race..

106. However at that time, the time namely when he said that Pan appeared to him, this Pheidippides having been sent by the generals was in Sparta on the next day after that on which he left the city of the Athenians; and when he had come to the magistrates he said: "Lacedemonians, the Athenians make request of you to come to their help and not to allow a city most anciently established among the Hellenes to fall into slavery by the means of Barbarians; for even now Eretria has been enslaved, and Hellas has become the weaker by a city of renown." He, as I say, reported to them that with which he had been charged, and it pleased them well to come to help the Athenians; but it was impossible for them to do so at once, since they did not desire to break their law; for it was the ninth day of the month, and on the ninth day they said they would not go forth, nor until the circle of the moon should be full. 95

107. These men were waiting for the full moon: and meanwhile Hippias the son of Peisistratos was guiding the Barbarians in to Marathon, after having seen on the night that was just past a vision in his sleep of this kind,—it seemed to Hippias that he lay with his own mother. He conjectured then from the dream that he should return to Athens and recover his rule, and then bring his life to an end in old age in his own land. From the dream, I say, he conjectured this; and after this, as he guided them in, first he disembarked the slaves from Eretria on the island belonging to the Styrians, called Aigleia; 96 and then, as the ships came in to shore at Marathon, he moored them there, and after the Barbarians had come from their ships to land, he was engaged in disposing them in their places. While he was ordering these things, it came upon him to sneeze and cough more violently than was his wont. Then since he was advanced in years, most of his teeth were shaken thereby, and one of these teeth he cast forth by the violence of the cough: 97 and the tooth having fallen from him upon the sand, he was very desirous to find it; since however the tooth was not to be found when he searched, he groaned aloud and said to those who were by him: "This land is not ours, nor shall we be able to make it subject to us; but so much part in it as belonged to me the tooth possesses."

108. Hippias then conjectured that his vision had been thus fulfilled: and meanwhile, after the Athenians had been drawn up in the sacred enclosure of Heracles, there joined them the Plataians coming to their help in a body: for the Plataians had given themselves to the Athenians, and the Athenians before this time undertook many toils on behalf of them; and this was the manner in which they gave themselves:—Being oppressed by the Thebans, the Plataians at first desired to give themselves to Cleomenes the son of Anaxandrides and to the Lacedemonians, who chanced to come thither; but these did not accept them, and said to them as follows: "We dwell too far off, and such support as ours would be to you but cold comfort; for ye might many times be reduced to slavery before any of us had information of it: but we counsel you rather to give yourselves to the Athenians, who are both neighbours and also not bad helpers." Thus the Lacedemonians counselled, not so much on account of their goodwill to the Plataians as because they desired that the Athenians should have trouble by being involved in a conflict with the Boetians. The Lacedemonians, I say, thus counselled the men of Plataia; and they did not fail to follow their counsel, but when the Athenians were doing sacrifice to the twelve gods, they sat down as suppliants at the altar and so gave themselves. Then the Thebans having been informed of these things marched against the Plataians, and the Athenians came to their assistance: and as they were about to join battle, the Corinthians did not permit them to do so, but being by chance there, they reconciled their strife; and both parties having put the matter into their hands, they laid down boundaries for the land, with the condition that the Thebans should leave those of the Boeotians alone who did not desire to be reckoned with the other Boeotians. The Corinthians having given this decision departed; but as the Athenians were going back, the Boeotians attacked them, and having attacked them they were worsted in the fight. Upon that the Athenians passed beyond the boundaries which the Corinthians had set to be for the Plataians, and they made the river Asopos itself to be the boundary of the Thebans towards the land of Plataia and towards the district of Hysiai. The Plataians then had given themselves to the Athenians in the manner which has been said, and at this time they came to Marathon to bring them help.

109. Now the opinions of the generals of the Athenians were divided, and the one party urged that they should not fight a battle, seeing that they were too few to fight with the army of the Medes, while the others, and among them Miltiades, advised that they should do so: and when they were divided and the worse opinion was like to prevail, then, since he who had been chosen by lot 98 to be polemarch of the Athenians had a vote in addition to the ten (for in old times the Athenians gave the polemarch an equal vote with the generals) and at that time the polemarch was Callimachos of the deme of Aphidnai, to him came Miltiades and said as follows: "With thee now it rests, Callimachos, either to bring Athens under slavery, or by making her free to leave behind thee for all the time that men shall live a memorial such as not even Harmodios and Aristogeiton have left. For now the Athenians have come to a danger the greatest to which they have ever come since they were a people; and on the one hand, if they submit to the Medes, it is determined what they shall suffer, being delivered over to Hippias, while on the other hand, if this city shall gain the victory, it may become the first of the cities of Hellas. How this may happen and how it comes to thee of all men 99 to have the decision of these matters, I am now about to tell. Of us the generals, who are ten in number, the opinions are divided, the one party urging that we fight a battle and the others that we do not fight. Now if we do not, I expect that some great spirit of discord will fall upon the minds of the Athenians and so shake them that they shall go over to the Medes; but if we fight a battle before any unsoundness appear in any part of the Athenian people, then we are able to gain the victory in the fight, if the gods grant equal conditions. These things then all belong to thee and depend on thee; for if thou attach thyself to my opinions, thou hast both a fatherland which is free and a native city which shall be the first among the cities of Hellas; but if thou choose the opinion of those who are earnest against fighting, thou shalt have the opposite of those good things of which I told thee.".

110. Thus speaking Miltiades gained Callimachos to his side; and the opinion of the polemarch being added, it was thus determined to fight a battle. After this, those generals whose opinion was in favour of fighting, as the turn of each one of them to command for the day 100 came round, gave over their command to Miltiades; and he, accepting it, would not however yet bring about a battle, until his own turn to command had come..

111. And when it came round to him, then the Athenians were drawn up for battle in the order which here follows:—On the right wing the polemarch Callimachos was leader (for the custom of the Athenians then was this, that the polemarch should have the right wing); and he leading, next after him came the tribes in order as they were numbered one after another, and last were drawn up the Plataians occupying the left wing: for 101 ever since this battle, when the Athenians offer sacrifices in the solemn assemblies 102 which are made at the four-yearly festivals, 103 the herald of the Athenians prays thus, "that blessings 104 may come to the Athenians and to the Plataians both." On this occasion however, when the Athenians were being drawn up at Marathon something of this kind was done:—their army being made equal in length of front to that of the Medes, came to drawn up in the middle with a depth of but few ranks, and here their army was weakest, while each wing was strengthened with numbers..

112. And when they had been arranged in their places and the sacrifices proved favourable, then the Athenians were let go, and they set forth at a run to attack the Barbarians. Now the space between the armies was not less than eight furlongs: 105 and the Persians seeing them advancing to the attack at a run, made preparations to receive them; and in their minds they charged the Athenians with madness which must be fatal, seeing that they were few and yet were pressing forwards at a run, having neither cavalry nor archers. 106 Such was the thought of the Barbarians; but the Athenians when all in a body they had joined in combat with the Barbarians, fought in a memorable fashion: for they were the first of all the Hellenes about whom we know who went to attack the enemy at a run, and they were the first also who endured to face the Median garments and the men who wore them, whereas up to this time the very name of the Medes was to the Hellenes a terror to hear..

113. Now while they fought in Marathon, much time passed by; and in the centre of the army, where the Persians themselves and the Sacans were drawn up, the Barbarians were winning,—here, I say, the Barbarians had broken the ranks of their opponents and were pursuing them inland, but on both wings the Athenians and the Plataians severally were winning the victory; and being victorious they left that part of the Barbarians which had been routed to fly without molestation, and bringing together the two wings they fought with those who had broken their centre, and the Athenians were victorious. So they followed after the Persians as they fled, slaughtering them, until they came to the sea; and then they called for fire and began to take hold of the ships..

114. In this part of the work was slain the polemarch Callimachos after having proved himself a good man, and also one of the generals, Stesilaos the son of Thrasylaos, was killed; and besides this Kynegeiros the son of Euphorion while taking hold 107 there of the ornament at the stern of a ship had his hand cut off with an axe and fell; and many others also of the Athenians who were men of note were killed..

115. Seven of the ships the Athenians got possession of in this manner, but with the rest the Barbarians pushed off from land, and after taking the captives from Eretria off the island where they had left them, they sailed round Sunion, purposing to arrive at the city before the Athenians. And an accusation became current among the Athenians to the effect that they formed this design by contrivance of the Alcmaionidai; for these, it was said, having concerted matters with the Persians, displayed to them a shield when they had now embarked in their ships..

116. These then, I say, were sailing round Sunion; and meanwhile the Athenians came to the rescue back to the city as speedily as they could, and they arrived there before the Barbarians came; and having arrived from the temple of Heracles at Marathon they encamped at another temple of Heracles, namely that which is in Kynosarges. The Barbarians however came and lay with their ships in the sea which is off Phaleron, (for this was then the seaport of the Athenians), they anchored their ships, I say, off this place, and then proceeded to sail back to Asia.

117. In this fight at Marathon there were slain of the Barbarians about six thousand four hundred men, and of the Athenians a hundred and ninety and two. Such was the number which fell on both sides; and it happened also that a marvel occurred there of this kind:—an Athenian, Epizelos the son of Cuphagoras, while fighting in the close combat and proving himself a good man, was deprived of the sight of his eyes, neither having received a blow in any part of his body nor having been hit with a missile, and for the rest of his life from this time he continued to be blind: and I was informed that he used to tell about that which had happened to him a tale of this kind, namely that it seemed to him that a tall man in full armour stood against him, whose beard overshadowed his whole shield; and this apparition passed him by, but killed his comrade who stood next to him. Thus, as I was informed, Epizelos told the tale.

118. Datis, however, as he was going with his army to Asia, when he had come to Myconos saw a vision in his sleep; and of what nature the vision was it is not reported, but as soon as day dawned he caused a search to be made of the ships, and finding in a Phenician ship an image of Apollo overlaid with gold, he inquired from whence it had been carried off. Then having been informed from what temple it came, he sailed in his own ship to Delos: and finding that the Delians had returned then to the island, he deposited the image in the temple and charged the men of Delos to convey it back to Delion in the territory of the Thebans, which is situated by the sea-coast just opposite Chalkis. Datis having given this charge sailed away: the Delians however did not convey the statue back, but after an interval of twenty years the Thebans themselves brought it to Delion by reason of an oracle..

119. Now as to those Eretrians who had been reduced to slavery, Datis and Artaphrenes, when they reached Asia in their voyage, brought them up to Susa; and king Dareios, though he had great anger against the Eretrians before they were made captive, because the Eretrians had done wrong to him unprovoked, yet when he saw that they had been brought up to him and were in his power, he did them no more evil, but established them as settlers in the Kissian land upon one of his own domains, of which the name is Ardericca: and this is distant two hundred and ten furlongs from Susa and forty from the well which produces things of three different kinds; for they draw from it asphalt, salt and oil, in the manner which here follows:—the liquid is drawn with a swipe, to which there is fastened half a skin instead of a bucket, and a man strikes this down into it and draws up, and then pours it into a cistern, from which it runs through into another vessel, taking three separate ways. The asphalt and the salt become solid at once, and the oil 108 which is called by the Persians rhadinake, is black and gives out a disagreeable smell. Here king Dareios established the Eretrians as settlers; and even to my time they continued to occupy this land, keeping still their former language. Thus it happened with regard to the Eretrians.

120. Of the Lacedemonians there came to Athens two thousand after the full moon, making great haste to be in time, so that they arrived in Attica on the third day after leaving Sparta: and though they had come too late for the battle, yet they desired to behold the Medes; and accordingly they went out to Marathon and looked at the bodies of the slain: then afterwards they departed home, commending the Athenians and the work which they had done.

121. Now it is a cause of wonder to me, and I do not accept the report, that the Alcmaionidai could ever have displayed to the Persians a shield by a previous understanding, with the desire that the Athenians should be under the Barbarians and under Hippias; seeing that they are evidently proved to have been haters of despots as much or more than Callias the son of Phainippos and father of Hipponicos, while Callias for his part was the only man of all the Athenians who dared, when Peisistratos was driven out of Athens, to buy his goods offered for sale by the State, and in other ways also he contrived against him everything that was most hostile:

122. Of this Callias it is fitting that every one should have remembrance for many reasons: first because of that which has been before said, namely that he was a man of excellence in freeing his country; and then also for that which he did at the Olympic games, wherein he gained a victory in the horse-race and was second in the chariot-race, and he had before this been a victor at the Pythian games, so that he was distinguished in the sight of all Hellenes by the sums which he expended; and finally because he showed himself a man of such liberality towards his daughters, who were three in number; for when they came to be of ripe age for marriage, he gave them a most magnificent dowry and also indulged their inclinations; for whomsoever of all the Athenians each one of them desired to choose as a husband for herself, to that man he gave her.] 109.

123, and similarly, 110 the Alcmaionidai were haters of despots equally or more 111 than he. Therefore this is a cause of wonder to me, and I do not admit the accusation that these they were who displayed the shield; seeing that they were in exile from the despots during their whole time, and that by their contrivance the sons of Peisistratos gave up their rule. Thus it follows that they were the men who set Athens free much more than Harmodios and Aristogeiton, as I judge: for these my slaying Hipparchos exasperated the rest of the family of Peisistratos, and did not at all cause the others to cease from their despotism; but the Alcmaionidai did evidently set Athens free, at least if these were in truth the men who persuaded the Pythian prophetess to signify to the Lacedemonians that they should set Athens free, as I have set forth before..

124. It may be said however that they had some cause of complaint against the people of the Athenians, and therefore endeavoured to betray their native city. But on the contrary there were no men in greater repute than they, among the Athenians at least, nor who had been more highly honoured. Thus it is not reasonable to suppose that by them a shield should have been displayed for any such purpose. A shield was displayed, however; that cannot be denied, for it was done: but as to who it was who displayed it, I am not able to say more than this.

125. Now the family of Alcmaionidai was distinguished in Athens in the earliest times also, and from the time of Alcmaion and of Megacles after him they became very greatly distinguished. For first Alcmaion the son of Megacles showed himself a helper of the Lydians from Sardis who came from Croesus to the Oracle at Delphi, and assisted them with zeal; and Croesus having heard from the Lydians who went to the Oracle that this man did him service, sent for him to Sardis; and when he came, he offered to give him a gift of as much gold as he could carry away at once upon his own person. With a view to this gift, its nature being such, Alcmaion made preparations and used appliances as follows:—he put on a large tunic leaving a deep fold in the tunic to hang down in front, and he draw on his feet the widest boots which he could find, and so went to the treasury to which they conducted him. Then he fell upon a heap of gold-dust, and first he packed in by the side of his legs so much of the gold as his boots would contain, and then he filled the whole fold of the tunic with the gold and sprinkled some of the gold dust on the hair of his head and took some into his mouth, and having so done he came forth out of the treasury, with difficulty dragging along his boots and resembling anything in the world rather than a man; for his mouth was stuffed full, and every part of him was swelled out: and upon Croesus came laughter when he saw him, and he not only gave him all that, but also presented him in addition with more not inferior in value to that. Thus this house became exceedingly wealthy, and thus the Alcmaion of whom I speak became a breeder of chariot-horses and won a victory at Olympia..

126. Then in the next generation after this, Cleisthenes the despot of Sikyon exalted the family, so that it became of much more note among the Hellenes than it had been formerly. For Cleisthenes the son of Arisonymos, the son of Myron, the son of Andreas, had a daughter whose name was Agariste; and as to her he formed a desire to find out the best man of all the Hellenes and to assign her to him in marriage. So when the Olympic games were being held and Cleisthenes was victor in them with a four-horse chariot, he caused a proclamation to be made, that whosoever of the Hellenes thought himself worthy to be the son-in-law of Cleisthenes should come on the sixtieth day, or before that if he would, to Sikyon; for Cleisthenes intended to conclude the marriage within a year, reckoning from the sixtieth day. Then all those of the Hellenes who had pride either in themselves or in their high descent, 112 came as wooers, and for them Cleisthenes had a running-course and a wrestling-place made and kept them expressly for their use..

127. From Italy came Smindyrides the son of Hippocrates of Sybaris, who of all men on earth reached the highest point of luxury (now Sybaris at this time was in the height of its prosperity), and Damasos of Siris, the son of that Amyris who was called the Wise; these came from Italy: from the Ionian gulf came Amphimnestos the son of Epistrophos of Epidamnos, this man from the Ionian gulf: from Aitolia came Males, the brother of that Titormos who surpassed all the Hellenes in strength and who fled from the presence of men to the furthest extremities of the Aitolian land: from Peloponnesus, Leokedes the son of Pheidon the despot of the Argives, that Pheidon who established for the Peloponnesians the measures which they use, and who went beyond all other Hellenes in wanton insolence, since he removed from their place the presidents of the games appointed by the Eleians and himself presided over the games at Olympia,—his son, I say, and Amiantos the son of Lycurgos an Arcadian from Trapezus, and Laphanes an Azanian from the city of Paios, son of that Euphorion who (according to the story told in Arcadia) received the Dioscuroi as guests in his house and from thenceforth was wont to entertain all men who came, and Onomastos the son of Agaios of Elis; these, I say, came from Peloponnesus itself: from Athens came Megacles the son of that Alcmaion who went to Croesus, and besides him Hippocleides the son of Tisander, one who surpassed the other Athenians in wealth and in comeliness of form: from Eretria, which at that time was flourishing, came Lysanias, he alone from Euboea: from Thessalia came Diactorides of Crannon, one of the family of the Scopadai: and from the Molossians, Alcon..

128. So many in number did the wooers prove to be: and when these had come by the appointed day, Cleisthenes first inquired of their native countries and of the descent of each one, and then keeping them for a year he made trial continually both of their manly virtue and of their disposition, training and temper, associating both with each one separately and with the whole number together: and he made trial of them both by bringing out to bodily exercises those of them who were younger, and also especially in the common feast: for during all the time that he kept them he did everything that could be done, and at the same time he entertained them magnificently. Now it chanced that those of the wooers pleased him most who had come from Athens, and of these Hippocleides the son of Tisander was rather preferred, both by reason of manly virtues and also because he was connected by descent with the family of Kypselos at Corinth.

129. Then when the appointed day came for the marriage banquet and for Cleisthenes himself to declare whom he selected from the whole number, Cleisthenes sacrificed a hundred oxen and feasted both the wooers themselves and all the people of Sikyon; and when the dinner was over, the wooers began to vie with one another both in music and in speeches for the entertainment of the company; 113 and as the drinking went forward and Hippocleides was very much holding the attention of the others, 114 he bade the flute-player play for him a dance-measure; and when the flute-player did so, he danced: and it so befell that he pleased himself in his dancing, but Cleisthenes looked on at the whole matter with suspicion. Then Hippocleides after a certain time bade one bring in a table; and when the table came in, first he danced upon it Laconian figures, and then also Attic, and thirdly he planted his head upon the table and gesticulated with his legs. Cleisthenes meanwhile, when he was dancing the first and the second time, though he abhorred the thought that Hippocleides should now become his son-in-law, because of his dancing and his shamelessness, yet restrained himself, not desiring to break out in anger against him; but when he saw that he thus gesticulated with his legs, he was no longer able to restrain himself, but said: "Thou hast danced away thy marriage however, 115 son of Tisander!" and Hippocleides answered and said: "Hippocleides cares not!"

130. and hence comes this saying. Then Cleisthenes caused silence to be made, and spoke to the company as follows: "Men who are wooers of my daughter, I commend you all, and if it were possible I would gratify you all, neither selecting one of you to be preferred, nor rejecting the remainder. Since however it is not possible, as I am deliberating about one maiden only, to act so as to please all, therefore to those of you who are rejected from this marriage I give as a gift a talent of silver to each one for the worthy estimation ye had of me, in that ye desired to marry from my house, and for the time of absence from your homes; and to the son of Alcmaion, Megacles, I offer my daughter Agariste in betrothal according to the customs of the Athenians." Thereupon Megacles said that he accepted the betrothal, and so the marriage was determined by Cleisthenes.

131. Thus it happened as regards the judgment of the wooers, and thus the Alcmaionidai got renown over all Hellas. And these having been married, there was born to them that Cleisthenes who established the tribes and the democracy for the Athenians, he being called after the Sikyonian Cleisthenes, his mother's father; this son, I say, was born to Megacles, and also Hippocrates: and of Hippocrates came another Megacles and another Agariste, called after Agariste, the daughter of Cleisthenes, who having been married to Xanthippos the son of Ariphron and being with child, saw a vision in her sleep, and it seemed to her that she had brought forth a lion: then after a few days she bore to Xanthippos Pericles.

132. After the defeat at Marathon, Miltiades, who even before was well reputed with the Athenians, came then to be in much higher estimation: and when he asked the Athenians for seventy ships and an army with supplies of money, not declaring to them against what land he was intending to make an expedition, but saying that he would enrich them greatly if they would go with him, for he would lead them to a land of such a kind that they would easily get from it gold in abundance,—thus saying he asked for the ships; and the Athenians, elated by these words, delivered them over to him..

133. Then Miltiades, when he had received the army, proceeded to sail to Paris with the pretence that the Parians had first attacked Athens by making expedition with triremes to Marathon in company with the Persian: this was the pretext which he put forward, but he had also a grudge against the Parians on account of Lysagoras the son of Tisias, who was by race of Paros, for having accused him to Hydarnes the Persian. So when Miltiades had arrived at the place to which he was sailing, he began to besiege the Parians with his army, first having shut them up within their wall; and sending in to them a herald he asked for a hundred talents, saying that if they refused to give them, his army should not return back 116 until it had conquered them completely. The Parians however had no design of giving any money to Miltiades, but contrived only how they might defend their city, devising various things besides and also this,—wherever at any time the wall proved to be open to attack, that point was raised when night came on to double its former height..

134. So much of the story is reported by all the Hellenes, but as to what followed the Parians alone report, and they say that it happened thus:—When Miltiades was at a loss, it is said, there came a woman to speech with him, who had been taken prisoner, a Parian by race whose name was Timo, an under-priestess 117 of the Earth goddesses; 118 she, they say, came into the presence of Miltiades and counselled him that if he considered it a matter of much moment to conquer Paros, he could do that which she should suggest to him; and upon that she told him her meaning. He accordingly passed through to the hill which is before the city and leapt over the fence of the temple of Demeter Giver of Laws, 119 not being able to open the door; and then having leapt over he went on towards the sanctuary 120 with the design of doing something within, whether it were that he meant to lay hands on some of the things which should not be touched, or whatever else he intended to do; and when he had reached the door, forthwith a shuddering fear came over him and he set off to go back the same way as he came, and as he leapt down from the wall of rough stones his thigh was dislocated, or, as others say, he struck his knee against the wall..

135. Miltiades accordingly, being in a wretched case, set forth to sail homewards, neither bringing wealth to the Athenians nor having added to them the possession of Paros, but having besieged the city for six-and-twenty days and laid waste the island: and the Parians being informed that Timo the under-priestess of the goddesses had acted as a guide to Miltiades, desired to take vengeance upon her for this, and they sent messengers to Delphi to consult the god, so soon as they had leisure from the siege; and these messengers they sent to ask whether they should put to death the under-priestess of the goddesses, who had been a guide to their enemies for the capture of her native city and had revealed to Miltiades the mysteries which might not be uttered to a male person. The Pythian prophetess however forbade them, saying that Timo was not the true author of these things, but since it was destined that Miltiades should end his life not well, she had appeared to guide him to his evil fate..

136. Thus the Pythian prophetess replied to the Parians: and the Athenians, when Miltiades had returned back from Paros, began to talk of him, and among the rest especially Xanthippos the son of Ariphron, who brought Miltiades up before the people claiming the penalty of death and prosecuted him for his deception of the Athenians: and Miltiades did not himself make his own defence, although he was present, for he was unable to do so because his thigh was mortifying; but he lay in public view upon a bed, while his friends made a defence for him, making mention much both of the battle which had been fought at Marathon and of the conquest of Lemnos, namely how he had conquered Lemnos and taken vengeance on the Pelasgians, and had delivered it over to the Athenians: and the people came over to his part as regards the acquittal from the penalty of death, but they imposed a fine of fifty talents for the wrong committed: and after this Miltiades died, his thigh having gangrened and mortified, and the fifty talents were paid by his son Kimon.

137. Now Miltiades son of Kimon had thus taken possession of the Lemnos:—After the Pelasgians had been cast out of Attica by the Athenians, whether justly or unjustly,—for about this I cannot tell except the things reported, which are these:—Hecataois on the one hand, the son of Hegesander, said in his history that it was done unjustly; for he said that when the Athenians saw the land which extends below Hymettos, which they had themselves given them 121 to dwell in, as payment for the wall built round the Acropolis in former times, when the Athenians, I say, saw that this land was made good by cultivation, which before was bad and worthless, they were seized with jealousy and with longing to possess the land, and so drove them out, not alleging any other pretext: but according to the report of the Athenians themselves they drove them out justly; for the Pelasgians being settled under Hymettos made this a starting-point and committed wrong against them as follows:—the daughters and sons of the Athenians were wont ever to go for water to the spring of Enneacrunos; for at that time neither they nor the other Hellenes as yet had household servants; and when these girls came, the Pelasgians in wantonness and contempt of the Athenians would offer them violence; and it was not enough for them even to do this, but at last they were found in the act of plotting an attack upon the city: and the narrators say that they herein proved themselves better men than the Pelasgians, inasmuch as when they might have slain the Pelasgians, who had been caught plotting against them, they did not choose to do so, but ordered them merely to depart out of the land: and thus having departed out of the land, the Pelasgians took possession of several older places and especially of Lemnos. The former story is that which was reported by Hecataios, while the latter is that which is told by the Athenians..

138. These Pelasgians then, dwelling after that in Lemnos, desired to take vengeance on the Athenians; and having full knowledge also of the festivals of the Athenians, they got 122 fifty-oared galleys and laid wait for the women of the Athenians when they were keeping festival to Artemis in Brauron; and having carried off a number of them from thence, they departed and sailed away home, and taking the women to Lemnos they kept them as concubines. Now when these women had children gradually more and more, they made it their practice to teach their sons both the Attic tongue and the manners of the Athenians. And these were not willing to associate with the sons of the Pelasgian women, and moreover if any of them were struck by any one of those, they all in a body came to the rescue and helped one another. Moreover the boys claimed to have authority over the other boys and got the better of them easily. Perceiving these things the Pelasgians considered the matter; and when they took counsel together, a fear came over them and they thought, if the boys were indeed resolved now to help one another against the sons of the legitimate wives, and were endeavouring already from the first to have authority over them, what would they do when they were grown up to be men? Then they determined to put to death the sons of the Athenian women, and this they actually did; and in addition to them they slew their mothers also. From this deed and from that which was done before this, which the women did when they killed Thoas and the rest, who were their own husbands, it has become a custom in Hellas that all deeds of great cruelty should be called "Lemnian deeds.".

139. After the Pelasgians had killed their own sons and wives, the earth did not bear fruit for them, nor did their women or their cattle bring forth young as they did before; and being hard pressed by famine and by childlessness, they sent to Delphi to ask for a release from the evils which were upon them; and the Pythian prophetess bade them pay such penalty to the Athenians as the Athenians themselves should appoint. The Pelasgians came accordingly to Athens and professed that they were willing to pay the penalty for all the wrong which they had done: and the Athenians laid a couch in the fairest possible manner in the City Hall, and having set by it a table covered with all good things, they bade the Pelasgians deliver up to them their land in that condition. Then the Pelasgians answered and said: "When with a North Wind in one single day a ship shall accomplish the voyage from your land to ours, then we will deliver it up," feeling assured that it was impossible for this to happen, since Attica lies far away to the South of Lemnos..

140. Such were the events which happened then: and very many years later, after the Chersonese which is by the Hellespont had come to be under the Athenians, Miltiades the son of Kimon, when the Etesian Winds blew steadily, accomplished the voyage in a ship from Elaius in the Chersonese to Lemnos, and proclaimed to the Pelasgians that they should depart out of the island, reminding them of the oracle, which the Pelasgians had never expected would be accomplished for them. The men of Hephaistia accordingly obeyed; but those of Myrina, not admitting that the Chersonese was Attica, suffered a siege, until at last these also submitted. Thus it was that the Athenians and Miltiades took possession of Lemnos.

—————





NOTES TO BOOK VI.

1 (return)
[ {proboulous}.]

2 (return)
[ See i. 148.]

3 (return)
[ {epi keras}.]

4 (return)
[ {diekploon poieumenos tesi neusi di alleleon}.]

5 (return)
[ {tou Dareiou}: a conjecture based upon Valla's translation. The MSS. have {ton Dareion}.]

6 (return)
[ {prophasios epilabomenoi}.]

601 (return)
[ {en stele anagraphenai patrothen}.]

7 (return)
[ "were very roughly handled."]

8 (return)
[ {epibateuontas}.]

801 (return)
[ {nuktos te gar}: so Stein for {nuktos te}.]

9 (return)
[ {kat akres}, lit. "from the top downwards," i.e. town and citadel both.]

10 (return)
[ See ch. 77.]

11 (return)
[ See i. 92 and v. 36.]

1101 (return)
[ {Kalen akten}.]

12 (return)
[ Possibly the reading should be {Inuka}, "Inyx."]

13 (return)
[ {ton en te naumakhie}: perhaps we should read {ten en te naumakhin}, "which took place in the sea-fight."]

14 (return)
[ {en Koiloisi kaleomenoisi}.]

15 (return)
[ {grammata didaskomenoisi}.]

16 (return)
[ {limainouses}: a conjectural reading for {deimainouses}.]

17 (return)
[ Lit. "and it became in fact the work of the cavalry."]

18 (return)
[ {esagenouon}.]

19 (return)
[ Or (according to some good MSS.) "Thelymbri01."]

20 (return)
[ Cp. iii. 120.]

21 (return)
[ {stadioi}: the distances here mentioned are equal to a little more than four and a little less than fifty miles respectively.]

22 (return)
[ {en gnome gegonos}.]

23 (return)
[ {pituos tropon}: the old name of the town was Pityuss01.]

24 (return)
[ That is to say, Kimon was his half-brother, and Stesagoras and the younger Miltiades his nephews.]

25 (return)
[ See ch. 103.]

26 (return)
[ {delade}.]

27 (return)
[ {eleluthee}, but the meaning must be this, and it is explained by the clause, {trito men gar etei k.t.l.}]

28 (return)
[ {stadia}: see v. 52, note 40.]

29 (return)
[ See iii. 80.]

30 (return)
[ {entos Makedonon}, "on their side of the Macedonians."]

3001 (return)
[ Or (according to some MSS.) "about three hundred."]

31 (return)
[ Or "Scaptesyle." (The Medicean MS. however has {skaptes ules}, not {skaptesules}, as reported by Stein.)]

32 (return)
[ {ta proiskheto aiteon}, "that which he put forward demanding it."]

33 (return)
[ i.e. "ram."]

34 (return)
[ {ton geraiteron}.]

35 (return)
[ {en to demosio}.]

36 (return)
[ This is commonly understood to mean, leaving out of account the god who was father of Perseus; but the reason for stopping short at Perseus is given afterwards, and the expression {tou theou apeontos} refers perhaps rather to the case of Heracles, the legend of whose birth is rejected by Herodotus (see ii. 43), and rejected also by this genealogy, which passes through Amphitryon up to Perseus. I take it that {tou theou apeontos} means "reckoning Heracles" (who is mentioned by name just below in this connexion) "as the son of Amphitryon and not of Zeus."]

37 (return)
[ i.e. "of heaven."]

38 (return)
[ {medimnon}, the Lacedemonian {medimnos} being equal to rather more than two bushels.]

39 (return)
[ {tetarten Lakomiken}, quantity uncertain.]

40 (return)
[ {proxeinous}.]

41 (return)
[ {khoinikas}. There were 48 {khoinikes} in the {medimnos}.]

42 (return)
[ {kotulen}.]

4201 (return)
[ The loose manner in which this is expressed, leaving it uncertain whether each king was supposed by the writer to have two votes given for him (cp. Thuc. i. 20), or whether the double vote was one for each king, must of course be reproduced in the translation.]

43 (return)
[ {perioikon}.]

44 (return)
[ See ch. 51.]

45 (return)
[ {proergazomenon}: a conjectural emendation of {prosergazomenon}.]

46 (return)
[ {tes apates te paragoge}, "by the misleading of the deception."]

47 (return)
[ i.e. lunar months.]

48 (return)
[ {en thoko katemeno}.]

49 (return)
[ {pandemei}.]

50 (return)
[ {aren}.]

51 (return)
[ i.e. "prayed for by the people."]

52 (return)
[ {di a}: a conjectural emendation of {dia ta}. Some Editors suppose that other words have dropped out.]

53 (return)
[ {promantin}: cp. vii. III.]

54 (return)
[ {ton splagkhnon}.]

55 (return)
[ {tou erkeiou}.]

56 (return)
[ {ton mataioteron logon legontes}.]

57 (return)
[ Lit. "on the third night after the first," but the meaning is as given.]

58 (return)
[ Most of the MSS. have "Astrobacos," which may be right.]

59 (return)
[ Or "to the honour of the Lacedemonians."]

60 (return)
[ i.e. any more than his predecessor.]

61 (return)
[ See ch. 50.]

62 (return)
[ {neotera epresse pregmata}.]

63 (return)
[ {up Arkadon}: several good MSS. have {ton Arkadon}, which is adopted by some Editors. The meaning would be "near this city it is said that there is the Styx water of the Arcadians."]

64 (return)
[ {upomargoteron}.]

65 (return)
[ Demeter and Core.]

66 (return)
[ The MSS. give also "Sepeia" and "Sipei01." The place is not elsewhere mentioned.]

67 (return)
[ See ch. 19.]

68 (return)
[ {duo mneai}: cp. v. 77.]

69 (return)
[ {o theos}, i.e. Hera: cp. i. 105.]

70 (return)
[ {kalliereumeno}.]

71 (return)
[ {kat akres}: cp. ch. 18.]

72 (return)
[ i.e. was acquitted of the charge brought against him.]

73 (return)
[ {episkuthison}.]

74 (return)
[ {bouleuesthe}: some MSS. and editions have {boulesthe}, "desiring."]

75 (return)
[ {en khrono ikneumeno}.]

76 (return)
[ i.e. take an oath to that effect.]

77 (return)
[ See v. 80.]

78 (return)
[ {penteteris}. The reading {penteres}, which is given by most of the MSS. and by several Editors, can hardly be defended.]

79 (return)
[ {kai en gar}, "and since there was."]

80 (return)
[ {Knoithou kaleomenos}: cp. vii. 143.]

81 (return)
[ {thesmophorou}.]

82 (return)
[ {pentaethlon epaskesas}.]

83 (return)
[ {mounomakhien epaskeon}, "practising single combat," as if training for the games.]

84 (return)
[ {para te Ikarion}: the use of {para} and the absence of the article may justify the conjecture {para te Ikarion} (or {Ikaron}) "by Icaria" (or "Icaros"), the island from which the Icarian Sea had its name.]

85 (return)
[ This perhaps should be emended, for the event referred to occurred two years before, cp. ch. 46 and 48: The reading {trito proteron etei} has been proposed.]

86 (return)
[ See v. 33 ff.]

8601 (return)
[ i.e. Apollo: or perhaps more generally, "God," as in ch. 27.]

87 (return)
[ This in brackets is probably an interpolation. It is omitted by some of the best MSS. Some Editors suspect the genuineness of the next four lines also, on internal grounds.]

88 (return)
[ {erxies}, perhaps meaning "worker."]

89 (return)
[ {areios}.]

90 (return)
[ {megas areios}.]

91 (return)
[ {ippoboteon}, lit. "horse-breeding": see v. 77.]

9101 (return)
[ Or (according to some MSS.), "having come to shore at these places."]

92 (return)
[ {katergontes}: the word is not elsewhere found intransitive, yet it is rather difficult to supply {tous Athenaious}. Some alterations have been proposed, but none probable.]

93 (return)
[ Lit. "and it happened that in winning this victory he won the same victory as his half-brother Miltiades." See ch. 36.]

94 (return)
[ Or, according to some authorities, "Philippides."]

95 (return)
[ Lit. "except the circle were full."]

96 (return)
[ Or "Aigilei01."]

97 (return)
[ Lit. "by violence, having coughed."]

98 (return)
[ "by the bean."]

99 (return)
[ {es se toi}, a conjectural emendation of {es se ti}.]

100 (return)
[ {prutaneie tes emeres}.]

101 (return)
[ Some Editors propose to omit {gar} or alter it. If it be allowed to stand, the meaning must be that the importance of the place is testified by the commemoration mentioned.]

102 (return)
[ {es tas panegurias}, some MSS. have {kai panegurias}, "hold sacrifices and solemn assemblies."]

103 (return)
[ {penteterisi}.]

104 (return)
[ Lit. "the good things."]

105 (return)
[ {stadioi}: the distance would be rather over 1600 yards.]

106 (return)
[ Whether this is thrown in here by the historian as an explanation of the rapid advance, or as an additional source of wonder on the part of the Persians at the boldness of the Athenians, is not clear.]

107 (return)
[ Or (according to some MSS.) "having taken hold."]

108 (return)
[ The account of how the oil was dealt with has perhaps dropt out: one MS. and the Aldine edition have "the oil they collect in vessels, and this," etc.]

109 (return)
[ This chapter is omitted by several of the best MSS., and is almost certainly an interpolation. (In the Medicean MS. it has been added in the margin by a later hand.)]

110 (return)
[ Answering to "Callias for his part" at the end of ch. 121, the connexion being broken by the interpolated passage.]

111 (return)
[ {ouden esson}.]

112 (return)
[ {patre}, "family," or possibly "country," as in ch. 128.]

113 (return)
[ {to legomeno es to meson}: perhaps only "general conversation."]

114 (return)
[ {katekhon pollon tous allous}.]

115 (return)
[ i.e. "though the dancing may be good."]

116 (return)
[ {aponostesein}: some MSS. have {apanastesein}, "he would not take away his army thence."]

117 (return)
[ {upozakoron}.]

118 (return)
[ {ton khthonion theon}, i.e. Demeter and Persephone: cp. vii. 153.]

119 (return)
[ {thesmophorou}.]

120 (return)
[ {to megaron}.]

121 (return)
[ {sphi autoi}: a conjectural rendering of {sphisi autoisi}, which can only be taken with {eousan}, meaning "belonging to them" i.e. the Athenians, and involves the insertion of {Pelasgoisi} or something equivalent with {edosan}.]

122 (return)
[ {ktesamenoi}: some MSS. and editions have {stesamenoi}, "set fifty-oared galleys in place."]

HERODOTUS, HISTORIES - BOOK VII

Polymnia

1. Now when the report came to Dareios the son of Hystaspes of the battle which was fought at Marathon, the king, who even before this had been greatly exasperated with the Athenians on account of the attack made upon Sardis, then far more than before displayed indignation, and was far more desirous of making a march against Hellas. Accordingly at once he sent messengers to the various cities and ordered that they should get ready a force, appointing to each people to supply much more than at the former time, and not only ships of war, but also horses and provisions and transport vessels; 1 and when these commands were carried round, all Asia was moved for three years, for all the best men were being enlisted for the expedition against Hellas, and were making preparations. In the fourth year however the Egyptians, who had been reduced to subjection by Cambyses, revolted from the Persians; and then he was even more desirous of marching against both these nations.

2. While Dareios was thus preparing to set out against Egypt and against Athens, there arose a great strife among his sons about the supreme power; and they said that he must not make his expeditions until he had designated one of them to be king, according to the custom of the Persians. For to Dareios already before he became king three sons had been born of his former wife the daughter of Gobryas, and after he became king four other sons of Atossa the daughter of Cyrus: of the first the eldest was Artobazanes, and of those who had been born later, Xerxes. These being not of the same mother were at strife with one another, Artobazanes contending that he was the eldest of all the sons, and that it was a custom maintained by all men that the eldest should have the rule, and Xerxes arguing that he was the son of Atossa the daughter of Cyrus, and that Cyrus was he who had won for the Persians their freedom.

3. Now while Dareios did not as yet declare his judgment, it chanced that Demaratos also, the son of Ariston, had come up to Susa at this very same time, having been deprived of the kingdom in Sparta and having laid upon himself a sentence of exile from Lacedemon. This man, hearing of the difference between the sons of Dareios, came (as it is reported of him) and counselled Xerxes to say in addition to those things which he was wont to say, that he had been born to Dareios at the time when he was already reigning as king and was holding the supreme power over the Persians, while Artobazanes had been born while Dareios was still in a private station: it was not fitting therefore nor just that another should have the honour before him; for even in Sparta, suggested Demaratos, this was the custom, that is to say, if some of the sons had been born first, before their father began to reign, and another came after, born later while he was reigning, the succession of the kingdom belonged to him who had been born later. Xerxes accordingly made use of the suggestion of Demaratos; and Dareios perceiving that he spoke that which was just, designated him to be king. It is my opinion however that even without this suggestion Xerxes would have become king, for Atossa was all-powerful.

4. Then having designated Xerxes to the Persians as their king, Dareios wished to go on his expeditions. However in the next year after this and after the revolt of Egypt, it came to pass that Dareios himself died, having been king in all six-and-thirty years; and thus he did not succeed in taking vengeance either upon the revolted Egyptians or upon the Athenians.

5. Dareios being dead the kingdom passed to his son Xerxes. Now Xerxes at the first was by no means anxious to make a march against Hellas, but against Egypt he continued to gather a force. Mardonios however, the son of Gobryas, who was a cousin of Xerxes, being sister's son to Dareios, was ever at his side, and having power with him more than any other of the Persians, he kept continually to such discourse as this which follows, saying: "Master, it is not fitting that the Athenians, after having done to the Persians very great evil, should not pay the penalty for that which they have done. What if thou shouldest 2 at this present time do that which thou hast in thy hands to do; and when thou hast tamed the land of Egypt, which has broken out insolently against us, then do thou march an army against Athens, that a good report may be made of thee by men, and that in future every one may beware of making expeditions against thy land." Thus far his speech had to do with vengeance, 3 and to this he would make addition as follows, saying that Europe was a very fair land and bore all kinds of trees that are cultivated for fruit, and was of excellent fertility, and such that the king alone of all mortals was worthy to possess it.

6. These things he was wont to say, since he was one who had a desire for perilous enterprise and wished to be himself the governor of Hellas under the king. So in time he prevailed upon Xerxes and persuaded him to do this; for other things also assisted him and proved helpful to him in persuading Xerxes. In the first place there had come from Thessaly messengers sent by the Aleuadai, who were inviting the king to come against Hellas and were showing great zeal in his cause, (now these Aleuadai were kings of Thessaly): and then secondly those of the sons of Peisistratos who had come up to Susa were inviting him also, holding to the same arguments as the Aleuadai; and moreover they offered him yet more inducement in addition to these; for there was one Onomacritos an Athenian, who both uttered oracles and also had collected and arranged the oracles of Musaios; 4 and with this man they had come up, after they had first reconciled the enmity between them. For Onomacritos had been driven forth from Athens by Hipparchos the son of Peisistratos, having been caught by Lasos of Hermion interpolating in the works of Musaios an oracle to the effect that the islands which lie off Lemnos should disappear 5 under the sea. For this reason Hipparchos drove him forth, having before this time been very much wont to consult him. Now however he had gone up with them; and when he had come into the presence of the king, the sons of Peisistratos spoke of him in magnificent terms, and he repeated some of the oracles; and if there was in them anything which imported disaster to the Barbarians, of this he said nothing; but choosing out of them the most fortunate things he told how it was destined that the Hellespont should be yoked with a bridge by a Persian, and he set forth the manner of the march. He then thus urged Xerxes with oracles, while the sons of Peisistratos and the Aleuadai pressed him with their advice.

7. So when Xerxes had been persuaded to make an expedition against Hellas, then in the next year after the death of Dareios he made a march first against those who had revolted. Having subdued these and having reduced all Egypt to slavery much greater than it had suffered in the reign of Dareios, he entrusted the government of it to Achaimenes his own brother, a son of Dareios. Now this Achaimenes being a governor of Egypt was slain afterwards by Inaros the son of Psammetichos, a Libyan.

8. Xerxes then after the conquest of Egypt, being about to take in hand the expedition against Athens, summoned a chosen assembly of the best men among the Persians, that he might both learn their opinions and himself in the presence of all declare that which he intended to do; and when they were assembled, Xerxes spoke to them as follows: (a) "Persians, I shall not be the first to establish this custom in your nation, but having received it from others I shall follow it: for as I am informed by those who are older than myself, we never yet have kept quiet since we received this supremacy in succession to the Medes, when Cyrus overthrew Astyages; but God thus leads us, and for ourselves tends to good that we are busied about many things. Now about the nations which Cyrus and Cambyses and my father Dareios subdued and added to their possessions there is no need for me to speak, since ye know well: and as for me, from the day when I received by inheritance this throne upon which I sit 6 I carefully considered always how in this honourable place I might not fall short of those who have been before me, nor add less power to the dominion of the Persians: and thus carefully considering I find a way by which not only glory may be won by us, together with a land not less in extent nor worse than that which we now possess, (and indeed more varied in its productions), but also vengeance and retribution may be brought about. Wherefore I have assembled you together now, in order that I may communicate to you that which I have it in my mind to do. (b) I design to yoke the Hellespont with a bridge, and to march an army through Europe against Hellas, in order that I may take vengeance on the Athenians for all the things which they have done both to the Persians and to my father. Ye saw how my father Dareios also was purposing to make an expedition against these men; but he has ended his life and did not succeed in taking vengeance upon them. I however, on behalf of him and also of the other Persians, will not cease until I have conquered Athens and burnt it with fire; seeing that they did wrong unprovoked to me and to my father. First they went to Sardis, having come with Aristagoras the Milesian our slave, and they set fire to the sacred groves and the temples; and then secondly, what things they did to us when we disembarked in their land, at the time when Datis and Artaphrenes were commanders of our army, ye all know well, as I think. 7 (c) For these reasons 8 I have resolved to make an expedition against them, and reckoning I find in the matter so many good things as ye shall hear:—if we shall subdue these and the neighbours of these, who dwell in the land of Pelops the Phrygian, we shall cause the Persian land to have the same boundaries as the heaven of Zeus; since in truth upon no land will the sun look down which borders ours, but I with your help shall make all the lands into one land, having passed through the whole extent of Europe. For I am informed that things are so, namely that there is no city of men nor any race of human beings remaining, which will be able to come to a contest with us, when those whom I just now mentioned have been removed out of the way. Thus both those who have committed wrong against us will have the yoke of slavery, and also those who have not committed wrong. (d) And ye will please me best if ye do this:—whensoever I shall signify to you the time at which ye ought to come, ye must appear every one of you with zeal for the service; and whosoever shall come with a force best equipped, to him I will give gifts such as are accounted in our land to be the most honourable. Thus must these things be done: but that I may not seem to you to be following my own counsel alone, I propose the matter for discussion, bidding any one of you who desires it, declare his opinion."

9. Having thus spoken he ceased; and after him Mardonios said: "Master, thou dost surpass not only all the Persians who were before thee, but also those who shall come after, since thou didst not only attain in thy words to that which is best and truest as regards other matters, but also thou wilt not permit the Ionians who dwell in Europe to make a mock of us, having no just right to do so: for a strange thing it would be if, when we have subdued and kept as our servants Sacans, Indians, Ethiopians, Assyrians, and other nations many in number and great, who have done no wrong to the Persians, because we desired to add to our dominions, we should not take vengeance on the Hellenes who committed wrong against us unprovoked. (a) Of what should we be afraid?—what gathering of numbers, or what resources of money? for their manner of fight we know, and as for their resources, we know that they are feeble; and we have moreover subdued already their sons, those I mean who are settled in our land and are called Ionians, Aiolians, and Dorians. Moreover I myself formerly made trial of marching against these men, being commanded thereto by thy father; and although I marched as far as Macedonia, and fell but little short of coming to Athens itself, no man came to oppose me in fight. (b) And yet it is true that the Hellenes make wars, but (as I am informed) very much without wise consideration, by reason of obstinacy and want of skill: for when they have proclaimed war upon one another, they find out first the fairest and smoothest place, and to this they come down and fight; so that even the victors depart from the fight with great loss, and as to the vanquished, of them I make no mention at all, for they are utterly destroyed. They ought however, being men who speak the same language, to make use of heralds and messengers and so to take up their differences and settle them in any way rather than by battles; but if they must absolutely war with one another, they ought to find out each of them that place in which they themselves are hardest to overcome, and here to make their trial. Therefore the Hellenes, since they use no good way, when I had marched as far as the land of Macedonia, did not come to the resolution of fighting with me. (c) Who then is likely to set himself against thee, O king, offering war, when thou art leading both all the multitudes of Asia and the whole number of the ships? I for my part am of opinion that the power of the Hellenes has not attained to such a pitch of boldness: but if after all I should prove to be deceived in my judgment, and they stirred up by inconsiderate folly should come to battle with us, they would learn that we are the best of all men in the matters of war. However that may be, let not anything be left untried; for nothing comes of itself, but from trial all things are wont to come to men."

10. Mardonios having thus smoothed over the resolution expressed by Xerxes had ceased speaking: and when the other Persians were silent and did not venture to declare an opinion contrary to that which had been proposed, then Artabanos the son of Hystaspes, being father's brother to Xerxes and having reliance upon that, spoke as follows: (a) "O king, if opinions opposed to one another be not spoken, it is not possible to select the better in making the choice, but one must accept that which has been spoken; if however opposite opinions be uttered, this is possible; just as we do not distinguish the gold which is free from alloy when it is alone by itself, but when we rub it on the touchstone in comparison with other gold, then we distinguish that which is the better. Now I gave advice to thy father Dareios also, who was my brother, not to march against the Scythians, men who occupied no abiding city in any part of the earth. He however, expecting that he would subdue the Scythians who were nomads, did not listen to me; but he made a march and came back from it with the loss of many good men of his army. But thou, O king, art intending to march against men who are much better than the Scythians, men who are reported to be excellent both by sea and on land: and the thing which is to be feared in this matter it is right that I should declare to thee. (b) Thou sayest that thou wilt yoke the Hellespont with a bridge and march an army through Europe to Hellas. Now supposing it chance that we are 9 worsted either by land or by sea, or even both, for the men are reported to be valiant in fight, (and we may judge for ourselves that it is so, since the Athenians by themselves destroyed that great army which came with Datis and Artaphrenes to the Attic land),—suppose however that they do not succeed in both, yet if they shall attack with their ships and conquer in a sea-fight, and then sail to the Hellespont and break up the bridge, this of itself, O king, will prove to be a great peril. (c) Not however by any native wisdom of my own do I conjecture that this might happen: I am conjecturing only such a misfortune as all but came upon us at the former time, when thy father, having yoked the Bosphorus of Thracia and made a bridge over the river Ister, had crossed over to go against the Scythians. At that time the Scythians used every means of entreaty to persuade the Ionians to break up the passage, to whom it had been entrusted to guard the bridges of the Ister. At that time, if Histiaios the despot of Miletos had followed the opinion of the other despots and had not made opposition to them, the power of the Persians would have been brought to an end. Yet it is a fearful thing even to hear it reported that the whole power of the king had come to depend upon one human creature. 10 (d) Do not thou therefore propose to go into any such danger when there is no need, but do as I say:—at the present time dissolve this assembly; and afterwards at whatever time it shall seem good to thee, when thou hast considered prudently with thyself, proclaim that which seems to thee best: for good counsel I hold to be a very great gain; since even if anything shall prove adverse, the counsel which has been taken is no less good, though it has been defeated by fortune; while he who took counsel badly at first, if good fortune should go with him has lighted on a prize by chance, but none the less for that his counsel was bad. (e) Thou seest how God strikes with thunderbolts the creatures which stand above the rest and suffers them not to make a proud show; while those which are small do not provoke him to jealousy: thou seest also how he hurls his darts ever at those buildings which are the highest and those trees likewise; for God is wont to cut short all those things which stand out above the rest. Thus also a numerous army is destroyed by one of few men in some such manner as this, namely when God having become jealous of them casts upon them panic or thundering from heaven, then they are destroyed utterly and not as their worth deserves; for God suffers not any other to have high thoughts save only himself. (f) Moreover the hastening of any matter breeds disasters, whence great losses are wont to be produced; but in waiting there are many good things contained, as to which, if they do not appear to be good at first, yet one will find them to be so in course of time. (g) To thee, O king, I give this counsel: but thou son of Gobryas, Mardonios, cease speaking foolish words about the Hellenes, since they in no way deserve to be spoken of with slight; for by uttering slander against the Hellenes thou art stirring the king himself to make an expedition, and it is to this very end that I think thou art straining all thy endeavour. Let not this be so; for slander is a most grievous thing: in it the wrongdoers are two, and the person who suffers wrong is one. The slanderer does a wrong in that he speaks against one who is not present, the other in that he is persuaded of the thing before he gets certain knowledge of it, and he who is not present when the words are spoken suffers wrong in the matter thus,—both because he has been slandered by the one and because he has been believed to be bad by the other. (h) However, if it be absolutely needful to make an expedition against these men, come, let the king himself remain behind in the abodes of the Persians, and let us both set to the wager our sons; and then do thou lead an army by thyself, choosing for thyself the men whom thou desirest, and taking an army as large as thou thinkest good: and if matters turn out for the king as thou sayest, let my sons be slain and let me also be slain in addition to them; but if in the way which I predict, let thy sons suffer this, and with them thyself also, if thou shalt return back. But if thou art not willing to undergo this proof, but wilt by all means lead an army against Hellas, then I say that those who are left behind in this land will hear 11 that Mardonios, after having done a great mischief to the Persians, is torn by dogs and birds, either in the land of the Athenians, or else perchance thou wilt be in the land of the Lacedemonians (unless indeed this should have come to pass even before that upon the way), and that thou hast at length been made aware against what kind of men thou art persuading the king to march."

11. Artabanos thus spoke; and Xerxes enraged by it made answer as follows: "Artabanos, thou art my father's brother, and this shall save thee from receiving any recompense such as thy foolish words deserve. Yet I attach to thee this dishonour, seeing that thou art a coward and spiritless, namely that thou do not march with me against Hellas, but remain here together with the women; and I, even without thy help, will accomplish all the things which I said: for I would I might not be descended from Dareios, the son of Hystaspes, the son of Arsames, the son of Ariaramnes, the son of Teïspes, or from Cyrus, 12 the son of Cambyses, the son of Teïspes, the son of Achaimenes, if I take not vengeance on the Athenians; since I know well that if we shall keep quiet, yet they will not do so, but will again 13 march against our land, if we may judge by the deeds which have been done by them to begin with, since they both set fire to Sardis and marched upon Asia. It is not possible therefore that either side should retire from the quarrel, but the question before us is whether we shall do or whether we shall suffer; whether all these regions shall come to be under the Hellenes or all those under the Persians: for in our hostility there is no middle course. It follows then now that it is well for us, having suffered wrong first, to take revenge, that I may find out also what is this terrible thing which I shall suffer if I lead an army against these men,—men whom Pelops the Phrygian, who was the slave of my forefathers, so subdued that even to the present day both the men themselves and their land are called after the name of him who subdued them."

12. Thus far was it spoken then; but afterwards when darkness came on, the opinion of Artabanos tormented Xerxes continually; and making night his counsellor he found that it was by no means to his advantage to make the march against Hellas. So when he had thus made a new resolve, he fell asleep, and in the night he saw, as is reported by the Persians, a vision as follows:—Xerxes thought that a man tall and comely of shape came and stood by him and said: "Art thou indeed changing thy counsel, O Persian, of leading an expedition against Hellas, now that thou hast made proclamation that the Persians shall collect an army? Thou dost not well in changing thy counsel, nor will he who is here present with thee excuse thee from it; 1301 but as thou didst take counsel in the day to do, by that way go."

13. After he had said this, Xerxes thought that he who had spoken flew away; and when day had dawned he made no account of this dream, but gathered together the Persians whom he had assembled also the former time and said to them these words: "Persians, pardon me that I make quick changes in my counsel; for in judgment not yet am I come to my prime, and they who advise me to do the things which I said, do not for any long time leave me to myself. However, although at first when I heard the opinion of Artabanos my youthful impulses burst out, 14 so that I cast out unseemly words 15 against a man older than myself; yet now I acknowledge that he is right, and I shall follow his opinion. Consider then I have changed my resolve to march against Hellas, and do ye remain still."

14. The Persians accordingly when they heard this were rejoiced and made obeisance: but when night had come on, the same dream again came and stood by Xerxes as he lay asleep and said: "Son of Dareios, it is manifest then that thou hast resigned this expedition before the assembly of the Persians, and that thou hast made no account of my words, as if thou hadst heard them from no one at all. Now therefore be well assured of this:—if thou do not make thy march forthwith, there shall thence spring up for thee this result, namely that, as thou didst in short time become great and mighty, so also thou shalt speedily be again brought low."

15. Xerxes then, being very greatly disturbed by fear of the vision, started up from his bed and sent a messenger to summon Artabanos; to whom when he came Xerxes spoke thus: "Artabanos, at the first I was not discreet, when I spoke to thee foolish words on account of thy good counsel; but after no long time I changed my mind and perceived that I ought to do these things which thou didst suggest to me. I am not able however to do them, although I desire it; for indeed, now that I have turned about and changed my mind, a dream appears haunting me and by no means approving that I should do so; and just now it has left me even with a threat. If therefore it is God who sends it to me, and it is his absolute will and pleasure that an army should go against Hellas, this same dream will fly to thee also, laying upon thee a charge such as it has laid upon me; and it occurs to my mind that this might happen thus, namely if thou shouldst take all my attire and put it on, and then seat thyself on my throne, and after that lie down to sleep in my bed."

16. Xerxes spoke to him thus; and Artabanos was not willing to obey the command at first, since he did not think himself worthy to sit upon the royal throne; but at last being urged further he did that which was commanded, first having spoken these words: (a) "It is equally good in my judgment, O king, whether a man has wisdom himself or is willing to follow the counsel of him who speaks well: and thou, who hast attained to both these good things, art caused to err by the communications of evil men; just as they say that the Sea, which is of all things the most useful to men, is by blasts of winds falling upon it prevented from doing according to its own nature. I however, when I was evil spoken of by thee, was not so much stung with pain for this, as because, when two opinions were laid before the Persians, the one tending to increase wanton insolence and the other tending to check it and saying that it was a bad thing to teach the soul to endeavour always to have something more than the present possession,—because, I say, when such opinions as these were laid before us, thou didst choose that one which was the more dangerous both for thyself and for the Persians. (b) And now that thou hast turned to the better counsel, thou sayest that when thou art disposed to let go the expedition against the Hellenes, a dream haunts thee sent by some god, which forbids thee to abandon thy enterprise. Nay, but here too thou dost err, my son, since this is not of the Deity; 16 for the dreams of sleep which come roaming about to men, are of such nature as I shall inform thee, being by many years older than thou. The visions of dreams are wont to hover above us 17 in such form 18 for the most part as the things of which we were thinking during the day; and we in the days preceding were very much occupied with this campaign. (c) If however after all this is not such a thing as I interpret it to be, but is something which is concerned with God, thou hast summed the matter up in that which thou hast said: let it appear, as thou sayest, to me also, as to thee, and give commands. But supposing that it desires to appear to me at all, it is not bound to appear to me any the more if I have thy garments on me than if I have my own, nor any more if I take my rest in thy bed than if I am in thy own; for assuredly this thing, whatever it may be, which appears to thee in thy sleep, is not so foolish as to suppose, when it sees me, that it is thou, judging so because the garments are thine. That however which we must find out now is this, namely if it will hold me in no account, and not think fit to appear to me, whether I have my own garments or whether I have thine, but continue still to haunt thee; 19 for if it shall indeed haunt thee perpetually, I shall myself also be disposed to say that it is of the Deity. But if thou hast resolved that it shall be so, and it is not possible to turn aside this thy resolution, but I must go to sleep in thy bed, then let it appear to me also, when I perform these things: but until then I shall hold to the opinion which I now have."

17. Having thus said Artabanos, expecting that he would prove that Xerxes was speaking folly, did that which was commanded him; and having put on the garments of Xerxes and seated himself in the royal throne, he afterwards went to bed: and when he had fallen asleep, the same dream came to him which used to come to Xerxes, and standing over Artabanos spoke these words: "Art thou indeed he who endeavours to dissuade Xerxes from making a march against Hellas, pretending to have a care of him? However, neither in the future nor now at the present shalt thou escape unpunished for trying to turn away that which is destined to come to pass: and as for Xerxes, that which he must suffer if he disobeys, hath been shown already to the man himself."

18. Thus it seemed to Artabanos that the dream threatened him, and at the same time was just about to burn out his eyes with hot irons; and with a loud cry he started up from his bed, and sitting down beside Xerxes he related to him throughout the vision of the dream, and then said to him as follows: "I, O king, as one who has seen before now many great things brought to their fall by things less, urged thee not to yield in all things to the inclination of thy youth, since I knew that it was evil to have desire after many things; remembering on the one hand the march of Cyrus against the Massagetai, what fortune it had, and also that of Cambyses against the Ethiopians; and being myself one who took part with Dareios in the campaign against the Scythians. Knowing these things I had the opinion that thou wert to be envied of all men, so long as thou shouldest keep still. Since however there comes a divine impulse, and, as it seems, a destruction sent by heaven is taking hold of the Hellenes, I for my part am both changed in myself and also I reverse my opinions; and do thou signify to the Persians the message which is sent to thee from God, bidding them follow the commands which were given by thee at first with regard to the preparations to be made; and endeavour that on thy side nothing may be wanting, since God delivers the matter into thy hands." These things having been said, both were excited to confidence by the vision, and so soon as it became day, Xerxes communicated the matter to the Persians, and Artabanos, who before was the only man who came forward to dissuade him, now came forward to urge on the design.

19. Xerxes being thus desirous to make the expedition, there came to him after this a third vision in his sleep, which the Magians, when they heard it, explained to have reference to the dominion of the whole Earth and to mean that all men should be subject to him; and the vision was this:—Xerxes thought that he had been crowned with a wreath of an olive-branch and that the shoots growing from the olive-tree covered the whole Earth; and after that, the wreath, placed as it was about his head, disappeared. When the Magians had thus interpreted the vision, forthwith every man of the Persians who had been assembled together departed to his own province and was zealous by all means to perform the commands, desiring each one to receive for himself the gifts which had been proposed: and thus Xerxes was gathering his army together, searching every region of the continent.

20. During four full years from the conquest of Egypt he was preparing the army and the things that were of service for the army, and in the course of the fifth year 20 he began his campaign with a host of great multitude. For of all the armies of which we have knowledge this proved to be by far the greatest; so that neither that led by Dareios against the Scythians appears anything as compared with it, nor the Scythian host, when the Scythians pursuing the Kimmerians made invasion of the Median land and subdued and occupied nearly all the upper parts of Asia, for which invasion afterwards Dareios attempted to take vengeance, nor that led by the sons of Atreus to Ilion, to judge by that which is reported of their expedition, nor that of the Mysians and Teucrians, before the Trojan war, who passed over into Europe by the Bosphorus and not only subdued all the Thracians, but came down also as far as the Ionian Sea 21 and marched southwards to the river Peneios.

21. All these expeditions put together, with others, if there be any, added to them, 22 are not equal to this one alone. For what nation did Xerxes not lead out of Asia against Hellas? and what water was not exhausted, being drunk by his host, except only the great rivers? For some supplied ships, and others were appointed to serve in the land-army; to some it was appointed to furnish cavalry, and to others vessels to carry horses, while they served in the expedition themselves also; 23 others were ordered to furnish ships of war for the bridges, and others again ships with provisions.

22. Then in the first place, since the former fleet had suffered disaster in sailing round Athos, preparations had been going on for about three years past with regard to Athos: for triremes lay at anchor at Elaius in the Chersonese, and with this for their starting point men of all nations belonging to the army worked at digging, compelled by the lash; and the men went to the work regularly in succession: moreover those who dwelt round about Athos worked also at the digging: and Bubares the son of Megabazos and Artachaies the son of Artaios, Persians both, were set over the work. Now Athos is a mountain great and famous, running down to the sea and inhabited by men: and where the mountain ends on the side of the mainland the place is like a peninsula with an isthmus about twelve furlongs 24 across. Here it is plain land or hills of no great size, extending from the sea of the Acanthians to that which lies off Torone; and on this isthmus, where Athos ends, is situated a Hellenic city called Sane: moreover there are others beyond Sane 25 and within the peninsula of Athos, all which at this time the Persian had resolved to make into cities of an island and no longer of the mainland; these are, Dion, Olophyxos, Acrothoon, Thyssos, Cleonai.

23. These are the cities which occupy Athos: and they dug as follows, the country being divided among the Barbarians by nations for the work:—at the city of Sane they drew a straight line across the isthmus, and when the channel became deep, those who stood lowest dug, while others delivered the earth as it was dug out to other men who stood above, as upon steps, and they again to others when it was received, until they came to those that were highest; and these bore it away and cast it forth. Now the others except the Phenicians had double toil by the breaking down of the steep edges of their excavation; for since they endeavoured to make the opening at the top and that at the bottom both of the same measure, some such thing was likely to result, as they worked: but the Phenicians, who are apt to show ability in their works generally, did so in this work also; for when they had had assigned to them by lot so much as fell to their share, they proceeded to dig, making the opening of the excavation at the top twice as wide as the channel itself was to be; and as the work went forward, they kept contracting the width; so that, when they came to the bottom, their work was made of equal width with that of the others. Now there is a meadow there, in which there was made for them a market and a place for buying and selling; and great quantities of corn came for them regularly from Asia, ready ground.

24. It seems to me, making conjecture of this work, that Xerxes when he ordered this to be dug was moved by a love of magnificence and by a desire to make a display of his power and to leave a memorial behind him; for though they might have drawn the ships across the isthmus with no great labour, he bade them dig a channel for the sea of such breadth that two triremes might sail through, propelled side by side. To these same men to whom the digging had been appointed, it was appointed also to make a bridge over the river Strymon, yoking together the banks.

25. These things were being done by Xerxes thus; and meanwhile he caused ropes also to be prepared for the bridges, made of papyrus and of white flax, 26 appointing this to the Phenicians and Egyptians; and also he was making preparations to store provisions for his army on the way, that neither the army itself nor the baggage animals might suffer from scarcity, as they made their march against Hellas. Accordingly, when he had learnt by inquiry of the various places, he bade them make stores where it was most convenient, carrying supplies to different parts by merchant ships and ferry-boats from all the countries of Asia. So they conveyed the greater part of the corn 27 to the place which is called Leuke Acte in Thrace, while others conveyed stores to Tyrodiza of the Perinthians, others to Doriscos, others to Eïon on the Strymon, and others to Macedonia, the work being distributed between them.

26. During the time that these were working at the task which had been proposed to them, the whole land-army had been assembled together and was marching with Xerxes to Sardis, setting forth from Critalla in Cappadokia; for there it had been ordered that the whole army should assemble, which was to go with Xerxes himself by the land: but which of the governors of provinces brought the best equipped force and received from the king the gifts proposed, I am not able to say, for I do not know that they even came to a competition in this matter. Then after they had crossed the river Halys and had entered Phrygia, marching through this land they came to Kelainai, where the springs of the river Maiander come up, and also those of another river not less than the Maiander, whose name is Catarractes; 28 this rises in the market-place itself of Kelainai and runs into the Maiander: and here also is hanging up in the city the skin of Marsyas the Silenos, which is said by the Phrygians to have been flayed off and hung up by Apollo.

27. In this city Pythios the son of Atys, a Lydian, was waiting for the king and entertained his whole army, as well as Xerxes himself, with the most magnificent hospitality: moreover he professed himself ready to supply money for the war. So when Pythios offered money, Xerxes asked those of the Persians who were present, who Pythios was and how much money he possessed, that he made this offer. They said: "O king, this is he who presented thy father Dareios with the golden plane-tree and the golden vine; and even now he is in wealth the first of all men of whom we know, excepting thee only."

28. Marvelling at the conclusion of these words Xerxes himself asked of Pythios then, how much money he had; and he said: "O king, I will not conceal the truth from thee, nor will I allege as an excuse that I do not know my own substance, but I will enumerate it to thee exactly, since I know the truth: for as soon as I heard that thou wert coming down to the Sea of Hellas, desiring to give thee money for the war I ascertained the truth, and calculating I found that I had of silver two thousand talents, and of gold four hundred myriads 29 of daric staters 30 all but seven thousand: and with this money I present thee. For myself I have sufficient livelihood from my slaves and from my estates of land."

29. Thus he said; and Xerxes was pleased by the things which he had spoken, and replied: "Lydian host, ever since I went forth from the Persian land I have encountered no man up to this time who was desirous to entertain my army, or who came into my presence and made offer of his own free will to contribute money to me for the war, except only thee: and thou not only didst entertain my army magnificently, but also now dost make offer of great sums of money. To thee therefore in return I give these rewards,—I make thee my guest-friend, and I will complete for thee the four hundred myriads of staters by giving from myself the seven thousand, in order that thy four hundred myriads may not fall short by seven thousand, but thou mayest have a full sum in thy reckoning, completed thus by me. Keep possession of that which thou hast got for thyself, and be sure to act always thus; for if thou doest so, thou wilt have no cause to repent either at the time or afterwards."

30. Having thus said and having accomplished his promise, he continued his march onwards; and passing by a city of the Phrygians called Anaua and a lake whence salt is obtained, he came to Colossai, a great city of Phrygia, where the river Lycos falls into an opening of the earth and disappears from view, and then after an interval of about five furlongs it comes up to view again, and this river also flows into the Maiander. Setting forth from Colossai towards the boundaries of the Phrygians and Lydians, the army arrived at the city of Kydrara, where a pillar 3001 is fixed, set up by Croesus, which declares by an inscription that the boundaries are there.

31. From Phrygia then he entered Lydia; and here the road parts into two, and that which goes to the left leads towards Caria, while that which goes to the right leads to Sardis; and travelling by this latter road one must needs cross the river Maiander and pass by the city of Callatebos, where men live whose trade it is to make honey of the tamarisk-tree and of wheat-flour. By this road went Xerxes and found a plane-tree, to which for its beauty he gave an adornment of gold, and appointed that some one should have charge of it always in undying succession; 31 and on the next day he came to the city of the Lydians.

32. Having come to Sardis he proceeded first to send heralds to Hellas, to ask for earth and water, and also to give notice beforehand to prepare meals for the king; except that he sent neither to Athens nor Lacedemon to ask for earth, but to all the other States: and the reason why he sent the second time to ask for earth and water was this,—as many as had not given at the former time to Dareios when he sent, these he thought would certainly give now by reason of their fear: this matter it was about which he desired to have certain knowledge, and he sent accordingly.

33. After this he made his preparations intending to march to Abydos: and meanwhile they were bridging over the Hellespont from Asia to Europe. Now there is in the Chersonese of the Hellespont between the city of Sestos and Madytos, a broad foreland 32 running down into the sea right opposite Abydos; this is the place where no long time afterwards the Athenians under the command of Xanthippos the son of Ariphron, having taken Artaÿctes a Persian, who was the governor of Sestos, nailed him alive to a board with hands and feet extended (he was the man who was wont to take women with him to the temple of Protesilaos at Elaius and to do things there which are not lawful).

34. To this foreland they on whom this work was laid were making their bridges, starting from Abydos, the Phenicians constructing the one with ropes of white flax, and the Egyptians the other, which was made with papyrus rope. Now from Abydos to the opposite shore is a distance of seven furlongs. But when the strait had been bridged over, a great storm came on and dashed together all the work that had been made and broke it up. Then when Xerxes heard it he was exceedingly enraged, and bade them scourge the Hellespont with three hundred strokes of the lash and let down into the sea a pair of fetters. Nay, I have heard further that he sent branders also with them to brand the Hellespont. However this may be, he enjoined them, as they were beating, to say Barbarian and presumptuous words as follows: "Thou bitter water, thy master lays upon thee this penalty, because thou didst wrong him not having suffered any wrong from him: and Xerxes the king will pass over thee whether thou be willing or no; but with right, as it seems, no man doeth sacrifice to thee, seeing that thou art a treacherous 33 and briny stream." The sea he enjoined them to chastise thus, and also he bade them cut off the heads of those who were appointed to have charge over the bridging of the Hellespont.

36. Thus then the men did, to whom this ungracious office belonged; and meanwhile other chief-constructors proceeded to make the bridges; and thus they made them:—They put together fifty-oared galleys and triremes, three hundred and sixty to be under the bridge towards the Euxine Sea, and three hundred and fourteen to be under the other, the vessels lying in the direction of the stream of the Hellespont (though crosswise in respect to the Pontus), to support the tension of the ropes. 34 They placed them together thus, and let down very large anchors, those on the one side 35 towards the Pontus because of the winds which blow from within outwards, and on the other side, towards the West and the Egean, because of the South-East 36 and South Winds. They left also an opening for a passage through, so that any who wished might be able to sail into the Pontus with small vessels, 37 and also from the Pontus outwards. Having thus done, they proceeded to stretch tight the ropes, straining them with wooden windlasses, not now appointing the two kinds of rope to be used apart from one another, but assigning to each bridge two ropes of white flax and four of the papyrus ropes. The thickness and beauty of make was the same for both, but the flaxen ropes were heavier in proportion, 38 and of this rope a cubit weighed one talent. When the passage was bridged over, they sawed up logs of wood, and making them equal in length to the breadth of the bridge they laid them above the stretched ropes, and having set them thus in order they again fastened them above. 39 When this was done, they carried on brushwood, and having set the brushwood also in place, they carried on to it earth; and when they had stamped down the earth firmly, they built a barrier along on each side, so that the baggage-animals and horses might not be frightened by looking out over the sea.

37. When the construction of the bridges had been finished, and the works about Athos, both the embankments about the mouths of the channel, which were made because of the breaking of the sea upon the beach, that the mouths of it might not be filled up, and the channel itself, were reported to be fully completed, then, after they had passed the winter at Sardis, the army set forth from thence fully equipped, at the beginning of spring, to march to Abydos; and when it had just set forth, the Sun left his place in the heaven and was invisible, though there was no gathering of clouds and the sky was perfectly clear; and instead of day it became night. When Xerxes saw and perceived this, it became a matter of concern to him; and he asked the Magians what the appearance meant to portend. These declared that the god was foreshowing to the Hellenes a leaving 40 of their cities, saying that the Sun was the foreshower of events for the Hellenes, but the Moon for the Persians. Having been thus informed, Xerxes proceeded on the march with very great joy.

38. Then as he was leading forth his army on its march, Pythios the Lydian, being alarmed by the appearance in the heavens and elated by the gifts which he had received, came to Xerxes, and said as follows: "Master, I would desire to receive from thee a certain thing at my request, which, as it chances, is for thee an easy thing to grant, but a great thing for me, if I obtain it." Then Xerxes, thinking that his request would be for anything rather than that which he actually asked, said that he would grant it, and bade him speak and say what he desired. He then, when he heard this, was encouraged, and spoke these words: "Master, I have, as it chances, five sons, and it is their fortune to be all going together with thee on the march against Hellas. Do thou, therefore, O king, have compassion upon me, who have come to so great an age, and release from serving in the expedition one of my sons, the eldest, in order that he may be caretaker both of myself and of my wealth: but the other four take with thyself, and after thou hast accomplished that which thou hast in thy mind, mayest thou have a safe return home."

38. Then Xerxes was exceedingly angry and made answer with these words: "Thou wretched man, dost thou dare, when I am going on a march myself against Hellas, and am taking my sons and my brothers and my relations and friends, dost thou dare to make any mention of a son of thine, seeing that thou art my slave, who ought to have been accompanying me thyself with thy whole household and thy wife as well? Now therefore be assured of this, that the passionate spirit of man dwells within the ears; and when it has heard good things, it fills the body with delight, but when it has heard the opposite things to this, it swells up with anger. As then thou canst not boast of having surpassed the king in conferring benefits formerly, when thou didst to us good deeds and madest offer to do more of the same kind, so now that thou hast turned to shamelessness, thou shalt receive not thy desert but less than thou deservest: for thy gifts of hospitality shall rescue from death thyself and the four others of thy sons, but thou shalt pay the penalty with the life of the one to whom thou dost cling most." Having answered thus, he forthwith commanded those to whom it was appointed to do these things, to find out the eldest of the sons of Pythios and to cut him in two in the middle; and having cut him in two, to dispose the halves, one on the right hand of the road and the other on the left, and that the army should pass between them by this way.

40. When these had so done, the army proceeded to pass between; and first the baggage-bearers led the way together with their horses, and after these the host composed of all kinds of nations mingled together without distinction: and when more than the half had gone by, an interval was left and these were separated from the king. For before him went first a thousand horsemen, chosen out of all the Persians; and after them a thousand spearmen chosen also from all the Persians, having the points of their spears turned down to the ground; and then ten sacred horses, called "Nesaian," 41 with the fairest possible trappings. Now the horses are called Nesaian for this reason:—there is a wide plain in the land of Media which is called the Nesaian plain, and this plain produces the great horses of which I speak. Behind these ten horses the sacred chariot of Zeus was appointed to go, which was drawn by eight white horses; and behind the horses again followed on foot a charioteer holding the reins, for no human creature mounts upon the seat of that chariot. Then behind this came Xerxes himself in a chariot drawn by Nesaian horses, and by the side of him rode a charioteer, whose name was Patiramphes, son of Otanes a Persian.

41. Thus did Xerxes march forth out of Sardis; and he used to change, whenever he was so disposed, from the chariot to a carriage. And behind him went spearmen, the best and most noble of the Persians, a thousand in number, holding their spear-points in the customary way; 42 and after them another thousand horsemen chosen out from the Persians; and after the horsemen ten thousand men chosen out from the remainder of the Persians. This body went on foot; and of these a thousand had upon their spears pomegranates of gold instead of the spikes at the butt-end, and these enclosed the others round, while the remaining nine thousand were within these and had silver pomegranates. And those also had golden pomegranates who had their spear-points turned towards the earth, while those who followed next after Xerxes had golden apples. Then to follow the ten thousand there was appointed a body of ten thousand Persian cavalry; and after the cavalry there was an interval of as much as two furlongs. Then the rest of the host came marching without distinction.

42. So the army proceeded on its march from Lydia to the river Caïcos and the land of Mysia; and then setting forth from the Caïcos and keeping the mountain of Cane on the left hand, it marched through the region of Atarneus to the city of Carene. From this it went through the plain of Thebe, passing by the cities of Adramytteion and Antandros of the Pelasgians; and taking mount Ida on the left hand, it came on to the land of Ilion. And first, when it had stopped for the night close under mount Ida, thunder and bolts of lightning fell upon it, and destroyed here in this place a very large number of men. 43

43. Then when the army had come to the river Scamander,—which of all rivers to which they had come, since they set forth from Sardis and undertook their march, was the first of which the stream failed and was not sufficient for the drinking of the army and of the animals with it,—when, I say, Xerxes had come to this river, he went up to the Citadel of Priam, 44 having a desire to see it; and having seen it and learnt by inquiry of all those matters severally, he sacrificed a thousand heifers to Athene of Ilion, and the Magians poured libations in honour of the heroes: and after they had done this, a fear fell upon the army in the night. Then at break of day he set forth from thence, keeping on his left hand the cities of Rhoition and Ophryneion and Dardanos, which last borders upon Abydos, and having on the right hand the Gergith Teucrians.

44. When Xerxes had come into the midst of Abydos, 45 he had a desire to see all the army; and there had been made purposely for him beforehand upon a hill in this place a raised seat of white stone, 46 which the people of Abydos had built at the command of the king given beforehand. There he took his seat, and looking down upon the shore he gazed both upon the land-army and the ships; and gazing upon them he had a longing to see a contest take place between the ships; and when it had taken place and the Phenicians of Sidon were victorious, he was delighted both with the contest and with the whole armament.

45. And seeing all the Hellespont covered over with the ships, and all the shores and the plains of Abydos full of men, then Xerxes pronounced himself a happy man, and after that he fell to weeping.

46. Artabanos his uncle therefore perceiving him,—the same who at first boldly declared his opinion advising Xerxes not to march against Hellas,—this man, I say, having observed that Xerxes wept, asked as follows: "O king, how far different from one another are the things which thou hast done now and a short while before now! for having pronounced thyself a happy man, thou art now shedding tears." He said: "Yea, for after I had reckoned up, it came into my mind to feel pity at the thought how brief was the whole life of man, seeing that of these multitudes not one will be alive when a hundred years have gone by." He then made answer and said: "To another evil more pitiful than this we are made subject in the course of our life; for in the period of life, short as it is, no man, either of these here or of others, is made by nature so happy, that there will not come to him many times, and not once only, the desire to be dead rather than to live; for misfortunes falling upon us and diseases disturbing our happiness make the time of life, though short indeed, seem long: thus, since life is full of trouble, death has become the most acceptable refuge for man; and God, having given him to taste of the sweetness of life, is discovered in this matter to be full of jealousy."

47. Xerxes made answer saying: "Artabanos, of human life, which is such as thou dost define it to be, let us cease to speak, and do not remember evils when we have good things in hand: but do thou declare to me this:—If the vision of the dream had not appeared with so much evidence, wouldest thou still be holding thy former opinion, endeavouring to prevent me from marching against Hellas, or wouldest thou have changed from it? Come, tell me this exactly." He answered saying: "O king, may the vision of the dream which appeared have such fulfilment as we both desire! but I am even to this moment full of apprehension and cannot contain myself, taking into account many things besides, and also seeing that two things, which are the greatest things of all, are utterly hostile to thee."

48. To this Xerxes made answer in these words: "Thou strangest of men, 47 of what nature are these two things which thou sayest are utterly hostile to me? Is it that the land-army is to be found fault with in the matter of numbers, and that the army of the Hellenes appears to thee likely to be many times as large as ours? or dost thou think that our fleet will fall short of theirs? or even that both of these things together will prove true? For if thou thinkest that in these respects our power is deficient, one might make gathering at once of another force."

49. Then he made answer and said: "O king, neither with this army would any one who has understanding find fault, nor with the number of the ships; and indeed if thou shalt assemble more, the two things of which I speak will be made thereby yet more hostile: and these two things are—the land and the sea. For neither in the sea is there, as I suppose, a harbour anywhere large enough to receive this fleet of thine, if a storm should arise, and to ensure the safety of the ships till it be over; and yet not one alone 48 ought this harbour to be, but there should be such harbours along the whole coast of the continent by which thou sailest; and if there are not harbours to receive thy ships, know that accidents will rule men and not men the accidents. Now having told thee of one of the two things, I am about to tell thee of the other. The land, I say, becomes hostile to thee in this way:—if nothing shall come to oppose thee, the land is hostile to thee by so much the more in proportion as thou shalt advance more, ever stealing on further and further, 49 for there is no satiety of good fortune felt by men: and this I say, that with no one to stand against thee the country traversed, growing more and more as time goes on, will produce for thee famine. Man, however, will be in the best condition, if when he is taking counsel he feels fear, reckoning to suffer everything that can possibly come, but in doing the deed he is bold."

50. Xerxes made answer in these words: "Artabanos, reasonably dost thou set forth these matters; but do not thou fear everything nor reckon equally for everything: for if thou shouldest set thyself with regard to all matters which come on at any time, to reckon for everything equally, thou wouldest never perform any deed. It is better to have good courage about everything and to suffer half the evils which threaten, than to have fear beforehand about everything and not to suffer any evil at all: and if, while contending against everything which is said, thou omit to declare the course which is safe, thou dost incur in these matters the reproach of failure equally with him who says the opposite to this. This then, I say, is evenly balanced: but how should one who is but man know the course which is safe? I think, in no way. To those then who choose to act, for the most part gain is wont to come; but to those who reckon for everything and shrink back, it is not much wont to come. Thou seest the power of the Persians, to what great might it has advanced: if then those who came to be kings before me had had opinions like to thine, or, though not having such opinions, had had such counsellors as thou, thou wouldest never have seen it brought forward to this point. As it is however, by running risks they conducted it on to this: for great power is in general gained by running great risks. We therefore, following their example, are making our march now during the fairest season of the year; and after we have subdued all Europe we shall return back home, neither having met with famine anywhere nor having suffered any other thing which is unpleasant. For first we march bearing with us ourselves great store of food, and secondly we shall possess the corn-crops of all the peoples to whose land and nation we come; and we are making a march now against men who plough the soil, and not against nomad tribes."

51. After this Artabanos said: "O king, since thou dost urge us not to have fear of anything, do thou I pray thee accept a counsel from me; for when speaking of many things it is necessary to extend speech to a greater length. Cyrus the son of Cambyses subdued all Ionia except the Athenians, so that it was tributary to the Persians. These men therefore I counsel thee by no means to lead against their parent stock, seeing that even without these we are able to get the advantage over our enemies. For supposing that they go with us, either they must prove themselves doers of great wrong, if they join in reducing their mother city to slavery, or doers of great right, if they join in freeing her: now if they show themselves doers of great wrong, they bring us no very large gain in addition; but if they show themselves doers of great right, they are able then to cause much damage to thy army. Therefore lay to heart also the ancient saying, how well it has been said that at the first beginning of things the end does not completely appear."

52. To this Xerxes made answer: "Artabanos, of all the opinions which thou hast uttered, thou art mistaken most of all in this; seeing that thou fearest lest the Ionians should change side, about whom we have a most sure proof, of which thou art a witness thyself and also the rest are witnesses who went with Dareios on his march against the Scythians,—namely this, that the whole Persian army then came to be dependent upon these men, whether they would destroy or whether they would save it, and they displayed righteous dealing and trustworthiness, and nought at all that was unfriendly. Besides this, seeing that they have left children and wives and wealth in our land, we must not even imagine that they will make any rebellion. 50 Fear not then this thing either, but have a good heart and keep safe my house and my government; for to thee of all men I entrust my sceptre of rule."

53. Having thus spoken and having sent Artabanos back to Susa, next Xerxes summoned to his presence the men of most repute among the Persians, and when they were come before him, he spoke to them as follows: "Persians, I assembled you together desiring this of you, that ye should show yourselves good men and should not disgrace the deeds done in former times by the Persians, which are great and glorious; but let us each one of us by himself, and all together also, be zealous in our enterprise; for this which we labour for is a common good for all. And I exhort you that ye preserve in the war without relaxing your efforts, because, as I am informed, we are marching against good men, and if we shall overcome them, there will not be any other army of men which will ever stand against us. Now therefore let us begin the crossing, after having made prayer to those gods who have the Persians 51 for their allotted charge."

54. During this day then they were making preparation to cross over; and on the next day they waited for the Sun, desiring to see him rise, and in the meantime they offered all kinds of incense upon the bridges and strewed the way with branches of myrtle. Then, as the Sun was rising, Xerxes made libation from a golden cup into the sea, and prayed to the Sun, that no accident might befall him such as should cause him to cease from subduing Europe, until he had come to its furthest limits. After having thus prayed he threw the cup into the Hellespont and with it a golden mixing-bowl and a Persian sword, which they call akinakes: but whether he cast them into the sea as an offering dedicated to the Sun, or whether he had repented of his scourging of the Hellespont and desired to present a gift to the sea as amends for this, I cannot for certain say.

55. When Xerxes had done this, they proceeded to cross over, the whole army both the footmen and the horsemen going by one bridge, namely that which was on the side of the Pontus, while the baggage-animals and the attendants went over the other, which was towards the Egean. First the ten thousand Persians led the way, all with wreaths, and after them came the mixed body of the army made up of all kinds of nations: these on that day; and on the next day, first the horsemen and those who had their spear-points turned downwards, these also wearing wreaths; and after them the sacred horses and the sacred chariot, and then Xerxes himself and the spear-bearers and the thousand horsemen; and after them the rest of the army. In the meantime the ships also put out from shore and went over to the opposite side. I have heard however another account which says that the king crossed over the very last of all.

56. When Xerxes had crossed over into Europe, he gazed upon the army crossing under the lash; and his army crossed over in seven days and seven nights, going on continuously without any pause. Then, it is said, after Xerxes had now crossed over the Hellespont, a man of that coast exclaimed: "Why, O Zeus, in the likeness of a Persian man and taking for thyself the name of Xerxes instead of Zeus, art thou proposing to lay waste Hellas, taking with thee all the nations of men? for it was possible for thee to do so even without the help of these."

57. When all had crossed over, after they had set forth on their way a great portent appeared to them, of which Xerxes made no account, although it was easy to conjecture its meaning,—a mare gave birth to a hare. Now the meaning of this was easy to conjecture in this way, namely that Xerxes was about to march an army against Hellas very proudly and magnificently, but would come back again to the place whence he came, running for his life. There happened also a portent of another kind while he was still at Sardis,—a mule brought forth young and gave birth to a mule which had organs of generation of two kinds, both those of the male and those of the female, and those of the male were above. Xerxes however made no account of either of these portents, but proceeded on his way, and with him the land-army.

58. The fleet meanwhile was sailing out of the Hellespont and coasting along, going in the opposite direction to the land-army; for the fleet was sailing towards the West, making for the promontory of Sarpedon, to which it had been ordered beforehand to go, and there wait for the army; but the land-army meanwhile was making its march towards the East and the sunrising, through the Chersonese, keeping on its right the tomb of Helle the daughter of Athamas, and on its left the city of Cardia, and marching through the midst of a town the name of which is Agora. 52 Thence bending round the gulf called Melas and having crossed over the river Melas, the stream of which did not suffice at this time for the army but failed,—having crossed, I say, this river, from which the gulf also has its name, it went on Westwards, passing by Ainos a city of the Aiolians, and by the lake Stentoris, until at last it came to Doriscos.

59. Now Doriscos is a sea-beach and plain of great extent in Thrace, and through it flows the great river Hebros: here a royal fortress had been built, the same which is now called Doriscos, and a garrison of Persians had been established in it by Dareios, ever since the time when he went on his march against the Scythians. It seemed then to Xerxes that the place was convenient to order his army and to number it throughout, and so he proceeded to do. The commanders of the ships at the bidding of Xerxes had brought all their ships, when they arrived at Doriscos, up to the sea-beach which adjoins Doriscos, on which there is situated both Sale a city of the Samothrakians, and also Zone, and of which the extreme point is the promontory of Serreion, which is well known; and the region belonged in ancient time to the Kikonians. To this beach then they had brought in their ships, and having drawn them up on land they were letting them get dry: and during this time he proceeded to number the army at Doriscos.

60. Now of the number which each separate nation supplied I am not able to give certain information, for this is not reported by any persons; but of the whole land-army taken together the number proved to be one hundred and seventy myriads: 53 and they numbered them throughout in the following manner:—they gathered together in one place a body of ten thousand men, and packing them together 54 as closely as they could, they drew a circle round outside: and thus having drawn a circle round and having let the ten thousand men go from it, they built a wall of rough stones round the circumference of the circle, rising to the height of a man's navel. Having made this, they caused others to go into the space which had been built round, until they had in this manner numbered them all throughout: and after they had numbered them, they ordered them separately by nations.

61. Now those who served were as follows:—The Persians with this equipment:—about their heads they had soft 55 felt caps called tiaras, and about their body tunics of various colours with sleeves, presenting the appearance of iron scales like those of a fish, 56 and about the legs trousers; and instead of the ordinary shields they had shields of wicker-work, 57 under which hung quivers; and they had short spears and large bows and arrows of reed, and moreover daggers hanging by the right thigh from the girdle: and they acknowledged as their commander Otanes the father of Amestris the wife of Xerxes. Now these were called by the Hellenes in ancient time Kephenes; by themselves however and by their neighbours they were called Artaians: but when Perseus, the son of Danae and Zeus, came to Kepheus the son of Belos 58 and took to wife his daughter Andromeda, there was born to them a son to whom he gave the name Perses, and this son he left behind there, for it chanced that Kepheus had no male offspring: after him therefore this race was named.

62. The Medes served in the expedition equipped in precisely the same manner; for this equipment is in fact Median and not Persian: and the Medes acknowledged as their commander Tigranes an Achaimenid. These in ancient time used to be generally called Arians; but when Medea the Colchian came from Athens to these Arians, they also changed their name. Thus the Medes themselves report about themselves. The Kissians served with equipment in other respects like that of the Persians, but instead of the felt caps they wore fillets: 59and of the Kissians Anaphes the son of Otanes was commander. The Hyrcanians were armed like the Persians, acknowledging as their leader Megapanos, the same who after these events became governor of Babylon.

63. The Assyrians served with helmets about their heads made of bronze or plaited in a Barbarian style which it is not easy to describe; and they had shields and spears, and daggers like the Egyptian knives, 60 and moreover they had wooden clubs with knobs of iron, and corslets of linen. These are by the Hellenes called Syrians, but by the Barbarians they have been called always 61 Assyrians: [among these were the Chaldeans]: 62 and the commander of them was Otaspes the son of Artachaies.

64. The Bactrians served wearing about their heads nearly the same covering as the Medes, and having native bows of reed and short spears. The Scaran Scythians had about their heads caps 63 which were carried up to a point and set upright and stiff; and they wore trousers, and carried native bows and daggers, and besides this axes of the kind called sagaris. These were called Amyrgian Sacans, being in fact Scythians; for the Persians call all the Scythians Sacans: and of the Bactrians and Sacans the commander was Hystaspes, the son of Dareios and of Atossa the daughter of Cyrus.

65. The Indians wore garments made of tree-wool, and they had bows of reed and arrows of reed with iron points. Thus were the Indians equipped; and serving with the rest they had been assigned to Pharnazathres the son of Artabates.

66. The Arians 64 were equipped with Median bows, and in other respects like the Bactrians: and of the Arians Sisamnes the son of Hydarnes was in command. The Parthians and Chorasmians and Sogdians and Gandarians and Dadicans served with the same equipment as the Bactrians. Of these the commanders were, Artabazos the son of Pharnakes of the Parthians and Chorasmians, Azanes the son of Artaios of the Sogdians, and Artyphios the son of Artabanos of the Gandarians and Dadicans. The Caspians served wearing coats of skin 65 and having native bows of reed and short swords: 66 thus were these equipped; and they acknowledged as their leader Ariomardos the brother of Artyphios. The Sarangians were conspicuous among the rest by wearing dyed garments; and they had boots reaching up to the knee, and Median bows and spears: of these the commander was Pherendates the son of Megabazos. The Pactyans were wearers of skin coats 67 and had native bows and daggers: these acknowledged as their commander Artaÿntes the son of Ithamitres.

68. The Utians and Mycans and Paricanians were equipped like the Pactyans: of these the commanders were, Arsamenes the son of Dareios of the Utians and Mycans, and of the Paricanians Siromitres the son of Oiobazos.

69. The Arabians wore loose mantles 68 girt up, and they carried at their right side bows that bent backward 69 of great length. The Ethiopians had skins of leopards and lions tied upon them, and bows made of a slip 70 of palm-wood, which were of great length, not less than four cubits, and for them small arrows of reed with a sharpened stone at the head instead of iron, the same stone with which they engrave seals: in addition to this they had spears, and on them was the sharpened horn of a gazelle by way of a spear-head, and they had also clubs with knobs upon them. Of their body they used to smear over half with white, 71 when they went into battle, and the other half with red. 72 Of the Arabians and the Ethiopians who dwelt above Egypt the commander was Arsames, the son of Dareios and of Artystone, the daughter of Cyrus, whom Dareios loved most of all his wives, and had an image made of her of beaten gold.

70. Of the Ethiopians above Egypt and of the Arabians the commander, I say, was Arsames; but the Ethiopians from the direction of the sunrising (for the Ethiopians were in two bodies) had been appointed to serve with the Indians, being in no way different from the other Ethiopians, but in their language and in the nature of their hair only; for the Ethiopians from the East are straight-haired, but those of Libya have hair more thick and woolly than that of any other men. These Ethiopians from Asia were armed for the most part like the Indians, but they had upon their heads the skin of a horse's forehead flayed off with the ears and the mane, and the mane served instead of a crest, while they had the ears of the horse set up straight and stiff: and instead of shields they used to make defences to hold before themselves of the skins of cranes.

71. The Libyans went with equipments of leather, and they used javelins burnt at the point. These acknowledged as their commander Massages the son of Oarizos.

72. The Paphlagonians served with plaited helmets upon their heads, small shields, and spears of no great size, and also javelins and daggers; and about their feet native boots reaching up to the middle of the shin. The Ligyans and Matienians and Mariandynoi and Syrians served with the same equipment as the Paphlagonians: these Syrians are called by the Persians Cappadokians. Of the Paphlagonians and Matienians the commander was Dotos the son of Megasidros, and of the Mariandynoi and Lygians and Syrians, Gobryas, who was the son of Dareios and Artystone.

73. The Phrygians had an equipment very like that of the Paphlagonians with some slight difference. Now the Phrygians, as the Macedonians say, used to be called Brigians during the time that they were natives of Europe and dwelt with the Macedonians; but after they had changed into Asia, with their country they changed also their name and were called Phrygians. The Armenians were armed just like the Phrygians, being settlers from the Phrygians. Of these two together the commander was Artochmes, who was married to a daughter of Dareios.

74. The Lydians had arms very closely resembling those of the Hellenes. Now the Lydians were in old time called Medonians, and they were named again after Lydos the son of Atys, changing their former name. The Mysians had upon their heads native helmets, and they bore small shields and used javelins burnt at the point. These are settlers from the Lydians, and from mount Olympos they are called Olympienoi. Of the Lydians and Mysians the commander was Artaphrenes the son of Artaphrenes, he who invaded Marathon together with Datis.

75. The Thracians served having fox-skins upon their heads and tunics about their body, with loose mantles of various colours thrown round over them; and about their feet and lower part of the leg they wore boots of deer-skin; and besides this they had javelins and round bucklers and small daggers. These when they had crossed over into Asia came to be called Bithynians, but formerly they were called, as they themselves report, Strymonians, since they dwelt upon the river Strymon; and they say that they were driven out of their abode by the Teucrians and Mysians. Of the Thracians who lived in Asia the commander was Bassakes the son of Artabanos.

76.... 73 and they had small shields of raw ox-hide, and each man carried two hunting-spears of Lykian workmanship. 74 On their heads they wore helmets of bronze, and to the helmets the ears and horns of an ox were attached, in bronze, and upon them also there were crests; and the lower part of their legs was wrapped round with red-coloured strips of cloth. Among these men there is an Oracle of Ares.

77. The Meonian Cabelians, who are called Lasonians, had the same equipment as the Kilikians, and what this was I shall explain when in the course of the catalogue I come to the array of the Kilikians. The Milyans had short spears, and their garments were fastened on with buckles; some of them had Lykian bows, and about their heads they had caps made of leather. Of all these Badres the son of Hystanes was in command.

78. The Moschoi had wooden caps upon their heads, and shields and small spears, on which long points were set. The Tibarenians and Macronians and Mossynoicoi served with equipment like that of the Moschoi, and these were arrayed together under the following commanders,—the Moschoi and Tibarenians under Ariomardos, who was the son of Dareios and of Parmys, the daughter of Smerdis son of Cyrus; the Macronians and Mossynoicoi under Artaÿctes the son of Cherasmis, who was governor of Sestos on the Hellespont.

79. The Mares wore on their heads native helmets of plaited work, and had small shields of hide and javelins; and the Colchians wore wooden helmets about their heads, and had small shields of raw ox-hide and short spears, and also knives. Of the Mares and Colchians the commander was Pharandates the son of Teaspis. The Alarodians and Saspeirians served armed like the Colchians; and of these the commander was Masistios the son of Siromitres.

80. The island tribes which came with the army from the Erythraian Sea, belonging to the islands in which the king settles those who are called the "Removed," 75 had clothing and arms very like those of the Medes. Of these islanders the commander was Mardontes the son of Bagaios, who in the year after these events was a commander of the army at Mykale and lost his life in the battle.

81. These were the nations which served in the campaign by land and had been appointed to be among the foot-soldiers. Of this army those who have been mentioned were commanders; and they were the men who sit it in order by divisions and numbered it and appointed commanders of thousands and commanders of tens of thousands, but the commanders of hundreds and of tens were appointed by the commanders of ten thousands; and there were others who were leaders of divisions and nations.

82. These, I say, who have been mentioned were commanders of the army; and over these and over the whole army together that went on foot there were in command Mardonios the son of Gobryas, Tritantaichmes the son of that Artabanos who gave the opinion that they should not make the march against Hellas, Smerdomenes the son of Otanes (both these being sons of brothers of Dareios and so cousins of Xerxes), 76 Masistes the son of Dareios and Atossa, Gergis the son of Ariazos, and Megabyzos the son of Zopyros.

83. These were generals of the whole together that went on foot, excepting the ten thousand; and of these ten thousand chosen Persians the general was Hydarnes the son of Hydarnes; and these Persians were called "Immortals," because, if any one of them made the number incomplete, being overcome either by death or disease, another man was chosen to his place, and they were never either more or fewer than ten thousand. Now of all the nations, the Persians showed the greatest splendour of ornament and were themselves the best men. They had equipment such as has been mentioned, and besides this they were conspicuous among the rest for great quantity of gold freely used; and they took with them carriages, and in them concubines and a multitude of attendants well furnished; and provisions for them apart from the soldiers were borne by camels and beasts of burden.

84. The nations who serve as cavalry are these; not all however supplied cavalry, but only as many as here follow:—the Persians equipped in the same manner as their foot-soldiers, except that upon their heads some of them had beaten-work of metal, either bronze or iron.

85. There are also certain nomads called Sagartians, Persian in race and in language and having a dress which is midway between that of the Persians and that of the Pactyans. These furnished eight thousand horse, and they are not accustomed to have any arms either of bronze or of iron excepting daggers, but they use ropes twisted of thongs, and trust to these when they go into war: and the manner of fighting of these men is as follows:—when they come to conflict with the enemy, they throw the ropes with nooses at the end of them, and whatsoever the man catches by the throw, 77 whether horse or man, he draws to himself, and they being entangled in toils are thus destroyed.

86. This is the manner of fighting of these men, and they were arrayed next to the Persians. The Medes had the same equipment as their men on foot, and the Kissians likewise. The Indians were armed in the same manner as those of them who served on foot, and they both rode horses 78 and drove chariots, in which were harnessed horses or wild asses. The Bactrians were equipped in the same way as those who served on foot, and the Caspians likewise. The Libyans too were equipped like those who served on foot, and these also all drove chariots. So too the Caspians 79 and Paricanians were equipped like those who served on foot, and they all rode on camels, which in swiftness were not inferior to horses.

87. These nations alone served 80 as cavalry, and the number of the cavalry proved to be eight myriads, 81 apart from the camels and the chariots. Now the rest of the cavalry was arrayed in squadrons, but the Arabians were placed after them and last of all, for the horses could not endure the camels, and therefore they were placed last, in order that the horses might not be frightened.

88. The commanders of the cavalry were Harmamithras and Tithaios sons of Datis, but the third, Pharnuches, who was in command of the horse with them, had been left behind at Sardis sick: for as they were setting forth from Sardis, an accident befell him of an unwished-for kind,—as he was riding, a dog ran up under his horse's feet, and the horse not having seen it beforehand was frightened, and rearing up he threw Pharnuches off his back, who falling vomited blood, and his sickness turned to a consumption. To the horse however they forthwith at the first did as he commanded, that is to say, the servants led him away to the place where he had thrown his master and cut off his legs at the knees. Thus was Pharnuches removed from his command.

89. Of the triremes the number proved to be one thousand two hundred and seven, and these were they who furnished them:—the Phenicians, together with the Syrians 82 who dwell in Palestine furnished three hundred; and they were equipped thus, that is to say, they had about their heads leathern caps made very nearly in the Hellenic fashion, and they wore corslets of linen, and had shields without rims and javelins. These Phenicians dwelt in ancient time, as they themselves report, upon the Erythraian Sea, and thence they passed over and dwell in the country along the sea coast of Syria; and this part of Syria and all as far as Egypt is called Palestine. The Egyptians furnished two hundred ships: these men had about their heads helmets of plaited work, and they had hollow shields with the rims large, and spears for sea-fighting, and large axes: 83 the greater number of them wore corslets, and they had large knives.

90. These men were thus equipped; and the Cyprians furnished a hundred and fifty ships, being themselves equipped as follows,—their kings had their heads wound round with fillets, 84 and the rest had tunics, 85 but in other respects they were like the Hellenes. Among these there are various races as follows,—some of them are from Salamis and Athens, others from Arcadia, others from Kythnos, others again from Phenicia and others from Ethiopia, as the Cyprians themselves report.

91. The Kilikians furnished a hundred ships; and these again had about their heads native helmets, and for shields they carried targets made of raw ox-hide: they wore tunics 86 of wool and each man had two javelins and a sword, this last being made very like the Egyptian knives. These in old time were called Hypachaians, and they got their later name from Kilix the son of Agenor, a Phenician. The Pamphylians furnished thirty ships and were equipped in Hellenic arms. These Pamphylians are of those who were dispersed from Troy together with Amphilochos and Calchas.

92. The Lykians furnished fifty ships; and they were wearers of corslets and greaves, and had bows of cornel-wood and arrows of reeds without feathers and javelins and a goat-skin hanging over their shoulders, and about their heads felt caps wreathed round with feathers; also they had daggers and falchions. 87 The Lykians were formerly called Termilai, being originally of Crete, and they got their later name from Lycos the son of Pandion, an Athenian.

93. The Dorians of Asia furnished thirty ships; and these had Hellenic arms and were originally from the Peloponnese. The Carians supplied seventy ships; and they were equipped in other respects like Hellenes but they had also falchions and daggers. What was the former name of these has been told in the first part of the history. 88

94. The Ionians furnished a hundred ships, and were equipped like Hellenes. Now the Ionians, so long time as they dwelt in the Peloponnese, in the land which is now called Achaia, and before the time when Danaos and Xuthos came to the Peloponnese, were called, as the Hellenes report, Pelasgians of the Coast-land, 89 and then Ionians after Ion the son of Xuthos.

95. The islanders furnished seventeen ships, and were armed like Hellenes, this also being a Pelasgian race, though afterwards it came to be called Ionian by the same rule as the Ionians of the twelve cities, who came from Athens. The Aiolians supplied sixty ships; and these were equipped like Hellenes and used to be called Pelasgians in the old time, as the Hellenes report. The Hellespontians, excepting those of Abydos (for the men of Abydos had been appointed by the king to stay in their place and be guards of the bridges), the rest, I say, of those who served in the expedition from the Pontus furnished a hundred ships, and were equipped like Hellenes: these are colonists of the Ionians and Dorians.

96. In all the ships there served as fighting-men Persians, Medes, or Sacans;: and of the ships, those which sailed best were furnished by the Phenicians, and of the Phenicians the best by the men of Sidon. Over all these men and also over those of them who were appointed to serve in the land-army, there were for each tribe native chieftains, of whom, since I am not compelled by the course of the inquiry, I make no mention by the way; for in the first place the chieftains of each separate nation were not persons worthy of mention, and then moreover within each nation there were as many chieftains as there were cities. These went with the expedition too not as commanders, but like the others serving as slaves; for the generals who had the absolute power and commanded the various nations, that is to say those who were Persians, having already been mentioned by me.

97. Of the naval force the following were commanders,—Ariabignes the son of Dareios, Prexaspes the son of Aspathines, Megabazos the son of Megabates, and Achaimenes the son of Dareios; that is to say, of the Ionian and Carian force Ariabignes, who was the son of Dareios and of the daughter of Gobryas; of the Egyptians Achaimenes was commander, being brother of Xerxes by both parents; and of the rest of the armament the other two were in command: and galleys of thirty oars and of fifty oars, and light vessels, 90 and long 91 ships to carry horses had been assembled together, as it proved, to the number of three thousand.

98. Of those who sailed in the ships the men of most note after the commanders were these,—of Sidon, Tetramnestos son of Anysos; of Tyre, Matten 92 son of Siromos; or Arados, Merbalos son of Agbalos; of Kilikia, Syennesis son of Oromedon; of Lykia, Kyberniscos son of Sicas; of Cyprus, Gorgos son of Chersis and Timonax son of Timagoras; of Caria, Histiaios son of Tymnes, Pigres son of Hysseldomos, 93 and Damasithymos son of Candaules.

99. Of the rest of the officers I make no mention by the way (since I am not bound to do so), but only of Artemisia, at whom I marvel most that she joined the expedition against Hellas, being a woman; for after her husband died, she holding the power herself, although she had a son who was a young man, went on the expedition impelled by high spirit and manly courage, no necessity being laid upon her. Now her name, as I said, was Artemisia and she was the daughter of Lygdamis, and by descent she was of Halicarnassos on the side of her father, but of Crete by her mother. She was ruler of the men of Halicarnassos and Cos and Nisyros and Calydna, furnishing five ships; and she furnished ships which were of all the fleet reputed the best after those of the Sidonians, and of all his allies she set forth the best counsels to the king. Of the States of which I said that she was leader I declare the people to be all of Dorian race, those of Halicarnassos being Troizenians, and the rest Epidaurians. So far then I have spoken of the naval force.

100. Then when Xerxes had numbered the army, and it had been arranged in divisions, he had a mind to drive through it himself and inspect it: and afterwards he proceeded so to do; and driving through in a chariot by each nation, he inquired about them and his scribes wrote down the names, until he had gone from end to end both of the horse and of the foot. When he had done this, the ships were drawn down into the sea, and Xerxes changing from his chariot to a ship of Sidon sat down under a golden canopy and sailed along by the prows of the ships, asking of all just as he had done with the land-army, and having the answers written down. And the captains had taken their ships out to a distance of about four hundred feet from the beach and were staying them there, all having turned the prows of the ships towards the shore in an even line 94 and having armed all the fighting-men as for war; and he inspected them sailing within, between the prows of the ships and the beach.

101. Now when he had sailed through these and had disembarked from his ship, he sent for Demaratos the son of Ariston, who was marching with him against Hellas; and having called him he asked as follows: "Demaratos, now it is my pleasure to ask thee somewhat which I desire to know. Thou art not only a Hellene, but also, as I am informed both by thee and by the other Hellenes who come to speech with me, of a city which is neither the least nor the feeblest of Hellas. Now therefore declare to me this, namely whether the Hellenes will endure to raise hands against me: for, as I suppose, even if all the Hellenes and the remaining nations who dwell towards the West should be gathered together, they are not strong enough in fight to endure my attack, supposing them to be my enemies. 95 I desire however to be informed also of thy opinion, what thou sayest about these matters." He inquired thus, and the other made answer and said: "O king, shall I utter the truth in speaking to thee, or that which will give pleasure?" and he bade him utter the truth, saying that he should suffer nothing unpleasant in consequence of this, any more than he suffered before.

102. When Demaratos heard this, he spoke as follows: "O king, since thou biddest me by all means utter the truth, and so speak as one who shall not be afterwards convicted by thee of having spoken falsely, I say this:—with Hellas poverty is ever an inbred growth, while valour is one that has been brought in, being acquired by intelligence and the force of law; and of it Hellas makes use ever to avert from herself not only poverty but also servitude to a master. Now I commend all the Hellenes who are settled in those Dorian lands, but this which I am about to say has regard not to all, but to the Lacedemonians alone: of these I say, first that it is not possible that they will ever accept thy terms, which carry with them servitude for Hellas; and next I say that they will stand against thee in fight, even if all the other Hellenes shall be of thy party: and as for numbers, ask now how many they are, that they are able to do this; for whether it chances that a thousand of them have come out into the field, these will fight with thee, or if there be less than this, or again if there be more."

103. Xerxes hearing this laughed, and said: "Demaratos, what a speech is this which thou hast uttered, saying that a thousand men will fight with this vast army! Come tell me this:—thou sayest that thou wert thyself king of these men; wilt thou therefore consent forthwith to fight with ten men? and yet if your State is such throughout as thou dost describe it, thou their king ought by your laws to stand in array against double as many as another man; that is to say, if each of them is a match for ten men of my army, I expect of thee that thou shouldest be a match for twenty. Thus would be confirmed the report which is made by thee: but if ye, who boast thus greatly are such men and in size so great only as the Hellenes who come commonly to speech with me, thyself included, then beware lest this which has been spoken prove but an empty vaunt. For come, let me examine it by all that is probable: how could a thousand or ten thousand or even fifty thousand, at least if they were all equally free and were not ruled by one man, stand against so great an army? since, as thou knowest, we shall be more than a thousand coming about each one of them, supposing them to be in number five thousand. If indeed they were ruled by one man after our fashion, they might perhaps from fear of him become braver than it was their nature to be, or they might go compelled by the lash to fight with greater numbers, being themselves fewer in number; but if left at liberty, they would do neither of these things: and I for my part suppose that, even if equally matched in numbers, the Hellenes would hardly dare to fight with the Persians taken alone. With us however this of which thou speakest is found in single men, 96 not indeed often, but rarely; for there are Persians of my spearmen who will consent to fight with three men of the Hellenes at once: but thou hast had no experience of these things and therefore thou speakest very much at random."

104. To this Demaratos replied: "O king, from the first I was sure that if I uttered the truth I should not speak that which was pleasing to thee; since however thou didst compel me to speak the very truth, I told thee of the matters which concern the Spartans. And yet how I am at this present time attached to them by affection thou knowest better than any; seeing that first they took away from me the rank and privileges which came to me from my fathers, and then also they have caused me to be without native land and an exile; but thy father took me up and gave me livelihood and a house to dwell in. Surely it is not to be supposed likely that the prudent man will thrust aside friendliness which is offered to him, but rather that he will accept it with full contentment. 97 And I do not profess that I am able to fight either with ten men or with two, nay, if I had my will, I would not even fight with one; but if there were necessity or if the cause which urged me to the combat were a great one, I would fight most willingly with one of these men who says that he is a match for three of the Hellenes. So also the Lacedemonians are not inferior to any men when fighting one by one, and they are the best of all men when fighting in a body: for though free, yet they are not free in all things, for over them is set Law as a master, whom they fear much more even than thy people fear thee. It is certain at least that they do whatsoever that master commands; and he commands ever the same thing, that is to say, he bids them not flee out of battle from any multitude of men, but stay in their post and win the victory or lose their life. But if when I say these things I seem to thee to be speaking at random, of other things for the future I prefer to be silent; and at this time I spake only because I was compelled. May it come to pass however according to thy mind, O king."

105. He thus made answer, and Xerxes turned the matter to laughter and felt no anger, but dismissed him with kindness. Then after he had conversed with him, and had appointed Mascames son of Megadostes to be governor at this place Doriscos, removing the governor who had been appointed by Dareios, Xerxes marched forth his army through Thrace to invade Hellas.

106. And Mascames, whom he left behind here, proved to be a man of such qualities that to him alone Xerxes used to send gifts, considering him the best of all the men whom either he himself or Dareios had appointed to be governors,—he used to send him gifts, I say, every year, and so also did Artaxerxes the son of Xerxes to the descendants of Mascames. For even before this march governors had been appointed in Thrace and everywhere about the Hellespont; and these all, both those in Thrace and in the Hellespont, were conquered by the Hellenes after this expedition, except only the one who was at Doriscos; but Mascames at Doriscos none were ever 98 able to conquer, though many tried. For this reason the gifts are sent continually for him from the king who reigns over the Persians.

107. Of those however who were conquered by the Hellenes Xerxes did not consider any to be a good man except only Boges, who was at Eïon: him he never ceased commending, and he honoured very highly his children who survived him in the land of Persia. For in truth Boges proved himself worthy of great commendation, seeing that when he was besieged by the Athenians under Kimon the son of Miltiades, though he might have gone forth under a truce and so returned home to Asia, he preferred not to do this, for fear that the king should that it was by cowardice that he survived; and he continued to hold out till the last. Then when there was no longer any supply of provisions within the wall, he heaped together a great pyre, and he cut the throats of his children, his wife, his concubines and his servants, and threw them into the fire; and after this he scattered all the gold and silver in the city from the wall into the river Strymon, and having so done he threw himself into the fire. Thus he is justly commended even to this present time by the Persians.

108. Xerxes from Doriscos was proceeding onwards to invade Hellas; and as he went he compelled those who successively came in his way, to join his march: for the whole country as far as Thessaly had been reduced to subjection, as has been set forth by me before, and was tributary under the king, having been subdued by Megabazos and afterwards by Mardonios. And he passed in his march from Doriscos first by the Samothrakian strongholds, of which that which is situated furthest towards the West is a city called Mesambria. Next to this follows Stryme, a city of the Thasians, and midway between them flows the river Lisos, which at this time did not suffice when supplying its water to the army of Xerxes, but the stream failed. This country was in old time called Gallaïke, but now Briantike; however by strict justice this also belongs to the Kikonians.

109. Having crossed over the bed of the river Lisos after it had been dried up, he passed by these Hellenic cities, namely Maroneia, Dicaia and Abdera. These I say he passed by, and also the following lakes of note lying near them,—the Ismarian lake, lying between Maroneia and Stryme; the Bistonian lake near Dicaia, into which two rivers pour their waters, the Trauos 99 and the Compsantos; 100 and at Abdera no lake indeed of any note was passed by Xerxes, but the river Nestos, which flows there into the sea. Then after passing these places he went by the cities of the mainland, 101 near one of which there is, as it chances, a lake of somewhere about thirty furlongs in circumference, abounding in fish and very brackish; this the baggage-animals alone dried up, being watered at it: and the name of this city is Pistyros. 102

110. These cities, I say, lying by the sea coast and belonging to Hellenes, he passed by, leaving them on the left hand; and the tribes of Thracians through whose country he marched were as follows, namely the Paitians, Kikonians, Bistonians, Sapaians, Dersaians, Edonians, Satrians. Of these they who were settled along the sea coast accompanied him with their ships, and those of them who dwelt inland and have been enumerated by me, were compelled to accompany him on land, except the Satrians:

111, the Satrians however never yet became obedient to any man, so far as we know, but they remain up to my time still free, alone of all the Thracians; for they dwell in lofty mountains, which are covered with forest of all kinds and with snow, and also they are very skilful in war. These are they who possess the Oracle of Dionysos; which Oracle is on their most lofty mountains. Of the Satrians those who act as prophets 103 of the temple are the Bessians; it is a prophetess 104 who utters the oracles, as at Delphi; and beyond this there is nothing further of a remarkable character. 105

112. Xerxes having passed over the land which has been spoken of, next after this passed the strongholds of the Pierians, of which the name of the one is Phagres and of the other Pergamos. By this way, I say, he made his march, going close by the walls of these, and keeping Mount Pangaion on the right hand, which is both great and lofty and in which are mines both of gold and of silver possessed by the Pierians and Odomantians, and especially by the Satrians.

113. Thus passing by the Paionians, Doberians and Paioplians, who dwell beyond Pangaion towards the North Wind, he went on Westwards, until at last he came to the river Strymon and the city of Eïon, of which, so long as he lived, Boges was commander, the same about whom I was speaking a short time back. This country about Mount Pangaion is called Phyllis, and it extends Westwards to the river Angites, which flows into the Strymon, and Southwards it stretches to the Strymon itself; and at this river the Magians sacrificed for good omens, slaying white horses.

114. Having done this and many other things in addition to this, as charms for the river, at the Nine Ways 106 in the land of the Edonians, they proceeded by the bridges, for they had found the Strymon already yoked with bridges; and being informed that this place was called the Nine Ways, they buried alive in it that number of boys and maidens, children of the natives of the place. Now burying alive is a Persian custom; for I am informed that Amestris also, the wife of Xerxes, when she had grown old, made return for her own life to the god who is said to be beneath the earth by burying twice seven children of Persians who were men of renown.

115. As the army proceeded on its march from the Strymon, it found after this a sea-beach stretching towards the setting of the sun, and passed by the Hellenic city, Argilos, which was there placed. This region and that which lies above it is called Bisaltia. Thence, keeping on the left hand the gulf which lies of Posideion, he went through the plain which is called the plain of Syleus, passing by Stageiros a Hellenic city, and so came to Acanthos, taking with him as he went each one of these tribes and also of those who dwell about Mount Pangaion, just as he did those whom I enumerated before, having the men who dwelt along the sea coast to serve in the ships and those who dwelt inland to accompany him on foot. This road by which Xerxes the king marched his army, the Thracians do not disturb nor sow crops over, but pay very great reverence to it down to my own time.

116. Then when he had come to Acanthos, Xerxes proclaimed a guest-friendship with the people of Acanthos and also presented them with the Median dress 107 and commended them, perceiving that they were zealous to serve him in the war and hearing of that which had been dug.

117. And while Xerxes was in Acanthos, it happened that he who had been set over the making of the channel, Artachaies by name, died of sickness, a man who was highly esteemed by Xerxes and belonged to the Achaimenid family; also he was in stature the tallest of all the Persians, falling short by only four fingers of being five royal cubits 108 in height, and he had a voice the loudest of all men; so that Xerxes was greatly grieved at the loss of him, and carried him forth and buried him with great honour, and the whole army joined in throwing up a mound for him. To this Artachaies the Acanthians by the bidding of an oracle do sacrifice as a hero, calling upon his name in worship.

118. King Xerxes, I say, was greatly grieved at the loss of Artachaies: and meanwhile the Hellenes who were entertaining his army and providing Xerxes with dinners had been brought to utter ruin, so that they were being driven from house and home; seeing that when the Thasians, for example, entertained the army of Xerxes and provided him with a dinner on behalf of their towns upon the mainland, Antipater the son of Orgeus, who had been appointed for this purpose, a man of repute among the citizens equal to the best, reported that four hundred talents of silver had been spent upon the dinner.

119. Just so or nearly so in the other cities also those who were set over the business reported the reckoning to be: for the dinner was given as follows, having been ordered a long time beforehand, and being counted by them a matter of great importance:—In the first place, so soon as they heard of it from the heralds who carried round the proclamation, the citizens in the various cities distributed corn among their several households, and all continued to make wheat and barley meal for many months; then they fed cattle, finding out and obtaining the finest animals for a high price; and they kept birds both of the land and of the water, in cages or in pools, all for the entertainment of the army. Then again they had drinking-cups and mixing-bowls made of gold and of silver, and all the other things which are placed upon the table: these were made for the king himself and for those who ate at his table; but for the rest of the army only the things appointed for food were provided. Then whenever the army came to any place, there was a tent pitched ready wherein Xerxes himself made his stay, while the rest of the army remained out in the open air; and when it came to be time for dinner, then the entertainers had labour; but the others, after they had been satiated with food and had spent the night there, on the next day tore up the tent and taking with them all the movable furniture proceeded on their march, leaving nothing, but carrying all away with them.

120. Then was uttered a word well spoken by Megacreon, a man of Abdera, who advised those of Abdera to go in a body, both themselves and their wives, to their temples, and to sit down as suppliants of the gods, entreating them that for the future also they would ward off from them the half of the evils which threatened; and he bade them feel great thankfulness to the gods for the past events, because king Xerxes had not thought good to take food twice in each day; for if it had been ordered to them beforehand to prepare breakfast also in like manner as the dinner, it would have remained for the men of Abdera either not to await the coming of Xerxes, or if they stayed, to be crushed by misfortune more than any other men upon the Earth.

121. They then, I say, though hard put to it, yet were performing that which was appointed to them; and from Acanthos Xerxes, after having commanded the generals to wait for the fleet at Therma, let the ships take their course apart from himself, (now this Therma is that which is situated on the Thermaic gulf, from which also this gulf has its name); and thus he did because he was informed that this was the shortest way: for from Doriscos as far as Acanthos the army had been making its march thus:—Xerxes had divided the whole land-army into three divisions, and one of them he had set to go along the sea accompanying the fleet, of which division Mardonios and Masistes were commanders; another third of the army had been appointed to go by the inland way, and of this the generals in command were Tritantaichmes and Gergis; and meanwhile the third of the subdivisions, with which Xerxes himself went, marched in the middle between them, and acknowledged as its commanders Smerdomenes and Megabyzos.

122. The fleet, when it was let go by Xerxes and had sailed right through the channel made in Athos (which went across to the gulf on which are situated the cities of Assa, Piloros, Singos and Sarte), having taken up a contingent from these cities also, sailed thence with a free course to the Thermaïc gulf, and turning round Ampelos the headland of Torone, it left on one side the following Hellenic cities, from which it took up contingents of ships and men, namely Torone, Galepsos, Sermyle, Mekyberna, Olynthos: this region is called Sithonia.

123. And the fleet of Xerxes, cutting across from the headland of Ampelos to that of Canastron, which runs out furthest to sea of all Pallene, took up there contingents of ships and men from Potidaia, Aphytis, Neapolis, Aige, Therambo, Skione, Mende and Sane, for these are the cities which occupy the region which now is called Pallene, but was formerly called Phlegra. Then sailing along the coast of this country also the fleet continued its course towards the place which has been mentioned before, taking up contingents also from the cities which come next after Pallene and border upon the Thermaïc gulf; and the names of them are these,—Lipaxos, Combreia, Lisai, Gigonos, Campsa, Smila, Aineia; and the region in which these cities are is called even to the present day Crossaia. Then sailing from Aineia, with which name I brought to an end the list of the cities, at once the fleet came into the Thermaïc gulf and to the region of Mygdonia, and so it arrived at the aforesaid Therma and at the cities of Sindos and Chalestra upon the river Axios. This river is the boundary between the land of Mygdonia and Bottiaia, of which district the narrow region which lies on the sea coast is occupied by the cities of Ichnai and Pella.

124. Now while his naval force was encamped about the river Axios an the city of Therma and the cities which lie between these two, waiting for the coming of the king, Xerxes and the land-army were proceeding from Acanthos, cutting through the middle by the shortest way 109 with a view to reaching Therma: and he was proceeding through Paionia and Crestonia to the river Cheidoros, 110 which beginning from the land of the Crestonians, runs through the region of Mygdonia and comes out alongside of the marsh which is by the river Axios.

125. As he was proceeding by this way, lions attacked the camels which carried his provisions; for the lions used to come down regularly by night, leaving their own haunts, but they touched nothing else, neither beast of burden nor man, but killed the camels only: and I marvel what was the cause, and what was it that impelled the lions to abstain from all else and to attack the camels only, creatures which they had never seen before, and of which they had had no experience.

126. Now there are in these parts both many lions and also wild oxen, those that have the very large horns which are often brought into Hellas: and the limit within which these lions are found is on the one side the river Nestos, which flows through Abdera, and on the other the Achelos, which flows through Acarnania; for neither do the East of the Nestos, in any part of Europe before you come to this, would you see a lion, nor again in the remaining part of the continent to the West of the Acheloos, but they are produced in the middle space between these rivers.

127. When Xerxes had reached Therma he established the army there; and his army encamping there occupied of the land along by the sea no less than this,—beginning from the city of Therma and from Mygdonia it extended as far as the river Lydias and the Haliacmon, which form the boundary between the lands of Bottiaia and Macedonia, mingling their waters together in one and the same stream. The Barbarians, I say, were encamped in these regions; and of the rivers which have been enumerated, only the river Cheidoros flowing from the Crestonian land was insufficient for the drinking of the army and failed in its stream.

128. Then Xerxes seeing from Therma the mountains of Thessaly, Olympos and Ossa, that they were of very great height, and being informed that in the midst between them there was a narrow channel, through which flows the Peneios, and hearing also that by this way there was a good road leading to Thessaly, formed a desire to sail thither and look at the outlet of the Peneios, because he was meaning to march by the upper road, through the land of the Macedonians who dwell inland, until he came to the Perraibians, passing by the city of Gonnos; for by this way he was informed that it was safest to go. And having formed this desire, so also he proceeded to do; that is, he embarked in a Sidonian ship, the same in which he used always to embark when he wished to do anything of this kind, and he displayed a signal for the others to put out to sea also, leaving there the land-army. Then when Xerxes had looked at the outlet of the Peneios, he was possessed by great wonder, and summoning his guides he asked them whether it was possible to turn the river aside and bring it out to the sea by another way.

129. Now it is said that Thessaly was in old time a lake, being enclosed on all sides by very lofty mountains: for the parts of it which lie towards the East are shut in by the ranges of Pelion and Ossa, which join one another in their lower slopes, the parts towards the North Wind by Olympos, those towards the West by Pindos and those towards the mid-day and the South Wind by Othrys; and the region in the midst, between these mountains which have been named, is Thessaly, forming as it were a hollow. Whereas then many rivers flow into it and among them these five of most note, namely Peneios, Apidanos, Onochonos, Enipeus and Pamisos, these, which collect their waters from the mountains that enclose Thessaly round, and flow into this plain, with names separate each one, having their outflow into the sea by one channel and that a narrow one, first mingling their waters all together in one and the same stream; and so soon as they are mingled together, from that point onwards the Peneios prevails with its name over the rest and causes the others to lose their separate names. And it is said that in ancient time, there not being yet this channel and outflow between the mountains, these rivers, and besides these rivers the lake Boibeïs also, had no names as they have now, but by their waters they made Thessaly to be all sea. The Thessalians themselves say that Poseidon made the channel through which the Peneios flows; and reasonably they report it thus, because whosoever believes that it is Poseidon who shakes the Earth and that the partings asunder produced by earthquake are the work of this god, would say, if he saw this, that it was made by Poseidon; for the parting asunder of the mountains is the work of an earthquake, as is evident to me.

130. So the guides, when Xerxes asked whether there was any other possible outlet to the sea for the Peneios, said with exact knowledge of the truth: "O king, for this river there is no other outgoing which extends to the sea, but this alone; for all Thessaly is circled about with mountains as with a crown." To this Xerxes is said to have replied: "The Thessalians then are prudent men. This it appears was that which they desired to guard against in good time 111 when they changed their counsel, 112 reflecting on this especially besides other things, namely that they had a country which, it appears, is easy to conquer and may quickly be taken: for it would have been necessary only to let the river flow over their land by making an embankment to keep it from going through the narrow channel and so diverting the course by which now it flows, in order to put all Thessaly under water except the mountains." This he said in reference to the sons of Aleuas, because they, being Thessalians, were the first of the Hellenes who gave themselves over to the king; for Xerxes thought that they offered him friendship on behalf of their whole nation. Having said thus and having looked at the place, he sailed back to Therma.

131. He then was staying in the region of Pieria many days, for the road over the mountains of Macedonia was being cut meanwhile by a third part of his army, that all the host might pass over by this way into the land of the Perraibians: and now the heralds returned who had been sent to Hellas to demand the gift of earth, some empty-handed and others bearing earth and water.

132. And among those who gave that which was demanded were the following, namely the Thessalians, Dolopians, Enianians, 113 Perraibians, Locrians, Megnesians, Malians, Achaians of Phthiotis, and Thebans, with the rest of the Boeotians also excepting the Thespians and Plataians. Against these the Hellenes who took up war with the Barbarian made an oath; and the oath was this,—that whosoever being Hellenes had given themselves over to the Persian, not being compelled, these, if their own affairs should come to a good conclusion, they would dedicate as an offering 114 to the god at Delphi.

133. Thus ran the oath which was taken by the Hellenes: Xerxes however had not sent to Athens or to Sparta heralds to demand the gift of earth, and for this reason, namely because at the former time when Dareios had sent for this very purpose, the one people threw the men who made the demand into the pit 115 and the others into a well, and bade them take from thence earth and water and bear them to the king. For this reason Xerxes did not send men to make this demand. And what evil thing 116 came upon the Athenians for having done this to the heralds, I am not able to say, except indeed that their land and city were laid waste; but I do not think that this happened for that cause:

134, on the Lacedemonians however the wrath fell of Talthybios, the herald of Agamemnon; for in Sparta there is a temple of Talthybios, and there are also descendants of Talthybios called Talthybiads, to whom have been given as a right all the missions of heralds which go from Sparta; and after this event it was not possible for the Spartans when they sacrificed to obtain favourable omens. This was the case with them for a long time; and as the Lacedemonians were grieved and regarded it as a great misfortune, and general assemblies were repeatedly gathered together and proclamation made, asking if any one of the Lacedemonians was willing to die for Sparta, at length Sperthias the son of Aneristos and Bulis the son of Nicolaos, Spartans of noble birth and in wealth attaining to the first rank, voluntarily submitted to pay the penalty to Xerxes for the heralds of Dareios which had perished at Sparta. Thus the Spartans sent these to the Medes to be put to death.

135. And not only the courage then shown by these men is worthy of admiration, but also the following sayings in addition: for as they were on their way to Susa they came to Hydarnes (now Hydarnes was a Persian by race and commander of those who dwelt on the sea coasts of Asia), and he offered them hospitality and entertained them; and while they were his guests he asked them as follows: "Lacedemonians, why is it that ye flee from becoming friends to the king? for ye may see that the king knows how to honour good men, when ye look at me and at my fortunes. So also ye, Lacedemonians, if ye gave yourselves to the king, since ye have the reputation with him already of being good men, would have rule each one of you over Hellenic land by the gift of the king." To this they made answer thus: "Hydarnes, thy counsel with regard to us is not equally balanced, 117 for thou givest counsel having made trial indeed of the one thing, but being without experience of the other: thou knowest well what it is to be a slave, but thou hast never yet made trial of freedom, whether it is pleasant to the taste or no; for if thou shouldest make trial of it, thou wouldest then counsel us to fight for it not with spears only but also with axes."

136. Thus they answered Hydarnes; and then, after they had gone up to Susa and had come into the presence of the king, first when the spearmen of the guard commanded them and endeavoured to compel them by force to do obeisance to the king by falling down before him, they said that they would not do any such deed, though they should be pushed down by them head foremost; for it was not their custom to do obeisance to a man, and it was not for this that they had come. Then when they had resisted this, next they spoke these words or words to this effect: "O king of the Medes, the Lacedemonians sent us in place of the heralds who were slain in Sparta, to pay the penalty for their lives." When they said this, Xerxes moved by a spirit of magnanimity replied that he would not be like the Lacedemonians; for they had violated the rules which prevailed among all men by slaying heralds, but he would not do that himself which he blamed them for having done, nor would he free the Lacedemonians from their guilt by slaying these in return.

137. Thus the wrath of Talthybios ceased for the time being, even though the Spartans had done no more than this and although Sperthias and Bulis returned back to Sparta; but a long time after this it was roused again during the war between the Peloponnesians and Athenians, as the Lacedemonians report. This I perceive to have been most evidently the act of the Deity: for in that the wrath of Talthybios fell upon messengers and did not cease until it had been fully satisfied, so much was but in accordance with justice; but that it happened to come upon the sons of these men who went up to the king on account of the wrath, namely upon Nicolaos the son of Bulis and Aneristos the son of Sperthias (the same who conquered the men of Halieis, who came from Tiryns, by sailing into their harbour with a merchant ship filled with fighting men),—by this it is evident to me that the matter came to pass by the act of the Deity caused by this wrath. For these men, sent by the Lacedemonians as envoys to Asia, having been betrayed by Sitalkes the son of Teres king of the Thracians and by Nymphodoros the son of Pythes a man of Abdera, were captured at Bisanthe on the Hellespont; and then having been carried away to Attica they were put to death by the Athenians, and with them also Aristeas the son of Adeimantos the Corinthian. These things happened many years after the expedition of the king; and I return now to the former narrative.

138. Now the march of the king's army was in name against Athens, but in fact it was going against all Hellas: and the Hellenes being informed of this long before were not all equally affected by it; for some of them having given earth and water to the Persian had confidence, supposing that they would suffer no hurt from the Barbarian; while others not having given were in great terror, seeing that there were not ships existing in Hellas which were capable as regards number of receiving the invader in fight, and seeing that the greater part of the States were not willing to take up the war, but adopted readily the side of the Medes.

139. And here I am compelled by necessity to declare an opinion which in the eyes of most men would seem to be invidious, but nevertheless I will not abstain from saying that which I see evidently to be the truth. If the Athenians had been seized with fear of the danger which threatened them and had left their land, 118 or again, without leaving their land, had stayed and given themselves up to Xerxes, none would have made any attempt by sea to oppose the king. If then none had opposed Xerxes by sea, it would have happened on the land somewhat thus:—even if many tunics of walls 119 had been thrown across the Isthmus by the Peloponnesians, the Lacedemonians would have been deserted by their allies, not voluntarily but of necessity, since these would have been conquered city after city by the naval force of the Barbarian, and so they would have been left alone: and having been left alone and having displayed great deeds of valour, they would have met their death nobly. Either they would have suffered this fate, or before this, seeing the other Hellenes also taking the side of the Medes, they would have made an agreement with Xerxes; and thus in either case Hellas would have come to be under the rule of the Persians: for as to the good to be got from the walls thrown across the Isthmus, I am unable to discover what it would have been, when the king had command of the sea. As it is however, if a man should say that the Athenians proved to be the saviours of Hellas, he would not fail to hit the truth; for to whichever side these turned, to that the balance was likely to incline: and these were they who, preferring that Hellas should continue to exist in freedom, roused up all of Hellas which remained, so much, that is, as had not gone over to the Medes, and (after the gods at least) these were they who repelled the king. Nor did fearful oracles, which came from Delphi and cast them into dread, induce them to leave Hellas, but they stayed behind and endured to receive the invader of their land.

140. For the Athenians had sent men to Delphi to inquire and were preparing to consult the Oracle; and after these had performed the usual rites in the sacred precincts, when they had entered the sanctuary 120 and were sitting down there, the Pythian prophetess, whose name was Aristonike, uttered to them this oracle: 

   "Why do ye sit, O ye wretched? Flee thou 121 to the uttermost
   limits, Leaving thy home and the heights of the wheel-round city
   behind thee! Lo, there remaineth now nor the head nor the body in
   safety,—Neither the feet below nor the hands nor the middle are
   left thee,—All are destroyed 122 together; for fire and the
   passionate War-god, 123 Urging the Syrian 124 car to speed, doth
   hurl them 125 to ruin. Not thine alone, he shall cause many more
   great strongholds to perish, Yes, many temples of gods to the
   ravening fire shall deliver,—Temples which stand now surely with
   sweat of their terror down-streaming, Quaking with dread; and lo!
   from the topmost roof to the pavement Dark blood trickles,
   forecasting the dire unavoidable evil. Forth with you, forth from
   the shrine, and steep your soul in the sorrow!" 126

141. Hearing this the men who had been sent by the Athenians to consult the Oracle were very greatly distressed; and as they were despairing by reason of the evil which had been prophesied to them, Timon the son of Androbulos, a man of the Delphians in reputation equal to the first, counselled them to take a suppliant's bough and to approach the second time and consult the Oracle as suppliants. The Athenians did as he advised and said: "Lord, 127 we pray thee utter to us some better oracle about our native land, having respect to these suppliant boughs which we have come to thee bearing; otherwise surely we will not depart away from the sanctuary, but will remain here where we are now, even until we bring our lives to an end." When they spoke these words, the prophetess gave them a second oracle as follows: 

   "Pallas cannot prevail to appease great Zeus in Olympos, Though she
   with words very many and wiles close-woven entreat him. But I will
   tell thee this more, and will clench it with steel adamantine: Then
   when all else shall be taken, whatever the boundary 128 of Kecrops
   Holdeth within, and the dark ravines of divinest Kithairon, A
   bulwark of wood at the last Zeus grants to the Trito-born goddess
   Sole to remain unwasted, which thee and thy children shall profit.
   Stay thou not there for the horsemen to come and the footmen
   unnumbered; Stay thou not still for the host from the mainland to
   come, but retire thee, Turning thy back to the foe, for yet thou
   shalt face him hereafter. Salamis, thou the divine, thou shalt cause
   sons of women to perish, Or when the grain 129 is scattered or
   when it is gathered together."

142. This seemed to them to be (as in truth it was) a milder utterance than the former one; therefore they had it written down and departed with it to Athens: and when the messengers after their return made report to the people, many various opinions were expressed by persons inquiring into the meaning of the oracle, and among them these, standing most in opposition to one another:—some of the elder men said they thought that the god had prophesied to them that the Acropolis should survive; for the Acropolis of the Athenians was in old time fenced with a thorn hedge; and they conjectured accordingly that this saying about the "bulwark of wood" referred to the fence: others on the contrary said that the god meant by this their ships, and they advised to leave all else and get ready these. Now they who said that the ships were the bulwark of wood were shaken in their interpretation by the two last verses which the prophetess uttered: 

 "Salamis, thou the divine, thou shalt cause sons of women to perish,
  Or when the grain is scattered or when it is gathered together."

In reference to these verses the opinions of those who said that the ships were the bulwark of wood were disturbed; for the interpreters of oracles took these to mean that it was fated for them, having got ready for a sea-fight, to suffer defeat round about Salamis.

143. Now there was one man of the Athenians who had lately been coming forward to take a place among the first, whose name was Themistocles, called son of Neocles. This man said that the interpreters of oracles did not make right conjecture of the whole, and he spoke as follows, saying that if these words that had been uttered referred really to the Athenians, he did not think it would have been so mildly expressed in the oracle, but rather thus, "Salamis, thou the merciless," instead of "Salamis, thou the divine," at least if its settlers were destined to perish round about it: but in truth the oracle had been spoken by the god with reference to the enemy, if one understood it rightly, and not to the Athenians: therefore he counselled them to get ready to fight a battle by sea, for in this was their bulwark of wood. When Themistocles declared his opinion thus, the Athenians judged that this was to be preferred by them rather than the advice of the interpreters of oracles, who bade them not make ready for a sea-fight, nor in short raise their hands at all in opposition, but leave the land of Attica and settle in some other.

144. Another opinion too of Themistocles before this one proved the best at the right moment, when the Athenians, having got large sums of money in the public treasury, which had come in to them from the mines which are at Laureion, were intending to share it among themselves, taking each in turn the sum of ten drachmas. Then Themistocles persuaded the Athenians to give up this plan of division and to make for themselves with this money two hundred ships for the war, meaning by that the war with the Eginetans: for this war having arisen 130 proved in fact the salvation of Hellas at that time, by compelling the Athenians to become a naval power. And the ships, not having been used for the purpose for which they had been made, thus proved of service at need to Hellas. These ships then, I say, the Athenians had already, having built them beforehand, and it was necessary in addition to these to construct others. They resolved then, when they took counsel after the oracle was given, to receive the Barbarian invading Hellas with their ships in full force, following the commands of the god, in combination with those of the Hellenes who were willing to join them.

145. These oracles had been given before to the Athenians: and when those Hellenes who had the better mind about Hellas 131 came together to one place, and considered their affairs and interchanged assurances with one another, then deliberating together they thought it well first of all things to reconcile the enmities and bring to an end the wars which they had with one another. Now there were wars engaged 132 between others also, and especially between the Athenians and the Eginetans. After this, being informed that Xerxes was with his army at Sardis, they determined to send spies to Asia to make observation of the power of the king; and moreover they resolved to send envoys to Argos to form an alliance against the Persian, and to send others to Sicily to Gelon the son of Deinomenes and also to Corcyra, to urge them to come to the assistance of Hellas, and others again to Crete; for they made it their aim that if possible the Hellenic race might unite in one, and that they might join all together and act towards the same end, since dangers were threatening all the Hellenes equally. Now the power of Gelon was said to be great, far greater than any other Hellenic power.

146. When they had thus resolved, they reconciled their enmities and then sent first three men as spies to Asia. These having come to Sardis and having got knowledge about the king's army, were discovered, and after having been examined by the generals of the land-army were being led off to die. For these men, I say, death had been determined; but Xerxes, being informed of this, found fault with the decision of the generals and sent some of the spearmen of his guard, enjoining them, if they should find the spies yet alive, to bring them to his presence. So having found them yet surviving they brought them into the presence of the king; and upon that Xerxes, being informed for what purpose they had come, commanded the spearmen to lead them round and to show them the whole army both foot and horse, and when they should have had their fill of looking at these things, to let them go unhurt to whatsoever land they desired.

147. Such was the command which he gave, adding at the same time this saying, namely that if the spies had been put to death, the Hellenes would not have been informed beforehand of his power, how far beyond description it was; while on the other hand by putting to death three men they would not very greatly have damaged the enemy; but when these returned back to Hellas, he thought it likely that the Hellenes, hearing of his power, would deliver up their freedom to him themselves, before the expedition took place which was being set in motion; and thus there would be no need for them to have the labour of marching an army against them. This opinion of his is like his manner of thinking at other times; 133 for when Xerxes was in Abydos, he saw vessels which carried corn from the Pontus sailing out through the Hellespont on their way to Egina and the Peloponnese. Those then who sat by his side, being informed that the ships belonged to the enemy, were prepared to capture them, and were looking to the king to see when he would give the word; but Xerxes asked about them whither the men were sailing, and they replied: "Master, to thy foes, conveying to them corn": he then made answer and said: "Are we not also sailing to the same place as these men, furnished with corn as well as with other things necessary? How then do these wrong us, since they are conveying provisions for our use?"

148. The spies then, having thus looked at everything and after that having been dismissed, returned back to Europe: and meanwhile those of the Hellenes who had sworn alliance against the Persian, after the sending forth of the spies proceeded to send envoys next to Argos. Now the Argives report that the matters concerning themselves took place as follows:—They were informed, they say, at the very first of the movement which was being set on foot by the Barbarian against Hellas; and having been informed of this and perceiving that the Hellenes would endeavour to get their alliance against the Persians, they had sent messengers to inquire of the god at Delphi, and to ask how they should act in order that it might be best for themselves: because lately there had been slain of them six thousand men by the Lacedemonians and by Cleomenes the son of Anaxandrides, 134 and this in fact was the reason that they were sending to inquire: and when they inquired, the Pythian prophetess made answer to them as follows: 

 "Thou to thy neighbours a foe, by the gods immortal beloved,
  Keep thou thy spear 135 within bounds, and sit well-guarded behind it:
  Guard well the head, and the head shall preserve the limbs and the body."

Thus, they say, the Pythian prophetess had replied to them before this; and afterwards when the messengers of the Hellenes came, as I said, to Argos, they entered the Council-chamber and spoke that which had been enjoined to them; and to that which was said the Council replied that the Argives were ready to do as they were requested, on condition that they got peace made with the Lacedemonians for thirty years and that they had half the leadership of the whole confederacy: and yet by strict right (they said) the whole leadership fell to their share, but nevertheless it was sufficient for them to have half.

149. Thus they report that the Council made answer, although the oracle forbade them to make the alliance with the Hellenes; and they were anxious, they say, that a truce from hostilities for thirty years should be made, although they feared the oracle, in order, as they allege, that their sons might grow to manhood in these years; whereas if a truce did not exist, they had fear that, supposing another disaster should come upon them in fighting against the Persian in addition to that which had befallen them already, they might be for all future time subject to the Lacedemonians. To that which was spoken by the Council those of the envoys who were of Sparta replied, that as to the truce they would refer the matter to their public assembly, 136 but as to the leadership they had themselves been commissioned to make reply, and did in fact say this, namely that they had two kings, while the Argives had one; and it was not possible to remove either of the two who were of Sparta from the leadership, but there was nothing to prevent the Argive king from having an equal vote with each of their two. Then, say the Argives, they could not endure the grasping selfishness of the Spartans, but chose to be ruled by the Barbarians rather than to yield at all to the Lacedemonians; and they gave notice to the envoys to depart out of the territory of the Argives before sunset, or, if not, they would be dealt with as enemies.

150. The Argives themselves report so much about these matters: but there is another story reported in Hellas to the effect that Xerxes sent a herald to Argos before he set forth to make an expedition against Hellas, and this herald, they say, when he had come, spoke as follows: "Men of Argos, king Xerxes says to you these things:—We hold that Perses, from whom we are descended, was the son of Perseus, the son of Danae, and was born of the daughter of Kepheus, Andromeda; and according to this it would seem that we are descended from you. It is not fitting then that we should go forth on an expedition against those from whom we trace our descent, nor that ye should set yourselves in opposition to us by rendering assistance to others; but it is fitting that ye keep still and remain by yourselves: for if things happen according to my mind, I shall not esteem any people to be of greater consequence than you." Having heard this the Argives, it is said, considered it a great matter; and therefore at first they made no offer of help nor did they ask for any share; but afterwards, when the Hellenes tried to get them on their side, then, since they knew well that the Lacedemonians would not give them a share in the command, they asked for this merely in order that they might have a pretext for remaining still.

151. Also some of the Hellenes report that the following event, in agreement with this account, came to pass many years after these things:—there happened, they say, to be in Susa the city of Memnon 137 envoys of the Athenians come about some other matter, namely Callias the son of Hipponicos and the others who went up with him; and the Argives at that very time had also sent envoys to Susa, and these asked Artoxerxes the son of Xerxes, whether the friendship which they had formed with Xerxes still remained unbroken, if they themselves desired to maintain it, 138 or whether they were esteemed by him to be enemies; and king Artoxerxes said that it most certainly remained unbroken, and that there was no city which he considered to be more his friend than Argos.

152. Now whether Xerxes did indeed send a herald to Argos saying that which has been reported, and whether envoys of the Argives who had gone up to Susa inquired of Artoxerxes concerning friendship, I am not able to say for certain; nor do I declare any opinion about the matters in question other than that which the Argives themselves report: but I know this much, that if all the nations of men should bring together into one place the evils which they have suffered themselves, desiring to make exchange with their neighbours, each people of them, when they had examined closely the evils suffered by their fellows, would gladly carry away back with them those which they had brought. 139 Thus it is not the Argives who have acted most basely of all. I however am bound to report that which is reported, though I am not bound altogether to believe it; and let this saying be considered to hold good as regards every narrative in the history: for I must add that this also is reported, namely that the Argives were actually those who invited the Persian to invade Hellas, because their war with the Lacedemonians had had an evil issue, being willing to suffer anything whatever rather than the trouble which was then upon them.

153. That which concerns the Argives has now been said: and meanwhile envoys had come to Sicily from the allies, to confer with Gelon, among whom was also Syagros from the Lacedemonians. Now the ancestor of this Gelon, he who was at Gela as a settler, 140 was a native of the island of Telos, which lies off Triopion; and when Gela was founded by the Lindians of Rhodes and by Antiphemos, he was not left behind. Then in course of time his descendants became and continued to be priests of the mysteries of the Earth goddesses, 141 an office which was acquired by Telines one of their ancestors in the following manner:—certain of the men of Gela, being worsted in a party struggle, had fled to Mactorion, the city which stands above Gela: these men Telines brought back to Gela from exile with no force of men but only with the sacred rites of these goddesses; but from whom he received them, or whether he obtained them for himself, 142 this I am not able to say; trusting in these however, he brought the men back from exile, on the condition that his descendants should be priests of the mysteries of the goddesses. To me it has caused wonder also that Telines should have been able to perform so great a deed, considering that which I am told; for such deeds, I think, are not apt to proceed from every man, but from one who has a brave spirit and manly vigour, whereas Telines is said by the dwellers in Sicily to have been on the contrary a man of effeminate character and rather poor spirit.

154. He then had thus obtained the privilege of which I speak: and when Cleander the son of Pantares brought his life to an end, having been despot of Gela for seven years and being killed at last by Sabyllos a man of Gela, then Hippocrates succeeded to the monarchy, who was brother of Cleander. And while Hippocrates was despot, Gelon, who was a descendant of Telines the priest of the mysteries, was spearman of the guard 143 to Hippocrates with many others and among them Ainesidemos the son of Pataicos. Then after no long time he was appointed by reason of valour to be commander of the whole cavalry; for when Hippocrates besieged successively the cities of Callipolis, Naxos, Zancle, Leontini, and also Syracuse and many towns of the Barbarians, in these wars Gelon showed himself a most brilliant warrior; and of the cities which I just now mentioned, not one except Syracuse escaped being reduced to subjection by Hippocrates: the Syracusans however, after they had been defeated in battle at the river Eloros, were rescued by the Corinthians and Corcyreans; these rescued them and brought the quarrel to a settlement on this condition, namely that the Syracusans should deliver up Camarina to Hippocrates. Now Camarina used in ancient time to belong to the men of Syracuse.

155. Then when it was the fate of Hippocrates also, after having been despot for the same number of years as his brother Cleander, to be killed at the city of Hybla, whither he had gone on an expedition against the Sikelians, then Gelon made a pretence of helping the sons of Hippocrates, Eucleides and Cleander, when the citizens were no longer willing to submit; but actually, when he had been victorious in a battle over the men of Gela, he robbed the sons of Hippocrates of the power and was ruler himself. After this stroke of fortune Gelon restored those of the Syracusans who were called "land-holders," 144 after they had been driven into exile by the common people and by their own slaves, who were called Kyllyrians, 145 these, I say, he restored from the city of Casmene to Syracuse, and so got possession of this last city also, for the common people of Syracuse, when Gelon came against them, delivered up to him their city and themselves.

156. So after he had received Syracuse into his power, he made less account of Gela, of which he was ruler also in addition, and he gave it in charge to Hieron his brother, while he proceeded to strengthen Syracuse. So forthwith that city rose and shot up to prosperity; for in the first place he brought all those of Camarina to Syracuse and made them citizens, and razed to the ground the city of Camarina; then secondly he did the same to more than half of the men of Gela, as he had done to those of Camarina: and as regards the Megarians of Sicily, when they were besieged and had surrendered by capitulation, the well-to-do men 146 of them, though they had stirred up war with him and expected to be put to death for this reason, he brought to Syracuse and made them citizens, but the common people of the Megarians, who had no share in the guilt of this war and did not expect that they would suffer any evil, these also he brought to Syracuse and sold them as slaves to be carried away from Sicily: and the same thing he did moreover to the men of Euboia in Sicily, making a distinction between them: and he dealt thus with these two cities because he thought that a body of commons was a most unpleasant element in the State.

157. In the manner then which has been described Gelon had become a powerful despot; and at this time when the envoys of the Hellenes had arrived at Syracuse, they came to speech with him and said as follows: "The Lacedemonians and their allies sent us to get thee to be on our side against the Barbarian; for we suppose that thou art certainly informed of him who is about to invade Hellas, namely that a Persian is designing to bridge over the Hellespont, and to make an expedition against Hellas, leading against us out of Asia all the armies of the East, under colour of marching upon Athens, but in fact meaning to bring all Hellas to subjection under him. Do thou therefore, seeing that 147 thou hast attained to a great power and hast no small portion of Hellas for thy share, being the ruler of Sicily, come to the assistance of those who are endeavouring to free Hellas, and join in making her free; for if all Hellas be gathered together in one, it forms a great body, and we are made a match in fight for those who are coming against us; but if some of us go over to the enemy and others are not willing to help, and the sound portion of Hellas is consequently small, there is at once in this a danger that all Hellas may fall to ruin. For do not thou hope that if the Persian shall overcome us in battle he will not come to thee, but guard thyself against this beforehand; for in coming to our assistance thou art helping thyself; and the matter which is wisely planned has for the most part a good issue afterwards."

158. The envoys spoke thus; and Gelon was very vehement with them, speaking to them as follows: "Hellenes, a selfish speech is this, with which ye have ventured to come and invite me to be your ally against the Barbarian; whereas ye yourselves, when I in former time requested of you to join with me in fighting against an army of Barbarians, contention having arisen between me and the Carthaginians, and when I charged you to exact vengeance of the men of Egesta for the death of Dorieos the son of Anaxandrides, 148 while at the same time I offered to help in setting free the trading-places, from which great advantages and gains have been reaped by you,—ye, I say, then neither for my own sake came to my assistance, nor in order to exact vengeance for the death of Dorieos; and, so far as ye are concerned, all these parts are even now under the rule of Barbarians. But since it turned out well for us and came to a better issue, now that the war has come round and reached you, there has at last arisen in your minds a recollection of Gelon. However, though I have met with contempt at your hands, I will not act like you; but I am prepared to come to your assistance, supplying two hundred triremes and twenty thousand hoplites, with two thousand horsemen, two thousand bowmen, two thousand slingers and two thousand light-armed men to run beside the horsemen; and moreover I will undertake to supply corn for the whole army of the Hellenes, until we have finished the war. These things I engage to supply on this condition, namely that I shall be commander and leader of the Hellenes against the Barbarian; but on any other condition I will neither come myself nor will I send others."

159. Hearing this Syagros could not contain himself but spoke these words: "Deeply, I trow, would Agamemnon son of Pelops lament, 149 if he heard that the Spartans had had the leadership taken away from them by Gelon and by the Syracusans. Nay, but make thou no further mention of this condition, namely that we should deliver the leadership to thee; but if thou art desirous to come to the assistance of Hellas, know that thou wilt be under the command of the Lacedemonians; and if thou dost indeed claim not to be under command, come not thou to our help at all."

160. To this Gelon, seeing that the speech of Syagros was adverse, set forth to them his last proposal thus: "Stranger from Sparta, reproaches sinking into the heart of a man are wont to rouse his spirit in anger against them; thou however, though thou hast uttered insults against me in thy speech, wilt not bring me to show myself unseemly in my reply. But whereas ye so strongly lay claim to the leadership, it were fitting that I should lay claim to it more than ye, seeing that I am the leader of an army many times as large and of ships many more. Since however this condition is so distasteful to you, 150 we will recede somewhat from our former proposal. Suppose that ye should be leaders of the land-army and I of the fleet; or if it pleases you to lead the sea-forces, I am willing to be leader of those on land; and either ye must be contented with these terms or go away without the alliance which I have to give."

161. Gelon, I say, made these offers, and the envoy of the Athenians, answering before that of the Lacedemonians, replied to him as follows: "O king of the Syracusans, it was not of a leader that Hellas was in want when it sent us to thee, but of an army. Thou however dost not set before us the hope that thou wilt send an army, except thou have the leadership of Hellas; and thou art striving how thou mayest become commander of the armies of Hellas. So long then as it was thy demand to be leader of the whole army of the Hellenes, it was sufficient for us Athenians to keep silence, knowing that the Lacedemonian would be able to make defence even for us both; but now, since being repulsed from the demand for the whole thou art requesting to be commander of the naval force, we tell that thus it is:—not even if the Lacedemonian shall permit thee to be commander of it, will we permit thee; for this at least is our own, if the Lacedemonians do not themselves desire to have it. With these, if they desire to be the leaders, we do not contend; but none others beside ourselves shall we permit to be in command of the ships: for then to no purpose should we be possessors of a sea-force larger than any other which belongs to the Hellenes, if, being Athenians, we should yield the leadership to Syracusans, we who boast of a race which is the most ancient of all and who are of all the Hellenes the only people who have not changed from one land to another; to whom also belonged a man whom Homer the Epic poet said was the best of all who came to Ilion in drawing up an army and setting it in array. 151 Thus we are not justly to be reproached if we say these things."

162. To this Gelon made answer thus: "Stranger of Athens, it would seem that ye have the commanders, but that ye will not have the men to be commanded. Since then ye will not at all give way, but desire to have the whole, it were well that ye should depart home as quickly as possible and report to the Hellenes that the spring has been taken out of their year." Now this is the meaning of the saying:—evidently the spring is the noblest part of the year; and so he meant to say that his army was the noblest part of the army of the Hellenes: for Hellas therefore, deprived of his alliance, it was, he said, as if the spring had been taken out of the year. 152

163. The envoys of the Hellenes, having thus had conference with Gelon, sailed away; and Gelon upon this, fearing on the one hand about the Hellenes, lest they should not be able to overcome the Barbarian, and on the other hand considering it monstrous and not to be endured that he should come to Peloponnesus and be under the command of the Lacedemonians, seeing that he was despot of Sicily, gave up the thought of this way and followed another: for so soon as he was informed that the Persian had crossed over the Hellespont, he sent Cadmos the son of Skythes, a man of Cos, with three fifty-oared galleys to Delphi, bearing large sums of money and friendly proposals, to wait there and see how the battle would fall out: and if the Barbarian should be victorious, he was to give him the money and also to offer him earth and water from those over whom Gelon had rule; but if the Hellenes should be victorious, he was bidden to bring it back.

164. Now this Cadmos before these events, having received from his father in a prosperous state the government 153 of the people of Cos, had voluntarily and with no danger threatening, but moved merely by uprightness of nature, placed the government in the hands of the people of Cos 154 and had departed to Sicily, where he took from 155 the Samians and newly colonised the city of Zancle, which had changed its name to Messene. This same Cadmos, having come thither in such manner as I have said, Gelon was now sending, having selected him on account of the integrity which in other matters he had himself found to be in him; and this man, in addition to the other upright acts which had been done by him, left also this to be remembered, which was not the least of them: for having got into his hands that great sum of money which Gelon entrusted to his charge, though he might have taken possession of it himself he did not choose to do so; but when the Hellenes had got the better in the sea-fight and Xerxes had marched away and departed, he also returned to Sicily bringing back with him the whole sum of money.

165. The story which here follows is also reported by those who dwell in Sicily, namely that, even though he was to be under the command of the Lacedemonians, Gelon would have come to the assistance of the Hellenes, but that Terillos, the son of Crinippos and despot of Himera, having been driven out of Himera by Theron the son of Ainesidemos 156 the ruler of the Agrigentines, was just at this very time bringing in an army of Phenicians, Libyans, Iberians, Ligurians, Elisycans, Sardinians and Corsicans, to the number of thirty myriads, 157 with Amilcas the son of Annon king of the Carthaginians as their commander, whom Terillos had persuaded partly by reason of his own guest-friendship, and especially by the zealous assistance of Anaxilaos the son of Cretines, who was despot of Rhegion, and who to help his father-in-law endeavoured to bring in Amilcas to Sicily, and had given him his sons as hostages; for Anaxilaos was married to the daughter of Terillos, whose name was Kydippe. Thus it was, they say, that Gelon was not able to come to the assistance of the Hellenes, and sent therefore the money to Delphi.

166. In addition to this they report also that, as it happened, Gelon and Theron were victorious over Amilcas the Carthaginian on the very same day when the Hellenes were victorious at Salamis over the Persian. And this Amilcas, who was a Carthaginian on the father's side but on the mother's Syracusan, and who had become king of the Carthaginians by merit, when the engagement took place and he was being worsted in the battle, disappeared, as I am informed; for neither alive nor dead did he appear again anywhere upon the earth, though Gelon used all diligence in the search for him.

167. Moreover there is also this story reported by the Carthaginians themselves, who therein relate that which is probable in itself, namely that while the Barbarians fought with the Hellenes in Sicily from the early morning till late in the afternoon (for to such a length the combat is said to have been protracted), during this time Amilcas was remaining in the camp and was making sacrifices to get good omens of success, offering whole bodies of victims upon a great pyre: and when he saw that there was a rout of his own army, he being then, as it chanced, in the act of pouring a libation over the victims, threw himself into the fire, and thus he was burnt up and disappeared. Amilcas then having disappeared, whether it was in such a manner as this, as it is reported by the Phenicians, or in some other way, 159 the Carthaginians both offer sacrifices to him now, and also they made memorials of him then in all the cities of their colonies, and the greatest in Carthage itself.

168. So far of the affairs of Sicily: and as for the Corcyreans, they made answer to the envoys as follows, afterwards acting as I shall tell: for the same men who had gone to Sicily endeavoured also to obtain the help of these, saying the same things which they said to Gelon; and the Corcyreans at the time engaged to send a force and to help in the defence, declaring that they must not permit Hellas to be ruined without an effort on their part, for if it should suffer disaster, they would be reduced to subjection from the very first day; but they must give assistance so far as lay in their power. Thus speciously they made reply; but when the time came to send help, they manned sixty ships, having other intentions in their minds, and after making much difficulty they put out to sea and reached Peloponnese; and then near Pylos and Tainaron in the land of the Lacedemonians they kept their ships at anchor, waiting, as Gelon did, to see how the war would turn out: for they did not expect that the Hellenes would overcome, but thought that the Persian would gain the victory over them with ease and be ruler of all Hellas. Accordingly they were acting of set purpose, in order that they might be able to say to the Persian some such words as these: "O king, when the Hellenes endeavoured to obtain our help for this war, we, who have a power which is not the smallest of all, and could have supplied a contingent of ships in number not the smallest, but after the Athenians the largest, did not choose to oppose thee or to do anything which was not to thy mind." By speaking thus they hoped that they would obtain some advantage over the rest, and so it would have happened, as I am of opinion: while they had for the Hellenes an excuse ready made, that namely of which they actually made use: for when the Hellenes reproached them because they did not come to help, they said that they had manned sixty triremes, but had not been able to get past Malea owing to the Etesian Winds; therefore it was that they had not come to Salamis, nor was it by any want of courage on their part that they had been left of the sea-fight.

169. These then evaded the request of the Hellenes thus: but the Cretans, when those of the Hellenes who had been appointed to deal with these endeavoured to obtain their help, did thus, that is to say, they joined together and sent men to inquire of the god at Delphi whether it would be better for them if they gave assistance to Hellas: and the Pythian prophetess answered: "Ye fools, do ye think those woes too few, 160 which Minos sent upon you in his wrath, 161 because of the assistance that ye gave to Menelaos? seeing that, whereas they did not join with you in taking vengeance for his death in Camicos, ye nevertheless joined with them in taking vengeance for the woman who by a Barbarian was carried off from Sparta." When the Cretans heard this answer reported, they abstained from the giving of assistance.

170. For the story goes that Minos, having come to Sicania, which is now called Sicily, in search of Daidalos, died there by a violent death; and after a time the Cretans, urged thereto by a god, all except the men of Polichne and Praisos, came with a great armament to Sicania and besieged for seven years the city of Camicos, which in my time was occupied by the Agrigentines; and at last not being able either to capture it or to remain before it, because they were hard pressed by famine, they departed and went away. And when, as they sailed, they came to be off the coast of Iapygia, a great storm seized them and cast them away upon the coast; and their vessels being dashed to pieces, they, since they saw no longer any way of coming to Crete, founded there the city of Hyria; and there they stayed and were changed so that they became instead of Cretans, Messapians of Iapygia, and instead of islanders, dwellers on the mainland: then from the city of Hyria they founded those other settlements which the Tarentines long afterwards endeavoured to destroy and suffer great disaster in that enterprise, so that this in fact proved to be the greatest slaughter of Hellenes that is known to us, and not only of the Tarentines themselves but of those citizens of Rhegion who were compelled by Mikythos the son of Choiros to go to the assistance of the Tarentines, and of whom there were slain in this manner three thousand men: of the Tarentines themselves however, who were slain there, there was no numbering made. This Mikythos, who was a servant of Anaxilaos, had been left by him in charge of Rhegion; and he it was who after being driven out of Rhegion took up his abode at Tegea of the Arcadians and dedicated those many statues at Olympia.

171. This of the men of Rhegion and of the Tarentines has been an episode 162 in my narrative: in Crete however, as the men of Praisos report, after it had been thus stripped of inhabitants, settlements were made by various nations, but especially by Hellenes; and in the next generation but one after the death of Minos came the Trojan war, in which the Cretans proved not the most contemptible of those who came to assist Menelaos. Then after this, when they had returned home from Troy, famine and pestilence came upon both the men and their cattle, until at last Crete was stripped of its inhabitants for the second time, and a third population of Cretans now occupy it together with those which were left of the former inhabitants. The Pythian prophetess, I say, by calling these things to their minds stopped them from giving assistance to the Hellenes, though they desired to do so.

172. As for the Thessalians, they at first had taken the side of the Persians against their will, and they gave proof that they were not pleased by that which the Aleuadai were designing; for so soon as they heard that the Persian was about to cross over into Europe, they sent envoys to the Isthmus: now at the Isthmus were assembled representatives of Hellas chosen by the cities which had the better mind about Hellas: having come then to these, the envoys of the Thessalians said: "Hellenes, ye must guard the pass by Olympos, in order that both Thessaly and the whole of Hellas may be sheltered from the war. We are prepared to join with you in guarding it, but ye must send a large force as well as we; for if ye shall not send, be assured that we shall make agreement with the Persian; since it is not right that we, standing as outposts so far in advance of the rest of Hellas, should perish alone in your defence: and not being willing 163 to come to our help, ye cannot apply to us any force to compel inability; 164 but we shall endeavour to devise some means of safety for ourselves."

173. Thus spoke the Thessalians; and the Hellenes upon this resolved to send to Thessaly by sea an army of men on foot to guard the pass: and when the army was assembled it set sail through Euripos, and having come to Alos in the Achaian land, it disembarked there and marched into Thessaly leaving the ships behind at Alos, and arrived at Tempe, the pass which leads from lower Macedonia into Thessaly by the river Peneios, going between the mountains of Olympos and Ossa. There the Hellenes encamped, being assembled to the number of about ten thousand hoplites, and to them was added the cavalry of the Thessalians; and the commander of the Lacedemonians was Euainetos the son of Carenos, who had been chosen from the polemarchs, 165 not being of the royal house, and of the Athenians Themistocles the son of Neocles. They remained however but few days here, for envoys came from Alexander the son of Amyntas the Macedonian, who advised them to depart thence and not to remain in the pass and be trodden under foot by the invading host, signifying to them at the same time both the great numbers of the army and the ships which they had. When these gave them this counsel, they followed the advice, for they thought that the counsel was good, and the Macedonian was evidently well-disposed towards them. Also, as I think, it was fear that persuaded them to it, when they were informed that there was another pass besides this to the Thessalian land by upper Macedonia through the Perraibians and by the city of Gonnos, the way by which the army of Xerxes did in fact make its entrance. So the Hellenes went down to their ships again and made their way back to the Isthmus.

174. Such was the expedition to Thessaly, which took place when the king was about to cross over from Asia to Europe and was already at Abydos. So the Thessalians, being stripped of allies, upon this took the side of the Medes with a good will and no longer half-heartedly, so that in the course of events they proved very serviceable to the king.

175. When the Hellenes had returned to the Isthmus, they deliberated, having regard to that which had been said by Alexander, where and in what regions they should set the war on foot: and the opinion which prevailed was to guard the pass at Thermopylai; for it was seen to be narrower than that leading into Thessaly, and at the same time it was single, 166 and nearer also to their own land; and as for the path by means of which were taken those of the Hellenes who were taken by the enemy at Thermopylai, they did not even know of its existence until they were informed by the people of Trachis after they had come to Thermopylai. This pass then they resolved to guard, and not permit the Barbarian to go by into Hellas; and they resolved that the fleet should sail to Artemision in the territory of Histiaia: for these points are near to one another, so that each division of their forces could have information of what was happening to the other. And the places are so situated as I shall describe.

176. As to Artemision first, coming out of the Thracian Sea the space is contracted from great width to that narrow channel which lies between the island of Skiathos and the mainland of Magnesia; and after the strait there follows at once in Euboea the sea-beach called Artemision, upon which there is a temple of Artemis. Then secondly the passage into Hellas by Trechis is, where it is narrowest, but fifty feet wide: it is not here however that the narrowest part of this whole region lies, but in front of Thermopylai and also behind it, consisting of a single wheel-track only 167 both by Alpenoi, which lies behind Thermopylai and again by the river Phoinix near the town of Anthela there is no space but a single wheel-track only: and on the West of Thermopylai there is a mountain which is impassable and precipitous, rising up to a great height and extending towards the range of Oite, while on the East of the road the sea with swampy pools succeeds at once. In this passage there are hot springs, which the natives of the place call the "Pots," 168 and an altar of Heracles is set up near them. Moreover a wall had once been built at this pass, and in old times there was a gate set in it; which wall was built by the Phokians, who were struck with fear because the Thessalians had come from the land of the Thesprotians to settle in the Aiolian land, the same which they now possess. Since then the Thessalians, as they supposed, were attempting to subdue them, the Phokians guarded themselves against this beforehand; and at that time they let the water of the hot springs run over the passage, that the place might be converted into a ravine, and devised every means that the Thessalians might not make invasion of their land. Now the ancient wall had been built long before, and the greater part of it was by that time in ruins from lapse of time; the Hellenes however resolved to set it up again, and at this spot to repel the Barbarian from Hellas: and very near the road there is a village called Alpenoi, from which the Hellenes counted on getting supplies.

177. These places then the Hellenes perceived to be such as their purpose required; for they considered everything beforehand and calculated that the Barbarians would not be able to take advantage either of superior numbers or of cavalry, and therefore they resolved here to receive the invader of Hellas: and when they were informed that the Persian was in Pieria, they broke up from the Isthmus and set forth for the campaign, some going to Thermopylai by land, and others making for Artemision by sea.

178. The Hellenes, I say, were coming to the rescue with speed, having been appointed to their several places: and meanwhile the men of Delphi consulted the Oracle of the god on behalf of themselves and on behalf of Hellas, being struck with dread; and a reply was given them that they should pray to the Winds, for these would be powerful helpers of Hellas in fight. So the Delphians, having accepted the oracle, first reported the answer which had been given them to those of the Hellenes who desired to be free; and having reported this to them at a time when they were in great dread of the Barbarian, they laid up for themselves an immortal store of gratitude: then after this the men of Delphi established an altar for the Winds in Thuia, where is the sacred enclosure of Thuia the daughter of Kephisos, after whom moreover this place has its name; and also they approached them with sacrifices.

179. The Delphians then according to the oracle even to this day make propitiary offerings to the Winds: and meanwhile the fleet of Xerxes setting forth from the city of Therma had passed over with ten of its ships, which were those that sailed best, straight towards Skiathos, where three Hellenic ships, a Troizenian, an Eginetan and an Athenian, were keeping watch in advance. When the crews of these caught sight of the ships of the Barbarians, they set off to make their escape:

180, and the ship of Troizen, of which Prexinos was in command, was pursued and captured at once by the Barbarians; who upon that took the man who was most distinguished by beauty among the fighting-men on board of her, 169 and cut his throat at the prow of the ship, making a good omen for themselves of the first of the Hellenes whom they had captured who was pre-eminent for beauty. The name of this man who was sacrificed was Leon, and perhaps he had also his name to thank in some degree for what befell him.

181. The ship of Egina however, of which Asonides was master, even gave them some trouble to capture it, seeing that Pytheas the son of Ischenoös served as a fighting-man on board of her, who proved himself a most valiant man on this day; for when the ship was being taken, he held out fighting until he was hacked all to pieces: and as when he had fallen he did not die, but had still breath in him, the Persians who served as fighting-men on board the ships, because of his valour used all diligence to save his life, both applying unguents of myrrh to heal his wounds and also wrapping him up in bands of the finest linen; and when they came back to their own main body, they showed him to all the army, making a marvel of him and giving him good treatment; but the rest whom they had taken in this ship they treated as slaves.

182. Two of the three ships, I say, were captured thus; but the third, of which Phormos an Athenian was master, ran ashore in its flight at the mouth of the river Peneios; and the Barbarians got possession of the vessel but not of the crew; for so soon as the Athenians had run the ship ashore, they leapt out of her, and passing through Thessaly made their way to Athens.

183. Of these things the Hellenes who were stationed at Artemision were informed by fire-signals from Skiathos; and being informed of them and being struck with fear, they removed their place of anchorage from Atermision to Chalkis, intending to guard the Euripos, but leaving at the same time watchers by day 170 on the heights of Euboea. Of the ten ships of the Barbarians three sailed up to the reef called Myrmex, 171 which lies between Skiathos and Magnesia; and when the Barbarians had there erected a stone pillar, which for that purpose they brought to the reef, they set forth with their main body 172 from Therma, the difficulties of the passage having now been cleared away, and sailed thither with all their ships, having let eleven days go by since the king set forth on his march from Therma. Now of this reef lying exactly in the middle of the fairway they were informed by Pammon of Skyros. Sailing then throughout the day the Barbarians accomplished the voyage to Sepias in Magnesia and to the sea-beach which is between the city of Casthanaia and the headland of Sepias.

184. So far as this place and so far as Thermopylai the army was exempt from calamity; and the number was then still, as I find by computation, this:—Of the ships which came from Asia, which were one thousand two hundred and seven, the original number of the crews supplied by the several nations I find to have been twenty-four myriads and also in addition to them one thousand four hundred, 173 if one reckons at the rate of two hundred men to each ship: and on board of each of these ships there served as fighting-men, 174 besides the fighting-men belonging to its own nation in each case, thirty men who were Persians, Medes, or Sacans; and this amounts to three myriads six thousand two hundred and ten 175 in addition to the others. I will add also to this and to the former number the crews of the fifty-oared galleys, assuming that there were eighty men, more or less, 176 in each one. Of these vessels there were gathered together, as was before said, three thousand: it would follow therefore that there were in them four-and-twenty myriads 177 of men. This was the naval force which came from Asia, amounting in all to fifty-one myriads and also seven thousand six hundred and ten in addition. 178 Then of the footmen there had been found to be a hundred and seventy myriads, 179 and of the horsemen eight myriads: 180 and I will add also to these the Arabian camel-drivers and the Libyan drivers of chariots, assuming them to amount to twenty thousand men. The result is then that the number of the ships' crews combined with that of the land-army amounts to two hundred and thirty-one myriads and also in addition seven thousand six hundred and ten. 181 This is the statement of the Army which was brought up out of Asia itself, without counting the attendants which accompanied it or the corn-transports and the men who sailed in these.

185. There is still to be reckoned, in addition to all this which has been summed up, the force which was being led from Europe; and of this we must give a probable estimate. 182 The Hellenes of Thrace and of the islands which lie off the coast of Thrace supplied a hundred and twenty ships; from which ships there results a sum of twenty-four thousand men: and as regards the land-force which was supplied by the Thracians, Paionians, Eordians, Bottiaians, the race which inhabits Chalkidike, the Brygians, Pierians, Macedonians, Perraibians, Enianians, 183 Dolopians, Magnesians, Achaians, and all those who dwell in the coast-region of Thrace, of these various nations I estimate that there were thirty myriads. 184 These myriads then added to those from Asia make a total sum of two hundred and sixty-four myriads of fighting men and in addition to these sixteen hundred and ten. 185

186. Such being the number of this body of fighting-men, 186 the attendants who went with these and the men who were in the small vessels 187 which carried corn, and again in the other vessels which sailed with the army, these I suppose were not less in number but more than the fighting men. I assume them to be equal in number with these, and neither at all more nor less; and so, being supposed equal in number with the fighting body, they make up the same number of myriads as they. Thus five hundred and twenty-eight myriads three thousand two hundred and twenty 188 was the number of men whom Xerxes son of Dareios led as far as Sepias and Thermopylai.

187. This is the number of the whole army of Xerxes; but of the women who made bread for it, and of the concubines and eunuchs no man can state any exact number, nor again of the draught-animals and other beasts of burden or of the Indian hounds, which accompanied it, could any one state the number by reason of their multitude: so that it does not occur to me to wonder that the streams of some rivers should have failed them, but I wonder rather how the provisions were sufficient to feed so many myriads; for I find on computation that if each man received a quart 189 of wheat every day and nothing more, there would be expended every day eleven myriads of medimnoi 190 and three hundred and forty medimnoi besides: and here I am not reckoning anything for the women, eunuchs, baggage-animals, or dogs. Of all these men, amounting to so many myriads, not one was for beauty and stature more worthy than Xerxes himself to possess this power.

188. The fleet, I say, set forth and sailed: and when it had put in to land in the region of Magnesia at the beach which is between the city of Casthanaia and the headland of Sepias, the first of the ships which came lay moored by the land and the others rode at anchor behind them; for, as the beach was not large in extent, they lay at anchor with prows projecting 191 towards the sea in an order which was eight ships deep. For that night they lay thus; but at early dawn, after clear sky and windless calm, the sea began to be violently agitated and a great storm fell upon them with a strong East 192 Wind, that wind which they who dwell about those parts call Hellespontias. Now as many of them as perceived that the wind was rising and who were so moored that it was possible for them to do so, drew up their ships on land before the storm came, and both they and their ships escaped; but as for those of the ships which it caught out at sea, some it cast away at the place called Ipnoi 193 in Pelion and others on the beach, while some were wrecked on the headland of Sepias itself, others at the city of Meliboia, and others were thrown up on shore 194 at Casthanaia: and the violence of the storm could not be resisted.

189. There is a story reported that the Athenians had called upon Boreas to aid them, by suggestion of an oracle, because there had come to them another utterance of the god bidding them call upon their brother by marriage to be their helper. Now according to the story of the Hellenes Boreas has a wife who is of Attica, Oreithuia the daughter of Erechththeus. By reason of this affinity, I say, the Athenians, according to the tale which has gone abroad, conjectured that their "brother by marriage" was Boreas, and when they perceived the wind rising, as they lay with their ships at Chalkis in Euboea, or even before that, they offered sacrifices and called upon Boreas and Oreithuia to assist them and to destroy the ships of the Barbarians, as they had done before round about mount Athos. Whether it was for this reason that the wind Boreas fell upon the Barbarians while they lay at anchor, I am not able to say; but however that may be, the Athenians report that Boreas had come to their help in former times, and that at this time he accomplished those things for them of which I speak; and when they had returned home they set up a temple dedicated to Boreas by the river Ilissos.

190. In this disaster the number of the ships which were lost was not less than four hundred, according to the report of those who state the number which is lowest, with men innumerable and an immense quantity of valuable things; insomuch that to Ameinocles the son of Cretines, a Magnesian who held lands about Sepias, this shipwreck proved very gainful; for he picked up many cups of gold which were thrown up afterwards on the shore, and many also of silver, and found treasure-chests 195 which had belonged to the Persians, and made acquisition of other things of gold 196 more than can be described. This man however, though he became very wealthy by the things which he found, yet in other respects was not fortunate; for he too suffered misfortune, being troubled by the slaying of a child. 197

191. Of the corn-transports and other vessels which perished there was no numbering made; and so great was the loss that the commanders of the fleet, being struck with fear lest the Thessalians should attack them now that they had been brought into an evil plight, threw round their camp a lofty palisade built of the fragments of wreck. For the storm continued during three days; but at last the Magians, making sacrifice of victims and singing incantations to appease the Wind by enchantments, 198 and in addition to this, offering to Thetis and the Nereïds, caused it to cease on the fourth day, or else for some other reason it abated of its own will. Now they offered sacrifice to Thetis, being informed by the Ionians of the story that she was carried off from the place by Peleus, and that the whole headland of Sepias belonged to her and to the other Nereïds.

192. The storm then had ceased on the fourth day; and meanwhile the day-watchers had run down from the heights of Euboea on the day after the first storm began, and were keeping the Hellenes informed of all that had happened as regards the shipwreck. They then, being informed of it, prayed first to Poseidon the Saviour and poured libations, and then they hastened to go back to Artemision, expecting that there would be but a very few ships of the enemy left to come against them.

193. They, I say, came for the second time and lay with their ships about Artemision: and from that time even to this they preserve the use of the surname "Saviour" for Poseidon. Meanwhile the Barbarians, when the wind had ceased and the swell of the sea had calmed down, drew their ships into the sea and sailed on along the shore of the mainland, and having rounded the extremity of Magnesia they sailed straight into the gulf which leads towards Pagasai. In this gulf of Magnesia there is a place where it is said that Heracles was left behind by Jason and his comrades, having been sent from the Argo to fetch water, at the time when they were sailing for the fleece to Aia in the land of Colchis: for from that place they designed, when they had taken in water, to loose 199 their ship into the open sea; and from this the place has come to have the name Aphetai. Here then the fleet of Xerxes took up its moorings.

194. Now it chanced that fifteen of these ships put out to sea a good deal later than the rest, and they happened to catch sight of the ships of the Hellenes at Artemision. These ships the Barbarians supposed to be their own, and they sailed thither accordingly and fell among the enemy. Of these the commander was Sandokes the son of Thamasios, the governor of Kyme in Aiolia, whom before this time king Dareios had taken and crucified (he being one of the Royal Judges) for this reason, 19901 namely that Sandokes had pronounced judgment unjustly for money. So then after he was hung up, Dareios reckoned and found that more good services had been done by him to the royal house than were equal to his offences; and having found this, and perceived that he had himself acted with more haste than wisdom, he let him go. Thus he escaped from king Dareios, and did not perish but survived; now, however, when he sailed in toward the Hellenes, he was destined not to escape the second time; for when the Hellenes saw them sailing up, perceiving the mistake which was being made they put out against them and captured them without difficulty.

195. Sailing in one of these ships Aridolis was captured, the despot of Alabanda in Caria, and in another the Paphian commander Penthylos son of Demonoös, who brought twelve ships from Paphos, but had lost eleven of them in the storm which had come on by Sepias, and now was captured sailing in towards Artemision with the one which had escaped. These men the Hellenes sent away in bonds to the Isthmus of the Corinthians, after having inquired of them that which they desired to learn of the army of Xerxes.

196. The fleet of the Barbarians then, except the fifteen ships of which I said that Sandokes was in command, had arrived at Aphetai; and Xerxes meanwhile with the land-army, having marched through Thessalia and Achaia, had already entered the land of the Malians two days before, 200 after having held in Thessaly a contest for his own horses, making trial also of the Thessalian cavalry, because he was informed that it was the best of all among the Hellenes; and in this trial the horses of Hellas were far surpassed by the others. Now of the rivers in Thessalia the Onochonos alone failed to suffice by its stream for the drinking of the army; but of the rivers which flow in Achaia even that which is the largest of them, namely Epidanos, even this, I say, held out but barely.

197. When Xerxes had reached Alos of Achaia, the guides who gave him information of the way, wishing to inform him fully of everything, reported to him a legend of the place, the things, namely, which have to do with the temple of Zeus Laphystios; 201 how Athamas the son of Aiolos contrived death for Phrixos, having taken counsel with Ino, and after this how by command of an oracle the Achaians propose to his descendants the following tasks to be performed:—whosoever is the eldest of this race, on him they lay an injunction that he is forbidden to enter the City Hall, 202 and they themselves keep watch; now the City Hall is called by the Achaians the "Hall of the People"; 203 and if he enter it, it may not be that he shall come forth until he is about to be sacrificed. They related moreover in addition to this, that many of these who were about to be sacrificed had before now run away and departed to another land, because they were afraid; and if afterwards in course of time they returned to their own land and were caught, they were placed 204 in the City Hall: and they told how the man is sacrificed all thickly covered with wreaths, and with what form of procession he is brought forth to the sacrifice. This is done to the descendants of Kytissoros the son of Phrixos, because, when the Achaians were making of Athamas the son of Aiolos a victim to purge the sins of the land according to the command of an oracle, and were just about to sacrifice him, this Kytissoros coming from Aia of the Colchians rescued him; and having done so he brought the wrath of the gods upon his own descendants. Having heard these things, Xerxes, when he came to the sacred grove, both abstained from entering it himself, and gave the command to his whole army to so likewise; and he paid reverence both to the house and to the sacred enclosure of the descendants of Athamas.

198. These then are the things which happened in Thessalia and in Achaia; and from these regions he proceeded to the Malian land, going along by a gulf of the sea, in which there is an ebb and flow of the tide every day. Round about this gulf there is a level space, which in parts is broad but in other parts very narrow; and mountains lofty and inaccessible surrounding this place enclose the whole land of Malis and are called the rocks of Trachis. The first city upon this gulf as one goes from Achaia is Antikyra, by which the river Spercheios flowing from the land of the Enianians 205 runs out into the sea. At a distance of twenty furlongs 206 or thereabouts from this river there is another, of which the name is Dyras; this is said to have appeared that it might bring assistance to Heracles when he was burning: then again at a distance of twenty furlongs from this there is another river called Melas.

199. From this river Melas the city of Trachis is distant five furlongs; and here, in the parts where Trachis is situated, is even the widest portion of all this district, as regards the space from the mountains to the sea; for the plain has an extent of twenty-two thousand plethra. 207 In the mountain-range which encloses the land of Trachis there is a cleft to the South of Trachis itself; and through this cleft the river Asopos flows, and runs along by the foot of the mountain.

200. There is also another river called Phoinix, to the South of the Asopos, of no great size, which flowing from these mountains runs out into the Asopos; and at the river Phoinix is the narrowest place, for here has been constructed a road with a single wheel-track only. Then from the river Phoinix it is a distance of fifteen furlongs to Thermopylai; and in the space between the river Phoinix and Thermopylai there is a village called Anthela, by which the river Asopos flows, and so runs out into the sea; and about this village there is a wide space in which is set up a temple dedicated to Demeter of the Amphictyons, and there are seats for the Amphictyonic councillors and a temple dedicated to Amphictyon himself.

201. King Xerxes, I say, was encamped within the region of Trachis in the land of the Malians, and the Hellenes within the pass. This place is called by the Hellenes in general Thermopylai, but by the natives of the place and those who dwell in the country round it is called Pylai. Both sides then were encamped hereabout, and the one had command of all that lies beyond Trachis 208 in the direction of the North Wind, and the others of that which tends towards the South Wind and the mid-day on this side of the continent. 209

202. These were the Hellenes who awaited the attack of the Persian in this place:—of the Spartans three hundred hoplites; of the men of Tegea and Mantineia a thousand, half from each place, from Orchomenos in Arcadia a hundred and twenty, and from the rest of Arcadia a thousand,—of the Arcadians so many; from Corinth four hundred, from Phlius two hundred, and of the men of Mykene eighty: these were they who came from the Peloponnese; and from the Boeotians seven hundred of the Thespians, and of the Thebans four hundred.

203. In addition to these the Locrians of Opus had been summoned to come in their full force, and of the Phokians a thousand: for the Hellenes had of themselves sent a summons to them, saying by messengers that they had come as forerunners of the others, that the rest of the allies were to be expected every day, that their sea was safely guarded, being watched by the Athenians and the Eginetans and by those who had been appointed to serve in the fleet, and that they need fear nothing: for he was not a god, they said, who was coming to attack Hellas, but a man; and there was no mortal, nor would be any, with those fortunes evil had not been mingled at his very birth, and the greatest evils for the greatest men; therefore he also who was marching against them, being mortal, would be destined to fail of his expectation. They accordingly, hearing this, came to the assistance of the others at Trachis.

204. Of these troops, although there were other commanders also according to the State to which each belonged, yet he who was most held in regard and who was leader of the whole army was the Lacedemonian Leonidas son of Anaxandrides, son of Leon, son of Eurycratides, son of Anaxander, son of Eurycrates, son of Polydoros, son of Alcamenes, son of Teleclos, son of Archelaos, son of Hegesilaos, son of Doryssos, son of Leobotes, son of Echestratos, son of Agis, son of Eurysthenes, son of Aristodemos, son of Aristomachos, son of Cleodaios, son of Hyllos, son of Heracles; who had obtained the kingdom of Sparta contrary to expectation.

205. For as he had two brothers each older than himself, namely Cleomenes and Dorieos, he had been far removed from the thought of becoming king. Since however Cleomenes had died without male child, and Dorieos was then no longer alive, but he also had brought his life to an end in Sicily, 210 thus the kingdom came to Leonidas, both because was of elder birth than Cleombrotos (for Cleombrotos was the youngest of the sons of Anaxandrides) and also because he had in marriage the daughter of Cleomenes. He then at this time went to Thermopylai, having chosen the three hundred who were appointed by law 211 and men who chanced to have sons; and he took with him besides, before he arrived, those Thebans whom I mentioned when I reckoned them in the number of the troops, of whom the commander was Leontiades the son of Eurymachos: and for this reason Leonidas was anxious to take up these with him of all the Hellenes, namely because accusations had been strongly brought against them that they were taking the side of the Medes; therefore he summoned them to the war, desiring to know whether they would send troops with them or whether they would openly renounce the alliance of the Hellenes; and they sent men, having other thoughts in their mind the while.

206. These with Leonidas the Spartans had sent out first, in order that seeing them the other allies might join in the campaign, and for fear that they also might take the side of the Medes, if they heard that the Spartans were putting off their action. Afterwards, however, when they had kept the festival, (for the festival of the Carneia stood in their way), they intended then to leave a garrison in Sparta and to come to help in full force with speed: and just so also the rest of the allies had thought of doing themselves; for it chanced that the Olympic festival fell at the same time as these events. Accordingly, since they did not suppose that the fighting in Thermopylai would so soon be decided, they sent only the forerunners of their force.

207. These, I say, had intended to do thus: and meanwhile the Hellenes at Thermopylai, when the Persian had come near to the pass, were in dread, and deliberated about making retreat from their position. To the rest of the Peloponnesians then it seemed best that they should go to the Peloponnese and hold the Isthmus in guard; but Leonidas, when the Phokians and Locrians were indignant at this opinion, gave his vote for remaining there, and for sending at the same time messengers to the several States bidding them to come up to help them, since they were but few to repel the army of the Medes.

208. As they were thus deliberating, Xerxes sent a scout on horseback to see how many they were in number and what they were doing; for he had heard while he was yet in Thessaly that there had been assembled in this place a small force, and that the leaders of it were Lacedemonians together with Leonidas, who was of the race of Heracles. And when the horseman had ridden up towards their camp, he looked upon them and had a view not indeed of the whole of their army, for of those which were posted within the wall, which they had repaired and were keeping a guard, it was not possible to have a view, but he observed those who were outside, whose station was in front of the wall; and it chanced at that time that the Lacedemonians were they who were posted outside. So then he saw some of the men practising athletic exercises and some combing their long hair: and as he looked upon these things he marvelled, and at the same time he observed their number: and when he had observed all exactly, he rode back unmolested, for no one attempted to pursue him and he found himself treated with much indifference. And when he returned he reported to Xerxes all that which he had seen.

209. Hearing this Xerxes was not able to conjecture the truth about the matter, namely that they were preparing themselves to die and to deal death to the enemy so far as they might; but it seemed to him that they were acting in a manner merely ridiculous; and therefore he sent for Demaratos the son of Ariston, who was in his camp, and when he came, Xerxes asked him of these things severally, desiring to discover what this was which the Lacedemonians were doing: and he said: "Thou didst hear from my mouth at a former time, when we were setting forth to go against Hellas, the things concerning these men; and having heard them thou madest me an object of laughter, because I told thee of these things which I perceived would come to pass; for to me it is the greatest of all ends to speak the truth continually before thee, O king. Hear then now also: these men have come to fight with us for the passage, and this is it that they are preparing to do; for they have a custom which is as follows;—whenever they are about to put their lives in peril, then they attend to the arrangement of their hair. Be assured however, that if thou shalt subdue these and the rest of them which remain behind in Sparta, there is no other race of men which will await thy onset, O king, or will raise hands against thee: for now thou art about to fight against the noblest kingdom and city of those which are among the Hellenes, and the best men." To Xerxes that which was said seemed to be utterly incredible, and he asked again a second time in what manner being so few they would fight with his host. He said; "O king, deal with me as with a liar, if thou find not that these things come to pass as I say."

210. Thus saying he did not convince Xerxes, who let four days go by, expecting always that they would take to flight; but on the fifth day, when they did not depart but remained, being obstinate, as he thought, in impudence and folly, he was enraged and sent against them the Medes and the Kissians, charging them to take the men alive and bring them into his presence. Then when the Medes moved forward and attacked the Hellenes, there fell many of them, and others kept coming up continually, and they were not driven back, though suffering great loss: and they made it evident to every man, and to the king himself not least of all, that human beings are many but men are few. This combat went on throughout the day:

211, and when the Medes were being roughly handled, then these retired from the battle, and the Persians, those namely whom the king called "Immortals," of whom Hydarnes was commander, took their place and came to the attack, supposing that they at least would easily overcome the enemy. When however these also engaged in combat with the Hellenes, they gained no more success than the Median troops but the same as they, seeing that they were fighting in a place with a narrow passage, using shorter spears than the Hellenes, and not being able to take advantage of their superior numbers. The Lacedemonians meanwhile were fighting in a memorable fashion, and besides other things of which they made display, being men perfectly skilled in fighting opposed to men who were unskilled, they would turn their backs to the enemy and make a pretence of taking to flight; and the Barbarians, seeing them thus taking a flight, would follow after them with shouting and clashing of arms: then the Lacedemonians, when they were being caught up, turned and faced the Barbarians; and thus turning round they would slay innumerable multitudes of the Persians; and there fell also at these times a few of the Spartans themselves. So, as the Persians were not able to obtain any success by making trial of the entrance and attacking it by divisions and every way, they retired back.

212. And during these onsets it is said that the king, looking on, three times leapt up from his seat, struck with fear for his army. Thus they contended then: and on the following day the Barbarians strove with no better success; for because the men opposed to them were few in number, they engaged in battle with the expectation that they would be found to be disabled and would not be capable any longer of raising their hands against them in fight. The Hellenes however were ordered by companies as well as by nations, and they fought successively each in turn, excepting the Phokians, for these were posted upon the mountain to guard the path. So the Persians, finding nothing different from that which they had seen on the former day, retired back from the fight.

213. Then when the king was in a strait as to what he should do in the matter before him, Epialtes the son of Eurydemos, a Malian, came to speech with him, supposing that he would win a very great reward from the king; and this man told him of the path which leads over the mountain to Thermopylai, and brought about the destruction of those Hellenes who remained in that place. Afterwards from fear of the Lacedemonians he fled to Thessaly, and when he had fled, a price was proclaimed for his life by the Deputies, 212 when the Amphictyons met for their assembly at Pylai. 213 Then some time afterwards having returned to Antikyra he was slain by Athenades a man of Trachis. Now this Athenades killed Epialtes for another cause, which I shall set forth in the following part of the history, 214 but he was honoured for it none the less by the Lacedemonians.

214. Thus Epialtes after these events was slain: there is however another tale told, that Onetes the son of Phanagoras, a man of Carystos, and Corydallos of Antikyra were those who showed the Persians the way round the mountain; but this I can by no means accept: for first we must judge by this fact, namely that the Deputies of the Hellenes did not proclaim a price for the lives of Onetes and Corydallos, but for that of Epialtes the Trachinian, having surely obtained the most exact information of the matter; and secondly we know that Epialtes was an exile from his country to avoid this charge. True it is indeed that Onetes might know of this path, even though he were not a Malian, if he had had much intercourse with the country; but Epialtes it was who led them round the mountain by the path, and him therefore I write down as the guilty man.

215. Xerxes accordingly, being pleased by that which Epialtes engaged to accomplish, at once with great joy proceeded to send Hydarnes and the men of whom Hydarnes was commander; 215 and they set forth from the camp about the time when the lamps are lit. This path of which we speak had been discovered by the Malians who dwell in that land, and having discovered it they led the Thessalians by it against the Phokians, at the time when the Phokians had fenced the pass with a wall and thus were sheltered from the attacks upon them: so long ago as this had the pass been proved by the Malians to be of no value. 216 And this path lies as follows:—it begins from the river Asopos, which flows through the cleft, and the name of this mountain and of the path is the same, namely Anopaia; and this Anopaia stretches over the ridge of the mountain and ends by the town of Alpenos, which is the first town of the Locrians towards Malis, and by the stone called Black Buttocks 217 and the seats of the Kercopes, where is the very narrowest part.

217. By this path thus situated the Persians after crossing over the Asopos proceeded all through the night, having on their right hand the mountains of the Oitaians and on the left those of the Trachinians: and when dawn appeared, they had reached the summit of the mountain. In this part of the mountain there were, as I have before shown, a thousand hoplites of the Phokians keeping guard, to protect their own country and to keep the path: for while the pass below was guarded by those whom I have mentioned, the path over the mountain was guarded by the Phokians, who had undertaken the business for Leonidas by their own offer.

218. While the Persians were ascending they were concealed from these, since all the mountain was covered with oak-trees; and the Phokians became aware of them after they had made the ascent as follows:—the day was calm, and not a little noise was made by the Persians, as was likely when leaves were lying spread upon the ground under their feet; upon which the Phokians started up and began to put on their arms, and by this time the Barbarians were close upon them. These, when they saw men arming themselves, fell into wonder, for they were expecting that no one would appear to oppose them, and instead of that they had met with an armed force. Then Hydarnes, seized with fear lest the Phokians should be Lacedemonians, asked Epialtes of what people the force was; and being accurately informed he set the Persians in order for battle. The Phokians however, when they were hit by the arrows of the enemy, which flew thickly, fled and got away at once to the topmost peak of the mountain, fully assured that it was against them that the enemy had designed to come, 218 and here they were ready to meet death. These, I say, were in this mind; but the Persians meanwhile with Epialtes and Hydarnes made no account of the Phokians, but descended the mountain with all speed.

219. To the Hellenes who were in Thermopylai first the soothsayer Megistias, after looking into the victims which were sacrificed, declared the death which was to come to them at dawn of day; and afterwards deserters brought the report 219 of the Persians having gone round. These signified it to them while it was yet night, and thirdly came the day-watchers, who had run down from the heights when day was already dawning. Then the Hellenes deliberated, and their opinions were divided; for some urged that they should not desert their post, while others opposed this counsel. After this they departed from their assembly, 220 and some went away and dispersed each to their several cities, while others of them were ready to remain there together with Leonidas.

220. However it is reported also that Leonidas himself sent them away, having a care that they might not perish, but thinking that it was not seemly for himself and for the Spartans who were present to leave the post to which they had come at first to keep guard there. I am inclined rather to be of this latter opinion, 221 namely that because Leonidas perceived that the allies were out of heart and did not desire to face the danger with him to the end, he ordered them to depart, but held that for himself to go away was not honourable, whereas if he remained, a great fame of him would be left behind, and the prosperity of Sparta would not be blotted out: for an oracle had been given by the Pythian prophetess to the Spartans, when they consulted about this war at the time when it was being first set on foot, to the effect that either Lacedemon must be destroyed by the Barbarians, or their king must lose his life. This reply the prophetess gave them in hexameter verses, and it ran thus: 

 "But as for you, ye men who in wide-spaced Sparta inhabit,
  Either your glorious city is sacked by the children of Perses,
  Or, if it be not so, then a king of the stock Heracleian
  Dead shall be mourned for by all in the boundaries of broad Lacedemon.
  Him 222 nor the might of bulls nor the raging of lions shall hinder;
  For he hath might as of Zeus; and I say he shall not be restrained,
  Till one of the other of these he have utterly torn and divided." 223

I am of opinion that Leonidas considering these things and desiring to lay up for himself glory above all the other Spartans, 224 dismissed the allies, rather than that those who departed did so in such disorderly fashion, because they were divided in opinion.

221. Of this the following has been to my mind a proof as convincing as any other, namely that Leonidas is known to have endeavoured to dismiss the soothsayer also who accompanied this army, Megistias the Acarnanian, who was said to be descended from Melampus, that he might not perish with them after he had declared from the victims that which was about to come to pass for them. He however when he was bidden to go would not himself depart, but sent away his son who was with him in the army, besides whom he had no other child.

222. The allies then who were dismissed departed and went away, obeying the word of Leonidas, and only the Thespians and the Thebans remained behind with the Lacedemonians. Of these the Thebans stayed against their will and not because they desired it, for Leonidas kept them, counting them as hostages; but the Thespians very willingly, for they said that they would not depart and leave Leonidas and those with him, but they stayed behind and died with them. The commander of these was Demophilos the son of Diadromes.

223. Xerxes meanwhile, having made libations at sunrise, stayed for some time, until about the hour when the market fills, and then made an advance upon them; for thus it had been enjoined by Epialtes, seeing that the descent of the mountain is shorter and the space to be passed over much less than the going round and the ascent. The Barbarians accordingly with Xerxes were advancing to the attack; and the Hellenes with Leonidas, feeling that they were going forth to death, now advanced out much further than at first into the broader part of the defile; for when the fence of the wall was being guarded, 225 they on the former days fought retiring before the enemy into the narrow part of the pass; but now they engaged with them outside the narrows, and very many of the Barbarians fell: for behind them the leaders of the divisions with scourges in their hands were striking each man, ever urging them on to the front. Many of them then were driven into the sea and perished, and many more still were trodden down while yet alive by one another, and there was no reckoning of the number that perished: for knowing the death which was about to come upon them by reason of those who were going round the mountain, they 226 displayed upon the Barbarians all the strength which they had, to its greatest extent, disregarding danger and acting as if possessed by a spirit of recklessness.

224. Now by this time the spears of the greater number of them were broken, so it chanced, in this combat, and they were slaying the Persians with their swords; and in this fighting fell Leonidas, having proved himself a very good man, and others also of the Spartans with him, men of note, of whose names I was informed as of men who had proved themselves worthy, and indeed I was told also the names of all the three hundred. Moreover of the Persians there fell here, besides many others of note, especially two sons of Dareios, Abrocomes and Hyperanthes, born to Dareios of Phratagune the daughter of Artanes: now Artanes was the brother of king Dareios and the son of Hystaspes, the son of Arsames; and he in giving his daughter in marriage to Dareios gave also with her all his substance, because she was his only child.

225. Two brothers of Xerxes, I say, fell here fighting; and meanwhile over the body of Leonidas there arose a great struggle between the Persians and the Lacedemonians, until the Hellenes by valour dragged this away from the enemy and turned their opponents to flight four times. This conflict continued until those who had gone with Epialtes came up; and when the Hellenes learnt that these had come, from that moment the nature of the combat was changed; for they retired backwards to the narrow part of the way, and having passed by the wall they went and placed themselves upon the hillock, 227 all in a body together except only the Thebans: now this hillock is in the entrance, where now the stone lion is placed for Leonidas. On this spot while defending themselves with daggers, that is those who still had them left, and also with hands and with teeth, they were overwhelmed by the missiles of the Barbarians, some of these having followed directly after them and destroyed the fence of the wall, while others had come round and stood about them on all sides.

226. Such were the proofs of valour given by the Lacedemonians and Thespians; yet the Spartan Dienekes is said to have proved himself the best man of all, the same who, as they report, uttered this saying before they engaged battle with the Medes:—being informed by one of the men of Trachis that when the Barbarians discharged their arrows they obscured the light of the sun by the multitude of the arrows, so great was the number of their host, he was not dismayed by this, but making small account of the number of the Medes, he said that their guest from Trachis brought them very good news, for if the Medes obscured the light of the sun, the battle against them would be in the shade and not in the sun.

227. This and other sayings of this kind they report that Dienekes the Lacedemonian left as memorials of himself; and after him the bravest they say of the Lacedemonians were two brothers Alpheos and Maron, sons of Orsiphantos. Of the Thespians the man who gained most honour was named Dithyrambos son of Harmatides.

228. The men were buried were they fell; and for these, as well as for those who were slain before being sent away 228 by Leonidas, there is an inscription which runs thus: 

 "Here once, facing in fight three hundred myriads of foemen,
    Thousands four did contend, men of the Peloponnese."

This is the inscription for the whole body; and for the Spartans separately there is this: 

 "Stranger, report this word, we pray, to the Spartans, that lying
    Here in this spot we remain, faithfully keeping their laws." 229

This, I say, for the Lacedemonians; and for the soothsayer as follows: 

 "This is the tomb of Megistias renowned, whom the Median foemen,
    Where Sperchios doth flow, slew when they forded the stream;
  Soothsayer he, who then knowing clearly the fates that were coming,
    Did not endure in the fray Sparta's good leaders to leave."

The Amphictyons it was who honoured them with inscriptions and memorial pillars, excepting only in the case of the inscription to the soothsayer; but that of the soothsayer Megistias was inscribed by Simonides the son of Leoprepes on account of guest-friendship.

229. Two of these three hundred, it is said, namely Eurystos and Aristodemos, who, if they had made agreement with one another, might either have come safe home to Sparta together (seeing that they had been dismissed from the camp by Leonidas and were lying at Alpenoi with disease of the eyes, suffering extremely), or again, if they had not wished to return home, they might have been slain together with the rest,—when they might, I say, have done either one of these two things, would not agree together; but the two being divided in opinion, Eurystos, it is said, when he was informed that the Persians had gone round, asked for his arms and having put them on ordered his Helot to lead him to those who were fighting; and after he had led him thither, the man who had led him ran away and departed, but Eurystos plunged into the thick of the fighting, and so lost his life: but Aristodemos was left behind fainting. 230 Now if either Aristodemos had been ill 231 alone, and so had returned home to Sparta, or the men had both of them come back together, I do not suppose that the Spartans would have displayed any anger against them; but in this case, as the one of them had lost his life and the other, clinging to an excuse which the first also might have used, 232 had not been willing to die, it necessarily happened that the Spartans had great indignation against Aristodemos.

230. Some say that Aristodemos came safe to Sparta in this manner, and on a pretext such as I have said; but others, that he had been sent as a messenger from the camp, and when he might have come up in time to find the battle going on, was not willing to do so, but stayed upon the road and so saved his life, while his fellow-messenger reached the battle and was slain.

231. When Aristodemos, I say, had returned home to Lacedemon, he had reproach and dishonour; 233 and that which he suffered by way of dishonour was this,—no one of the Spartans would either give him light for a fire or speak with him, and he had reproach in that he was called Aristodemos the coward. 234

232. He however in the battle at Plataia repaired all the guilt that was charged against him: but it is reported that another man also survived of these three hundred, whose name was Pantites, having been sent as a messenger to Thessaly, and this man, when he returned back to Sparta and found himself dishonoured, is said to have strangled himself.

233. The Thebans however, of whom the commander was Leontiades, being with the Hellenes had continued for some time to fight against the king's army, constrained by necessity; but when they saw that the fortunes of the Persians were prevailing, then and not before, while the Hellenes with Leonidas were making their way with speed to the hillock, they separated from these and holding out their hands came near to the Barbarians, saying at the same time that which was most true, namely that they were on the side of the Medes and that they had been among the first to give earth and water to the king; and moreover that they had come to Thermopylai constrained by necessity, and were blameless for the loss which had been inflicted upon the king: so that thus saying they preserved their lives, for they had also the Thessalians to bear witness to these words. However, they did not altogether meet with good fortune, for some had even been slain as they had been approaching, and when they had come and the Barbarians had them in their power, the greater number of them were branded by command of Xerxes with the royal marks, beginning with their leader Leontiades, the same whose son Eurymachos was afterwards slain by the Plataians, when he had been made commander of four hundred Thebans and had seized the city of the Plataians. 235

234. Thus did the Hellenes at Thermopylai contend in fight; and Xerxes summoned Demaratos and inquired of him, having first said this: "Demaratos, thou art a good man; and this I conclude by the truth of thy words, for all that thou saidest turned out so as thou didst say. Now, however, tell me how many in number are the remaining Lacedemonians, and of them how many are like these in matters of war; or are they so even all of them?" He said: "O king, the number of all the Lacedemonians is great and their cities are many, but that which thou desirest to learn, thou shalt know. There is in Lacedemon the city of Sparta, having about eight thousand men; and these are all equal to those who fought here: the other Lacedemonians are not equal to these, but they are good men too." To this Xerxes said: "Demaratos, in what manner shall we with least labour get the better of these men? Come set forth to us this; for thou knowest the courses of their counsels, 236 seeing that thou wert once their king."

235. He made answer: "O king, if thou dost in very earnest take counsel with me, it is right that I declare to thee the best thing. What if thou shouldest send three hundred ships from thy fleet to attack the Laconian land? Now there is lying near it an island named Kythera, about which Chilon, who was a very wise man among us, said that it would be a greater gain for the Spartans that it should be sunk under the sea than that it should remain above it; for he always anticipated that something would happen from it of such a kind as I am now setting forth to thee: not that he knew of thy armament beforehand, but that he feared equally every armament of men. Let thy forces then set forth from this island and keep the Lacedemonians in fear; and while they have a war of their own close at their doors, there will be no fear for thee from them that when the remainder of Hellas is being conquered by the land-army, they will come to the rescue there. Then after the remainder of Hellas has been reduced to subjection, from that moment the Lacedemonian power will be left alone and therefore feeble. If however thou shalt not do this, I will tell thee what thou must look for. There is a narrow isthmus leading to the Peloponnese, and in this place thou must look that other battles will be fought more severe than those which have taken place, seeing that all the Peloponnesians have sworn to a league against thee: but if thou shalt do the other thing of which I spoke, this isthmus and the cities within it will come over to thy side without a battle."

236. After him spoke Achaimenes, brother of Xerxes and also commander of the fleet, who chanced to have been present at this discourse and was afraid lest Xerxes should be persuaded to do this: "O king," he said, "I see that thou art admitting the speech of a man who envies thy good fortune, or is even a traitor to thy cause: for in truth the Hellenes delight in such a temper as this; they envy a man for his good luck, and they hate that which is stronger than themselves. And if, besides other misfortunes which we have upon us, seeing that four hundred of our ships 237 have suffered wreck, thou shalt send away another three hundred from the station of the fleet to sail round Peloponnese, then thy antagonists become a match for thee in fight; whereas while it is all assembled together our fleet is hard for them to deal with, and they will not be at all a match for thee: and moreover the whole sea-force will support the land-force and be supported by it, if they proceed onwards together; but if thou shalt divide them, neither wilt thou be of service to them nor they to thee. My determination is rather to set thy affairs in good order 238 and not to consider the affairs of the enemy, either where they will set on foot the war or what they will do or how many in number they are; for it is sufficient that they should themselves take thought for themselves, and we for ourselves likewise: and if the Lacedemonians come to stand against the Persians in fight, they will assuredly not heal the wound from which they are now suffering." 239

237. To him Xerxes made answer as follows: "Achaimenes, I think that thou speakest well, and so will I do; but Demaratos speaks that which he believes to be best for me, though his opinion is defeated by thine: for I will not certainly admit that which thou saidest, namely that he is not well-disposed to my cause, judging both by what was said by him before this, and also by that which is the truth, namely that though one citizen envies another for his good fortune and shows enmity to him by his silence, 240 nor would a citizen when a fellow-citizen consulted him suggest that which seemed to him the best, unless he had attained to a great height of virtue, and such men doubtless are few; yet guest-friend to guest-friend in prosperity is well-disposed as nothing else on earth, and if his friend should consult him, he would give him the best counsel. Thus then as regards the evil-speaking against Demaratos, that is to say about one who is my guest-friend, I bid every one abstain from it in the future."

238. Having thus said Xerxes passed in review the bodies of the dead; and as for Leonidas, hearing that he had been the king and commander of the Lacedemonians he bade them cut off his head and crucify him. And it has been made plain to me by many proofs besides, but by none more strongly than by this, that king Xerxes was enraged with Leonidas while alive more than with any other man on earth; for otherwise he would never have done this outrage to his corpse; since of all the men whom I know, the Persians are accustomed most to honour those who are good men in war. They then to whom it was appointed to do these things, proceeded to do so.

239. I will return now to that point of my narrative where it remained unfinished. 241 The Lacedemonians had been informed before all others that the king was preparing an expedition against Hellas; and thus it happened that they sent to the Oracle at Delphi, where that reply was given them which I reported shortly before this. And they got this information in a strange manner; for Demaratos the son of Ariston after he had fled for refuge to the Medes was not friendly to the Lacedemonians, as I am of opinion and as likelihood suggests supporting my opinion; but it is open to any man to make conjecture whether he did this thing which follows in a friendly spirit or in malicious triumph over them. When Xerxes had resolved to make a campaign against Hellas, Demaratos, being in Susa and having been informed of this, had a desire to report it to the Lacedemonians. Now in no other way was he able to signify it, for there was danger that he should be discovered, but he contrived thus, that is to say, he took a folding tablet and scraped off the wax which was upon it, and then he wrote the design of the king upon the wood of the tablet, and having done so he melted the wax and poured it over the writing, so that the tablet (being carried without writing upon it) might not cause any trouble to be given by the keepers of the road. Then when it had arrived at Lacedemon, the Lacedemonians were not able to make conjecture of the matter; until at last, as I am informed, Gorgo, the daughter of Cleomenes and wife of Leonidas, suggested a plan of which she had herself thought, bidding them scrape the wax and they would find writing upon the wood; and doing as she said they found the writing and read it, and after that they sent notice to the other Hellenes. These things are said to have come to pass in this manner. 242





NOTES TO BOOK VII

1 (return)
[ {kai ploia}, for transport of horses and also of provisions: however these words are omitted in some of the best MSS.]

2 (return)
[ {all ei}: this is the reading of the better class of MSS. The rest have {alla}, which with {pressois} could only express a wish for success, and not an exhortation to action.]

3 (return)
[ {outos men oi o logos en timoros}: the words may mean "this manner of discourse was helpful for his purpose."]

4 (return)
[ {khresmologon e kai diatheten khresmon ton Mousaiou}.]

5 (return)
[ {aphanizoiato}, representing the present tense {aphanizontai} in the oracle.]

6 (return)
[ {ton thronon touton}: most MSS. have {ton thronon, touto}.]

7 (return)
[ {epistasthe kou pantes}: the MSS. have {ta epistasthe kou pantes}, which is given by most Editors. In that case {oia erxan} would be an exclamation, "What evils they did to us,... things which ye all know well, I think."]

8 (return)
[ {touton mentoi eineka}: it is hardly possible here to give {mentoi} its usual meaning: Stein in his latest edition reads {touton men toinun}.]

9 (return)
[ {suneneike}: Stein reads {suneneike se}, "supposing that thou art worsted."]

10 (return)
[ {ep andri ge eni}, as opposed to a god.]

11 (return)
[ {akousesthai tina psemi ton k.t.l.}, "each one of those who are left behind."]

12 (return)
[ {kai Kurou}, a conjectural emendation of {tou Kurou}. The text of the MSS. enumerates all these as one continuous line of ascent. It is clear however that the enumeration is in fact of two separate lines, which combine in Teïspes, the line of ascent through the father Dareios being, Dareios, Hystaspes, Arsames, Ariamnes, Teïspes, and through the mother, Atossa, Cyrus, Cambyses, Teïspes.]

13 (return)
[ {kai mala}: perhaps, "even."]

1301 (return)
[ Lit. "nor is he present who will excuse thee."]

14 (return)
[ Lit. "my youth boiled over."]

15 (return)
[ Lit. "words more unseemly than was right."]

16 (return)
[ {all oude tauta esti o pai theia}.]

17 (return)
[ {peplanesthai}.]

18 (return)
[ {autai}: a correction of {autai}.]

19 (return)
[ {se de epiphoitesei}: the better MSS. have {oude epiphoitesei}, which is adopted by Stein.]

20 (return)
[ {pempto de etei anomeno}.]

21 (return)
[ {ton Ionion}.]

22 (return)
[ {kai oud ei eperai pros tautesi prosgenomenai}: some MSS. read {oud eterai pros tautesi genomenai}, which is adopted (with variations) by some Editors. The meaning would be "not all these, nor others which happened in addition to these, were equal to this one."]

23 (return)
[ {ama strateuomenoisi}: {ama} is omitted in some MSS.]

24 (return)
[ {stadion}, and so throughout.]

25 (return)
[ {entos Sanes}: some MSS. read {ektos Sanes}, which is adopted by Stein, who translates "beyond Sane, but on this side of Mount Athos": this however will not suit the case of all the towns mentioned, e.g. Acrothoon, and {ton Athen} just below clearly means the whole peninsula.]

26 (return)
[ {leukolinou}.]

27 (return)
[ {ton de on pleiston}: if this reading is right, {siton} must be understood, and some MSS. read {allon} for {alla} in the sentence above. Stein in his latest edition reads {siton} instead of {pleiston}.]

28 (return)
[ Lit. "the name of which happens to be Catarractes."]

29 (return)
[ i.e. 4,000,000.]

30 (return)
[ The {stater dareikos} was of nearly pure gold (cp. iv. 166), weighing about 124 grains.]

3001 (return)
[ {stele}, i.e. a square block of stone.]

31 (return)
[ {athanato andri}, taken by some to mean one of the body of "Immortals."]

32 (return)
[ {akte pakhea}: some inferior MSS. read {akte trakhea}, and hence some Editors have {akte trekhea}, "a rugged foreland."]

33 (return)
[ {dolero}: some Editors read {tholero}, "turbid," by conjecture.]

34 (return)
[ The meaning is much disputed. I understand Herodotus to state that though the vessels lay of course in the direction of the stream from the Hellespont, that is presenting their prows (or sterns) to the stream, yet this did not mean that they pointed straight towards the Propontis and Euxine; for the stream after passing Sestos runs almost from North to South with even a slight tendency to the East (hence {eurou} a few lines further on), so that ships lying in the stream would point in a line cutting at right angles that of the longer axis (from East to West) of the Pontus and Propontis. This is the meaning of {epikarsios} elsewhere in Herodotus (i. 180 and iv. 101), and it would be rash to assign to it any other meaning here. It is true however that the expression {pros esperes} is used loosely below for the side toward the Egean. For {anakokheue} a subject must probably be supplied from the clause {pentekonterous—sunthentes}, "that it (i.e. the combination of ships) might support etc.," and {ton tonon ton oplon} may either mean as below "the stretched ropes," or "the tension of the ropes," which would be relieved by the support: the latter meaning seems to me preferable.]

Mr. Whitelaw suggests to me that {epikarsios} ({epi kar}) may mean rather "head-foremost," which seems to be its meaning in Homer (Odyss. ix. 70), and from which might be obtained the idea of intersection, one line running straight up against another, which it has in other passages. In that case it would here mean "heading towards the Pontus."]

35 (return)
[ {tas men pros tou Pontou tes eteres}. Most commentators would supply {gephures} with {tes eteres}, but evidently both bridges must have been anchored on both sides.]

36 (return)
[ {eurou}: Stein adopts the conjecture {zephurou}.]

37 (return)
[ {ton pentekonteron kai triereon trikhou}: the MSS. give {ton pentekonteron kai trikhou}, "between the fifty-oared galleys in as many as three places," but it is strange that the fifty-oared galleys should be mentioned alone, and there seems no need of {kai} with {trikhou}. Stein reads {ton pentekonteron kai triereon} (omitting {trikhou} altogether), and this may be right.]

38 (return)
[ i.e. in proportion to the quantity: there was of course a greater weight altogether of the papyrus rope.]

39 (return)
[ {autis epezeugnuon}.]

40 (return)
[ {ekleipsin}: cp. {eklipon} above.]

41 (return)
[ Or, according to some MSS., "Nisaian."]

42 (return)
[ i.e. not downwards.]

43 (return)
[ {tina autou sukhnon omilon}.]

44 (return)
[ {to Priamou Pergamon}.]

45 (return)
[ {en Abudo mese}: some inferior authorities (followed by most Editors) omit {mese}: but the district seems to be spoken of, as just above.]

46 (return)
[ {proexedre lothou leukou}: some kind of portico or loggia seems to be meant.]

47 (return)
[ {daimonie andoon}.]

48 (return)
[ {ena auton}.]

49 (return)
[ {to proso aiei kleptomenos}: "stealing thy advance continually," i.e. "advancing insensibly further." Some take {kleptomenos} as passive, "insensibly lured on further."]

50 (return)
[ {neoteron ti poiesein}.]

51 (return)
[ Or, according to some MSS., "the Persian land."]

52 (return)
[ Lit. "the name of which happens to be Agora."]

53 (return)
[ i.e. 1,700,000.]

54 (return)
[ {sunnaxantes}: a conjectural emendation very generally adopted of {sunaxantes} or {sunapsantes}.]

55 (return)
[ {apageas}, i.e. not stiffly standing up; the opposite to {pepeguias} (ch. 64).]

56 (return)
[ {lepidos siderees opsin ikhthueideos}: many Editors suppose that some words have dropped out. The {kithon} spoken of may have been a coat of armour, but elsewhere the body armour {thorex} is clearly distinguished from the {kithon}, see ix. 22.]

57 (return)
[ {gerra}: cp. ix. 61 and 102.]

58 (return)
[ Cp. i. 7.]

59 (return)
[ {mitrephoroi esan}: the {mitre} was perhaps a kind of turban.]

60 (return)
[ {tesi Aiguptiesi}, apparently {makhairesi} is meant to be supplied: cp. ch. 91.]

61 (return)
[ {eklethesan}, "were called" from the first.]

62 (return)
[ These words are by some Editors thought to be an interpolation. The Chaldeans in fact had become a caste of priests, cp. i. 181.]

63 (return)
[ {kurbasias}: supposed to be the same as the tiara (cp. v. 49), but in this case stiff and upright.]

64 (return)
[ i.e. Areians, cp. iii. 93.]

65 (return)
[ {sisurnas}: cp. iv. 109.]

66 (return)
[ {akinakas}.]

67 (return)
[ {sisurnophoroi}.]

68 (return)
[ {zeiras}.]

69 (return)
[ {toxa palintona}.]

70 (return)
[ {spathes}, which perhaps means the stem of the leaf.]

71 (return)
[ {gupso}, "white chalk."]

72 (return)
[ {milto}, "red ochre."]

73 (return)
[ Some words have apparently been lost containing the name of the nation to which the following description applies. It is suggested that this might be either the Chalybians or the Pisidians.]

74 (return)
[ {lukioergeas}, an emendation from Athenæus of {lukoergeas} (or {lukergeas}), which might perhaps mean "for wolf-hunting."]

75 (return)
[ {anastpastous}: cp. iii. 93.]

76 (return)
[ Some Editors place this clause before the words: "and Smerdomenes the son of Otanes," for we do not hear of Otanes or Smerdomenes elsewhere as brother and nephew of Dareios. On the other hand Mardonios was son of the sister of Dareios.]

77 (return)
[ {tukhe}, "hits."]

78 (return)
[ {keletas}, "single horses."]

79 (return)
[ This name is apparently placed here wrongly. It has been proposed to read {Kaspeiroi} or {Paktues}.]

80 (return)
[ {ippeue}: the greater number of MSS. have {ippeuei} here as at the beginning of ch. 84, to which this is a reference back, but with a difference of meaning. There the author seemed to begin with the intention of giving a full list of the cavalry force of the Persian Empire, and then confined his account to those actually present on this occasion, whereas here the word in combination with {mouna} refers only to those just enumerated.]

81 (return)
[ i.e. 80,000.]

82 (return)
[ {Suroisi}, see note on ii. 104.]

83 (return)
[ {tukous}, which appears to mean ordinarily a tool for stone-cutting.]

84 (return)
[ {mitresi}, perhaps "turbans."]

85 (return)
[ {kithonas}: there is some probability in the suggestion of {kitarias} here, for we should expect mention of a head-covering, and the word {kitaris} (which is explained to mean the same as {tiara}), is quoted by Pollux as occurring in Herodotus.]

86 (return)
[ {kithonas}.]

87 (return)
[ {drepana}, "reaping-hooks," cp. v. 112.]

88 (return)
[ See i. 171.]

89 (return)
[ {Pelasgoi Aigialees}.]

90 (return)
[ {kerkouroi}.]

91 (return)
[ {makra}: some MSS. and editions have {smikra}, "small."]

92 (return)
[ Or "Mapen."]

93 (return)
[ Or "Seldomos."]

94 (return)
[ {metopedon}.]

95 (return)
[ {me oentes arthmioi}. This is generally taken to mean, "unless they were of one mind together"; but that would very much weaken the force of the remark, and {arthmios} elsewhere is the opposite of {polemios}, cp. vi. 83 and ix. 9, 37: Xerxes professes enmity only against those who had refused to give the tokens of submission.]

96 (return)
[ {men mounoisi}: these words are omitted in some good MSS., and {mounoisi} has perhaps been introduced from the preceding sentence. The thing referred to in {touto} is the power of fighting in single combat with many at once, which Demaratos is supposed to have claimed for the whole community of the Spartans.]

97 (return)
[ {stergein malista}.]

98 (return)
[ {oudamoi ko}.]

99 (return)
[ Or, "Strauos."]

100 (return)
[ Or, "Compsatos."]

101 (return)
[ {tas epeirotidas polis}: it is not clear why these are thus distinguished. Stein suggests {Thasion tas epeirotidas polis}, cp. ch. [Footnote 118; and if that be the true reading {ion} is probably a remnant of {Thasion} after {khoras}.]

102 (return)
[ Or, "Pistiros."]

103 (return)
[ {oi propheteountes}, i.e. those who interpret the utterances of the Oracle, cp. viii. 36.]

104 (return)
[ {promantis}.]

105 (return)
[ {kai ouden poikiloteron}, an expression of which the meaning is not quite clear; perhaps "and the oracles are not at all more obscure," cp. Eur. Phoen. 470 and Hel. 711 (quoted by Bähr).]

106 (return)
[ "Ennea Hodoi."]

107 (return)
[ Cp. iii. 84.]

108 (return)
[ The "royal cubit" is about 20 inches; the {daktulos}, "finger's breadth," is rather less than ¾ inch.]

109 (return)
[ Or, "Cape Canastraion."]

110 (return)
[ Or "Echeidoros": so it is usually called, but not by any MS. here, and by a few only in ch. 127.]

111 (return)
[ {pro mesogaian tamnon tes odou}: cp. iv. 12 and ix. 89.]

112 (return)
[ Cp. ch. 6 and 174: but it does not appear that the Aleuadai, of whom Xerxes is here speaking, ever thought of resistance, and perhaps {gnosimakheontes} means, "when they submitted without resistance."]

113 (return)
[ Some MSS. have {Ainienes} for {Enienes}.]

114 (return)
[ {dekateusai}: there is sufficient authority for this rendering of {dekateuein}, and it seems better here than to understand the word to refer only to a "tithing" of goods.]

115 (return)
[ {es to barathron}, the place of execution at Athens.]

116 (return)
[ "undesirable thing."]

117 (return)
[ {ouk ex isou}: i.e. it is one-sided, because the speaker has had experience of only one of the alternatives.]

118 (return)
[ Cp. ch. 143 (end), and viii. 62.]

119 (return)
[ {teikheon kithones}, a poetical expression, quoted perhaps from some oracle; and if so, {kithon} may here have the Epic sense of a "coat of mail," equivalent to {thorex} in i. 181: see ch. 61, note 56.]

120 (return)
[ {to megaron}.]

121 (return)
[ The form of address changes abruptly to the singular number, referring to the Athenian people.]

122 (return)
[ {azela}, probably for {aionla}, which has been proposed as a correction: or possibly "wretched."]

123 (return)
[ {oxus Ares}.]

124 (return)
[ i.e. Assyrian, cp. ch. 63.]

125 (return)
[ {min}, i.e. the city, to which belong the head, feet, and body which have been mentioned.]

126 (return)
[ {kakois d' epikidnate thumon}: this might perhaps mean (as it is taken by several Editors), "show a courageous soul in your troubles," but that would hardly suit with the discouraging tone of the context.]

127 (return)
[ {onax}, cp. iv. 15.]

128 (return)
[ {ouros}: the word might of course be for {oros}, "mountain," and {Kekropos ouros} would then mean the Acropolis (so it is understood by Stein and others), but the combination with Kithairon makes it probable that the reference is to the boundaries of Attica, and this seems more in accordance with the reference to it in viii. 53.]

129 (return)
[ {Demeteros}.]

130 (return)
[ {sustas}, "having been joined" cp. viii. 142.]

131 (return)
[ {ton peri ten Ellada Ellenon ta ameino phroneonton}: the MSS. have {ton} also after {Ellenon}, which would mean "those of the Hellenes in Hellas itself, who were of the better mind;" but the expression {ton ta ameino phroneouseon peri ten Ellada} occurs in ch. 172: Some Editors omit {Ellenon} as well as {ton}.]

132 (return)
[ {egkekremenoi} (from {egkerannumi}, cp. v. 124), a conjectural emendation (by Reiske) of {egkekhremenoi}. Others have conjectured {egkekheiremenoi} or {egegermenoi}.]

133 (return)
[ {te ge alle}: many Editors adopt the conjecture {tede alle} "is like the following, which he expressed on another occasion."]

134 (return)
[ See vi. 77: This calamity had occurred about fourteen years before, and it was not in order to recover from this that the Argives wished now for a thirty years' truce; but warned by this they desired (they said) to guard against the consequence of a similar disaster in fighting with the Persians, against whom, according to their own account, they were going to defend themselves independently. So great was their fear of this that, "though fearing the oracle," they were willing to disobey it on certain conditions.]

135 (return)
[ {probalaion}, cp. {probolous}, ch. 76.]

136 (return)
[ {es tous pleunas}.]

137 (return)
[ Cp. v. 53.]

138 (return)
[ {ethelousi}: this is omitted in most of the MSS., but contained in several of the best. Many Editors have omitted it.]

139 (return)
[ {ta oikeia kaka} seems to mean the grievances which each has against his neighbours, "if all the nations of men should bring together into one place their own grievances against their neighbours, desiring to make a settlement with them, each people, when they had examined closely the grievances of others against themselves, would gladly carry away back with them those which they had brought," judging that they had offended others more than they had suffered themselves.]

140 (return)
[ {oiketor o en Gele}: some Editors read by conjecture {oiketor eon Geles}, others {oiketor en Gele}.]

141 (return)
[ {iropsantai ton khthonion theon}: cp. vi. 134.]

142 (return)
[ i.e. by direct inspiration.]

143 (return)
[ {en dorupsoros}: the MSS. have {os en dorupsoros}. Some Editors mark a lacuna.]

144 (return)
[ {gamorous}, the name given to the highest class of citizens.]

145 (return)
[ Or, "Killyrians." They were conquered Sicanians, in the position of the Spartan Helots.]

146 (return)
[ {pakheas}: cp. v. 30.]

147 (return)
[ {gar}: inserted conjecturally by many Editors.]

148 (return)
[ See v. 46.]

149 (return)
[ {e ke meg oimexeie}, the beginning of a Homeric hexameter, cp. Il. vii. 125.]

150 (return)
[ Or, "since your speech is so adverse."]

151 (return)
[ See Il. ii. 552.]

152 (return)
[ Some Editors mark this explanation "Now this is the meaning— year," as interpolated.]

153 (return)
[ {purannida}.]

154 (return)
[ {es meson Kooisi katatheis ten arkhen}.]

155 (return)
[ {para Samion}: this is the reading of the best MSS.: others have {meta Samion}, "together with the Samians," which is adopted by many Editors. There can be little doubt however that the Skythes mentioned in vi. 23 was the father of this Cadmos, and we know from Thuc. vi. 4 that the Samians were deprived of the town soon after they had taken it, by Anaxilaos, who gave it the name of Messene, and no doubt put Cadmos in possession of it, as the son of the former king.]

156 (return)
[ Cp. ch. 154.]

157 (return)
[ i.e. 300,000.]

159 (return)
[ The MSS. add either {os Karkhedonioi}, or {os Karkhedonioi kai Surekosioi}, but the testimony of the Carthaginians has just been given, {os Phoinikes legousi}, and the Syracusans professed to be unable to discover anything of him at all. Most of the Editors omit or alter the words.]

160 (return)
[ {epimemphesthe}: some Editors have tried corrections, e.g. {ou ti memnesthe}, "do ye not remember," or {epimemnesthe}, "remember"; but cp. viii. 106, {oste se me mempsasthai ten... diken}.]

161 (return)
[ {osa umin... Minos epempse menion dakrumata}. The oracle would seem to have been in iambic verse.]

162 (return)
[ {parentheke}.]

163 (return)
[ {ou boulomenoi}, apparently equivalent to {me boulemenoi}.]

164 (return)
[ Cp. viii. 111.]

165 (return)
[ i.e. the six commanders of divisions {morai} in the Spartan army.]

166 (return)
[ {mia}: for this most MSS. have {ama}. Perhaps the true reading is {ama mia}.]

167 (return)
[ {amaxitos moune}, cp. ch. 200.]

168 (return)
[ {Khutrous}.]

169 (return)
[ {ton epibateon autes}.]

170 (return)
[ {emeroskopous}: perhaps simply "scouts," cp. ch. 219, by which it would seem that they were at their posts by night also, though naturally they would not see much except by day.]

171 (return)
[ i.e. "Ant."]

172 (return)
[ {autoi}.]

173 (return)
[ i.e. 241,400.]

174 (return)
[ {epebateuon}.]

175 (return)
[ 36,210.]

176 (return)
[ {o ti pleon en auton e elasson}. In ch. 97, which is referred to just above, these ships are stated to have been of many different kinds, and not only fifty-oared galleys.]

177 (return)
[ 240,000.]

178 (return)
[ 517,610.]

179 (return)
[ 1,700,000: see ch. 60.]

180 (return)
[ 80,000.]

181 (return)
[ 2,317,610.]

182 (return)
[ {dokesin de dei legein}.]

183 (return)
[ Some MSS. have {Ainienes} for {Enienes}.]

184 (return)
[ 300,000.]

185 (return)
[ 2,641,610.]

186 (return)
[ {tou makhimou toutou}.]

187 (return)
[ {akatoisi}.]

188 (return)
[ 5,283,220.]

189 (return)
[ {khoinika}, the usual daily allowance.]

190 (return)
[ The {medimnos} is about a bushel and a half, and is equal to 48 {khoinikes}. The reckoning here of 110,340 {medimnoi} is wrong, owing apparently to the setting down of some numbers in the quotient which were in fact part of the dividend.]

191 (return)
[ {prokrossai ormeonto es ponton}: the meaning of {prokrossai} is doubtful, but the introduction of the word is probably due to a reminiscence of Homer, Il. xiv. 35, where the ships are described as drawn up in rows one behind the other on shore, and where {prokrossas} is often explained to mean {klimakedon}, i.e. either in steps one behind the other owing to the rise of the beach, or in the arrangement of the quincunx. Probably in this passage the idea is rather of the prows projecting in rows like battlements {krossai}, and this is the sense in which the word is used by Herodotus elsewhere (iv. 152). The word {krossai} however is used for the successively rising stages of the pyramids (ii. 125), and {prokrossos} may mean simply "in a row," or "one behind the other," which would suit all passages in which it occurs, and would explain the expression {prokrossoi pheromenoi epi ton kindunon}, quoted by Athenæus.]

192 (return)
[ {apeliotes}. Evidently, from its name {Ellespontias} and from its being afterwards called {Boreas}, it was actually a North-East Wind.]

193 (return)
[ i.e. "Ovens."]

194 (return)
[ {exebrassonto}.]

195 (return)
[ {thesaurous}.]

196 (return)
[ The word {khrusea}, "of gold," is omitted by some Editors.]

197 (return)
[ "in his case also {kai touton} there was an unpleasing misfortune of the slaying of a child {paidophonos} which troubled him," i.e. he like others had misfortunes to temper his prosperity.]

198 (return)
[ {goesi}, (from a supposed word {goe}): a correction of {geosi}, "by enchanters," which is retained by Stein. Some read {khoesi}, "with libations," others {boesi}, "with cries."]

199 (return)
[ {aphesein}, whence the name {Aphetai} was supposed to be derived.]

19901 (return)
[ Or, "had crucified... having convicted him of the following charge, namely," etc. Cp. iii. 35 (end).]

200 (return)
[ {tritaios}. According to the usual meaning of the word the sense should be "on the third day after" entering Thessaly, but the distance was much greater than a two-days' march.]

201 (return)
[ i.e. "the Devourer."]

202 (return)
[ {Prutaneiou}, "Hall of the Magistrates."]

203 (return)
[ {leiton}.]

204 (return)
[ {estellonto}: many Editors, following inferior MSS., read {eselthontes} and make changes in the rest of the sentence.]

205 (return)
[ Some MSS. have {Ainienon} for {Enienon}.]

206 (return)
[ {stadion}.]

207 (return)
[ {diskhilia te gar kai dismuria plethra tou pediou esti}. If the text is right, the {plethron} must here be a measure of area. The amount will then be about 5000 acres.]

208 (return)
[ {mekhri Trekhinos}, "up to Trachis," which was the Southern limit.]

209 (return)
[ {to epi tautes tes epeirou}. I take {to epi tautes} to be an adverbial expression like {tes eteres} in ch. 36, for I cannot think that the rendering "towards this continent" is satisfactory.]

210 (return)
[ See v. 45.]

211 (return)
[ {tous katesteotas}. There is a reference to the body of 300 so called {ippeis} (cp. i. 67), who were appointed to accompany the king in war; but we must suppose that on special occasions the king made up this appointed number by selection, and that in this case those were preferred who had sons to keep up the family. Others (including Grote) understand {tous katesteotas} to mean "men of mature age."]

212 (return)
[ {ton Pulagoron}.]

213 (return)
[ {es ten Pulaien}.]

214 (return)
[ An indication that the historian intended to carry his work further than the year 479.]

215 (return)
[ See ch. 83.]

216 (return)
[ {ek te tosou de katededekto eousa ouden khreste Melieusi}, i.e. {e esbole}.]

217 (return)
[ {Melampugon}.]

218 (return)
[ Lit. "had set out to go at first."]

219 (return)
[ Lit. "and afterwards deserters were they who reported."]

220 (return)
[ {diakrithentes}.]

221 (return)
[ {taute kai mallon te gnome pleistos eimi}.]

222 (return)
[ i.e. the Persian.]

223 (return)
[ {prin tond eteron dia panta dasetai}: i.e. either the city or the king.]

224 (return)
[ {mounon Spartieteon}: some Editors (following Plutarch) read {mounon Spartieteon}, "lay up for the Spartans glory above all other nations."]

225 (return)
[ {to men gar eruma tou teikheos ephulasseto, oi de k.t.l.}]

226 (return)
[ i.e. the Lacedemonians.]

227 (return)
[ {izonto epi ton kolonon}.]

228 (return)
[ Some Editors insert {tous} after {e}, "before those who were sent away by Leonidas had departed."]

229 (return)
[ {remasi}.]

230 (return)
[ {leipopsukheonta}, a word which refers properly to bodily weakness. It has been proposed to read {philopsukheonta}, "loving his life," cp. vi. 29.]

231 (return)
[ {algesanta}: some good MSS. have {alogesanta}, which is adopted by Stein, "had in his ill-reckoning returned alone."]

232 (return)
[ {tes autes ekhomenou prophasios}.]

233 (return)
[ {atimien}.]

234 (return)
[ {o tresas}.]

235 (return)
[ Thuc. ii. 2 ff.]

236 (return)
[ {tas diexodous ton bouleumaton}, cp. iii. 156.]

237 (return)
[ {ton vees k.t.l.}: some Editors insert {ek} before {ton}, "by which four hundred ships have suffered shipwreck."]

238 (return)
[ {ta seoutou de tithemenos eu gnomen ekho}: for {ekho} some inferior MSS. have {ekhe}, which is adopted by several Editors, "Rather set thy affairs in good order and determine not to consider," etc.]

239 (return)
[ {to pareon troma}, i.e. their defeat.]

240 (return)
[ {kai esti dusmenes te sige}. Some commentators understand {te sige} to mean "secretly," like {sige}, viii. 74.]

241 (return)
[ See ch. 220.]

242 (return)
[ Many Editors pronounce the last chapter to be an interpolation, but perhaps with hardly sufficient reason.]

HERODOTUS, HISTORIES - BOOK VIII

Urania

1. Those of the Hellenes who had been appointed to serve in the fleet were these:—the Athenians furnished a hundred and twenty-seven ships, and the Plataians moved by valour and zeal for the service, although they had had no practice in seamanship, yet joined with the Athenians in manning their ships. The Corinthians furnished forty ships, the Megarians twenty; the Chalkidians manned twenty ships with which the Athenians furnished them; 1 the Eginetans furnished eighteen ships, the Sikyonians twelve, the Lacedemonians ten, the Epidaurians eight, the Eretrians seven, the Troizenians five, the Styrians two, the Keïans two ships 2 and two fifty-oared galleys, while the Locrians of Opus came also to the assistance of the rest with seven fifty-oared galleys.

2. These were those who joined in the expedition to Artemision, and I have mentioned them according to the number 3 of the ships which they severally supplied: so the number of the ships which were assembled at Artemision was (apart from the fifty-oared galleys) two hundred and seventy-one: and the commander who had the supreme power was furnished by the Spartans, namely Eurybiades son of Eurycleides, since the allies said that they would not follow the lead of the Athenians, but unless a Lacedemonian were leader they would break up the expedition which was to be made:

3, for it had come to be said at first, even before they sent to Sicily to obtain allies, that the fleet ought to be placed in the charge of the Athenians. So as the allies opposed this, the Athenians yielded, having it much at heart that Hellas should be saved, and perceiving that if they should have disagreement with one another about the leadership, Hellas would perish: and herein they judged rightly, for disagreement between those of the same race is worse than war undertaken with one consent by as much as war is worse than peace. Being assured then of this truth, they did not contend, but gave way for so long time as they were urgently in need of the allies; and that this was so their conduct proved; for when, after repelling the Persian from themselves, they were now contending for his land and no longer for their own, they alleged the insolence of Pausanias as a pretext and took away the leadership from the Lacedemonians. This however took place afterwards.

4. But at this time these Hellenes also who had come to Artemision, 4 when they saw that a great number of ships had put in to Aphetai and that everything was filled with their armament, were struck with fear, because the fortunes of the Barbarians had different issue from that which they expected, and they deliberated about retreating from Artemision to the inner parts of Hellas. And the Euboeans perceiving that they were so deliberating, asked Eurybiades to stay there by them for a short time, until they should have removed out of their land their children, and their households; and as they did not persuade him, they went elsewhere and persuaded Themistocles the commander of the Athenians by a payment of thirty talents, the condition being that the fleet should stay and fight the sea-battle in front of Euboea.

5. Themistocles then caused the Hellenes to stay in the following manner:—to Eurybiades he imparted five talents of the sum with the pretence that he was giving it from himself; and when Eurybiades had been persuaded by him to change his resolution, Adeimantos son of Okytos, the Corinthian commander, was the only one of all the others who still made a struggle, saying that he would sail away from Artemision and would not stay with the others: to him therefore Themistocles said with an oath: "Thou at least shalt not leave us, for I will give thee greater gifts than the king of the Medes would send to thee, if thou shouldest desert thy allies." Thus he spoke, and at the same time he sent to the ship of Adeimantos three talents of silver. So these all 5 had been persuaded by gifts to change their resolution, and at the same time the request of the Euboeans had been gratified and Themistocles himself gained money; and it was not known that he had the rest of the money, but those who received a share of this money were fully persuaded that it had come from the Athenian State for this purpose.

6. Thus they remained in Euboea and fought a sea-battle; and it came to pass as follows:—when the Barbarians had arrived at Aphetai about the beginning of the afternoon, having been informed even before they came that a few ships of the Hellenes were stationed about Artemision and now seeing them for themselves, they were eager to attack them, to see if they could capture them. Now they did not think it good yet to sail against them directly for this reason,—for fear namely that the Hellenes, when they saw them sailing against them, should set forth to take flight and darkness should come upon them in their flight; and so they were likely (thought the Persians) 6 to get away; whereas it was right, according to their calculation, that not even the fire-bearer 7 should escape and save his life.

7. With a view to this then they contrived as follows:—of the whole number of their ships they parted off two hundred and sent them round to sail by Caphereus and round Geriastos to the Euripos, going outside Skiathos so that they might not be sighted by the enemy as they sailed round Euboea: and their purpose was that with these coming up by that way, and blocking the enemies' retreat, and themselves advancing against them directly, they might surround them on all sides. Having formed this plan they proceeded to send off the ships which were appointed for this, and they themselves had no design of attacking the Hellenes on that day nor until the signal agreed upon should be displayed to them by those who were sailing round, to show that they had arrived. These ships, I say, they were sending round, and meanwhile they were numbering the rest at Aphetai.

8. During this time, while these were numbering their ships, it happened thus:—there was in that camp a man of Skione named Skyllias, as a diver the best of all the men of that time, who also in the shipwreck which took place by Pelion had saved for the Persians many of their goods and many of them also he had acquired for himself: this Skyllias it appears had had an intention even before this of deserting to the side of the Hellenes, but it had not been possible for him to do so then. In what manner after this attempt he did actually come to the Hellenes, I am not able to say with certainty, but I marvel if the tale is true which is reported; for it is said that he dived into the sea at Aphetai and did not come up till he reached Artemision, having traversed here somewhere about eighty furlongs through the sea. Now there are told about this man several other tales which seem likely to be false, but some also which are true: about this matter however let it be stated as my opinion that he came to Artemision in a boat. Then when he had come, he forthwith informed the commanders about the shipwreck, how it had come to pass, and of the ships which had been sent away to go round Euboea.

9. Hearing this the Hellenes considered the matter with one another; and after many things had been spoken, the prevailing opinion was that they should remain there that day and encamp on shore, and then, when midnight was past, they should set forth and go to meet those ships which were sailing round. After this however, as no one sailed out to attack them, they waited for the coming of the late hours of the afternoon and sailed out themselves to attack the Barbarians, desiring to make a trial both of their manner of fighting and of the trick of breaking their line. 8

10. And seeing them sailing thus against them with few ships, not only the others in the army of Xerxes but also their commanders judged them to be moved by mere madness, and they themselves also put out their ships to sea, supposing that they would easily capture them: and their expectation was reasonable enough, since they saw that the ships of the Hellenes were few, while theirs were many times as numerous and sailed better. Setting their mind then on this, they came round and enclosed them in the middle. Then so many of the Ionians as were kindly disposed to the Hellenes and were serving in the expedition against their will, counted it a matter of great grief to themselves when they saw them being surrounded and felt assured that not one of them would return home, so feeble did they think the power of the Hellenes to be; while those to whom that which was happening was a source of pleasure, were vying with one another, each one endeavouring to be the first to take an Athenian ship and receive gifts from the king: for in their camps there was more report of the Athenians than of any others.

11. The Hellenes meanwhile, when the signal was given, first set themselves with prows facing the Barbarians and drew the sterns of their ships together in the middle; and when the signal was given a second time, although shut off in a small space and prow against prow, 9 they set to work vigorously; and they captured thirty ships of the Barbarians and also Philaon the son of Chersis, the brother of Gorgos kind of the Salaminians, who was a man of great repute in the army. Now the first of the Hellenes who captured a ship of the enemy was an Athenian, Lycomedes the son of Aischraios, and he received the prize for valour. So these, as they were contending in this sea-fight with doubtful result, were parted from one another by the coming on of night. The Hellenes accordingly sailed away to Artemision and the Barbarians to Aphetai, the contest having been widely different from their expectation. In this sea-fight Antidoros of Lemnos alone of the Hellenes who were with the king deserted to the side of the Hellenes, and the Athenians on account of this deed gave him a piece of land in Salamis.

12. When the darkness had come on, although the season was the middle of summer, yet there came on very abundant rain, which lasted through the whole of the night, with crashing thunder 10 from Mount Pelion; and the dead bodies and pieces of wreck were cast up at Aphetai and became entangled round the prows of the ships and struck against the blades of the oars: and the men of the army who were there, hearing these things became afraid, expecting that they would certainly perish, to such troubles had they come; for before they had had even breathing space after the shipwreck and the storm which had arisen off Mount Pelion, there had come upon them a hard sea-fight, and after the sea-fight a violent storm of rain and strong streams rushing to the sea and crashing thunder.

13. These then had such a night as I have said; and meanwhile those of them who had been appointed to sail round Euboea experienced the very same night, but against them it raged much more fiercely, inasmuch as it fell upon them while they were making their course in the open sea. And the end of it proved distressful 11 to them; for when the storm and the rain together came upon them as they sailed, being then off the "Hollows" of Euboea, 12 they were borne by the wind not knowing by what way they were carried, and were cast away upon the rocks. And all this was being brought about by God in order that the Persian force might be made more equal to that of the Hellenes and might not be by very much the larger.

14. These then, I say, were perishing about the Hollows of Euboea, and meanwhile the Barbarians at Aphetai, when day had dawned upon them, of which they were glad, were keeping their ships quiet, and were satisfied in their evil plight to remain still for the present time; but to the Hellenes there came as a reinforcement three-and-fifty Athenian ships. The coming of these gave them more courage, and at the same time they were encouraged also by a report that those of the Barbarians who had been sailing round Euboea had all been destroyed by the storm that had taken place. They waited then for the same time of day as before, and then they sailed and fell upon some Kilikian ships; and having destroyed these, they sailed away when the darkness came on, and returned to Artemision.

15. On the third day the commanders of the Barbarians, being exceedingly indignant that so small a number of ships should thus do them damage, and fearing what Xerxes might do, did not wait this time for the Hellenes to begin the fight, but passed the word of command and put out their ships to sea about the middle of the day. Now it so happened that these battles at sea and the battles on land at Thermopylai took place on the same days; and for those who fought by sea the whole aim of the fighting was concerned with the channel of Euripos, just as the aim of Leonidas and of his band was to guard the pass: the Hellenes accordingly exhorted one another not to let the Barbarians go by into Hellas; while these cheered one another on to destroy the fleet of the Hellenes and to get possession of the straits.

16. Now while the forces of Xerxes were sailing in order towards them, the Hellenes kept quiet at Artemision; and the Barbarians, having made a crescent of their ships that they might enclose them, were endeavouring to surround them. Then the Hellenes put out to sea and engaged with them; and in this battle the two sides were nearly equal to one another; for the fleet of Xerxes by reason of its great size and numbers suffered damage from itself, since the ships were thrown into confusion and ran into one another: nevertheless it stood out and did not give way, for they disdained to be turned to flight by so few ships. Many ships therefore of the Hellenes were destroyed and many men perished, but many more ships and men of the Barbarians. Thus contending they parted and went each to their own place.

17. In this sea-fight the Egyptians did best of the men who fought for Xerxes; and these, besides other great deeds which they displayed, captured five ships of the Hellenes together with their crews: while of the Hellenes those who did best on this day were the Athenians, and of the Athenians Cleinias the son of Alkibiades, who was serving with two hundred man and a ship of his own, furnishing the expense at his own proper cost.

18. Having parted, both sides gladly hastened to their moorings; and after they had separated and got away out of the sea-fight, although the Hellenes had possession of the bodies of the dead and of the wrecks of the ships, yet having suffered severely 13 (and especially the Athenians, of whose ships half had been disabled), they were deliberating now about retreating to the inner parts of Hellas.

19. Themistocles however had conceived that if there should be detached from the force of the Barbarians the Ionian and Carian nations, they would be able to overcome the rest; and when the people of Euboea were driving their flocks down to that sea, 14 he assembled the generals and said to them that he thought he had a device by which he hoped to cause the best of the king's allies to leave him. This matter he revealed to that extent only; and with regard to their present circumstances, he said that they must do as follows:—every one must slaughter of the flocks of the Euboeans as many as he wanted, for it was better that their army should have them than the enemy; moreover he advised that each one should command his own men to kindle a fire: and as for the time of their departure he would see to it in such wise that they should come safe to Hellas. This they were content to do, and forthwith when they had kindled a fire they turned their attention to the flocks.

20. For in fact the Euboeans, neglecting the oracle of Bakis as if it had no meaning at all, had neither carried away anything from their land nor laid in any store of provisions with a view to war coming upon them, and by their conduct moreover they had brought trouble upon themselves. 15 For the oracle uttered by Bakis about these matters runs as follows: 

 "Mark, when a man, a Barbarian, shall yoke the Sea with papyrus,
  Then do thou plan to remove the loud-bleating goats from Euboea."

In the evils which at this time were either upon them or soon to be expected they might feel not a little sorry that they had paid no attention to these lines.

21. While these were thus engaged, there came to them the scout from Trachis: for there was at Artemision a scout named Polyas, by birth of Antikyra, to whom it had been appointed, if the fleet should be disabled, 16 to signify this to those at Thermopylai, and he had a vessel equipped and ready for this purpose; and similarly there was with Leonidas Abronichos son of Lysicles, an Athenian, ready to carry news to those at Artemision with a thirty-oared galley, if any disaster should happen to the land-army. This Abronichos then had arrived, and he proceeded to signify to them that which had come to pass about Leonidas and his army; and then when they were informed of it no longer put off their retreat, but set forth in the order in which they were severally posted, the Corinthians first and the Athenians last.

22. Themistocles however selected those ships of the Athenians which sailed best, and went round to the springs of drinking-water, cutting inscriptions on the stones there, which the Ionians read when they came to Artemision on the following day. These inscriptions ran thus: "Ionians, ye act not rightly in making expedition against the fathers of your race and endeavouring to enslave Hellas. Best of all were it that ye should come and be on our side; but if that may not be done by you, stand aside even now from the combat against us and ask the Carians to do the same as ye. If however neither of these two things is possible to be done, and ye are bound down by too strong compulsion to be able to make revolt, then in the action, when we engage battle, be purposely slack, remember that ye are descended from us and that our quarrel with the Barbarian took its rise at the first from you." Themistocles wrote thus, having, as I suppose, two things together in his mind, namely that either the inscriptions might elude the notice of the king and cause the Ionians to change and come over to the side on which he was, or that having been reported and denounced to Xerxes they might cause the Ionians to be distrusted by him, and so he might keep them apart from the sea-fights.

23. Themistocles then had set these inscriptions: and to the Barbarians there came immediately after these things a man of Histaia in a boat bringing word of the retreat of the Hellenes from Artemision. They however, not believing it, kept the messenger under guard and sent swift-sailing ships to look on before. Then these having reported the facts, at last as daylight was spreading over the sky, the whole armament sailed in a body to Artemision; and having stayed at this place till mid-day, after this they sailed to Histaia, and there arrived they took possession of the city of Histaia and overran all the villages which lie along the coast in the region of Ellopia, which is the land of Histaia.

24. While they were there, Xerxes, after he had made his dispositions with regard to the bodies of the dead, sent a herald to the fleet: and the dispositions which he made beforehand were as follows:—for all those of his army who were lying dead at Thermopylai, (and there were as many as twenty thousand in all), with the exception of about a thousand whom he left, he dug trenches and buried them, laying over them leaves and heaping earth upon them, that they might not be seen by the men of the fleet. Then when the herald had gone over to Histaia, he gathered an assembly of the whole force and spoke these words: "Allies, king Xerxes grants permission to any one of you who desires it, to leave his post and to come and see how he fights against those most senseless men who looked to overcome the power of the king."

25. When the herald had proclaimed this, then boats were of all things most in request, so many were they who desired to see this sight; and when they had passed over they went through the dead bodies and looked at them: and every one supposed that those who were lying there were all Lacedemonians or Thespians, though the Helots also were among those that they saw: however, they who had passed over did not fail to perceive that Xerxes had done that which I mentioned about the bodies of his own dead; for in truth it was a thing to cause laughter even: on the one side there were seen a thousand dead bodies lying, while the others lay all gathered together in the same place, four thousand 17 of them. During this day then they busied themselves with looking, and on the day after this they sailed back to the ships at Histaia, while Xerxes and his army set forth upon their march.

26. There had come also to them a few deserters from Arcadia, men in want of livelihood and desiring to be employed. These the Persians brought into the king's presence and inquired about the Hellenes, what they were doing; and one man it was who asked them this for all the rest. They told them that the Hellenes were keeping the Olympic festival and were looking on at a contest of athletics and horsemanship. He then inquired again, what was the prize proposed to them, for the sake of which they contended; and they told them of the wreath of olive which is given. Then Tigranes 18 the son of Artabanos uttered a thought which was most noble, though thereby he incurred from the king the reproach of cowardice: for hearing that the prize was a wreath and not money, he could not endure to keep silence, but in the presence of all he spoke these words: "Ah! Mardonios, what kind of men are these against whom thou hast brought us to fight, who make their contest not for money but for honour!" Thus was it spoken by this man.

27. In the meantime, so soon as the disaster at Thermopylai had come about, the Thessalians sent a herald forthwith to the Phokians, against whom they had a grudge always, but especially because of the latest disaster which they had suffered: for when both the Thessalians themselves and their allies had invaded the Phokian land not many years before this expedition of the king, they had been defeated by the Phokians and handled by them roughly. For the Phokians had been shut up in Mount Parnassos having with them a soothsayer, Tellias the Eleian; and this Tellias contrived for them a device of the following kind:—he took six hundred men, the best of the Phokians, and whitened them over with chalk, both themselves and their armour, and then he attacked the Thessalians by night, telling the Phokians beforehand to slay every man whom they should see not coloured over with white. So not only the sentinels of the Thessalians, who saw these first, were terrified by them, supposing it to be something portentous and other than it was, but also after the sentinels the main body of their army; so that the Phokians remained in possession of four thousand bodies of slain men and shields; of which last they dedicated half at Abai and half at Delphi; and from the tithe of booty got by this battle were made the large statues which are contending for the tripod in front of the temple 19 at Delphi, and others similar to these are dedicated as an offering at Abai.

28. Thus had the Phokians done to the Thessalian footmen, when they were besieged by them; and they had done irreparable hurt to their cavalry also, when this had invaded their land: for in the pass which is by Hyampolis they had dug a great trench and laid down in it empty wine-jars; and then having carried earth and laid it on the top and made it like the rest of the ground, they waited for the Thessalians to invade their land. These supposing that they would make short work with the Phokians, 20 riding in full course fell upon the wine-jars; and there the legs of their horses were utterly crippled.

29. Bearing then a grudge for both of these things, the Thessalians sent a herald and addressed them thus: "Phokians, we advise you to be more disposed now to change your minds and to admit that ye are not on a level with us: for in former times among the Hellenes, so long as it pleased us to be on that side, we always had the preference over you, and now we have such great power with the Barbarian that it rests with us to cause you to be deprived of your land and to be sold into slavery also. We however, though we have all the power in our hands, do not bear malice, but let there be paid to us fifty talents of silver in return for this, and we will engage to avert the dangers which threaten to come upon your land."

30. Thus the Thessalians proposed to them; for the Phokians alone of all the people in those parts were not taking the side of the Medes, and this for no other reason, as I conjecture, but only because of their enmity with the Thessalians; and if the Thessalians had supported the cause of the Hellenes, I am of opinion that the Phokians would have been on the side of the Medes. When the Thessalians proposed this, they said that they would not give the money, and that it was open to them to take the Median side just as much as the Thessalians, if they desired it for other reasons; but they would not with their own will be traitors to Hellas.

31. When these words were reported, then the Thessalians, moved with anger against the Phokians, became guides to the Barbarian to show him the way: and from the land of Trachis they entered Doris; for a narrow strip 21 of the Dorian territory extends this way, about thirty furlongs in breadth, lying between Malis and Phokis, the region which was in ancient time called Dryopis; this land is the mother-country of the Dorians in Peloponnese. Now the Barbarians did not lay waste this land of Doris when they entered it, for the people of it were taking the side of the Medes, and also the Thessalians did not desire it.

32. When however from Doris they entered Phokis, they did not indeed capture the Phokians themselves; for some of them had gone up to the heights of Parnassos,—and that summit of Parnassos is very convenient to receive a large number, which lies by itself near the city of Neon, the name of it being Tithorea,—to this, I say, some of them had carried up their goods and gone up themselves; but most of them had conveyed their goods out to the Ozolian Locrians, to the city of Amphissa, which is situated above the Crissaian plain. The Barbarians however overran the whole land of Phokis, for so the Thessalians led their army, and all that they came to as they marched they burned or cut down, and delivered to the flames both the cities and the temples:

33, for they laid everything waste, proceeding this way by the river Kephisos, and they destroyed the city of Drymos by fire, and also the following, namely Charadra, Erochos, Tethronion, Amphikaia, Neon, Pedieis, Triteis, Elateia, Hyampolis, Parapotamioi and Abai, at which last-named place there was a temple of Apollo, wealthy and furnished with treasuries and votive offerings in abundance; and there was then, as there is even now, the seat of an Oracle there: this temple they plundered and burnt. Some also of the Phokians they pursued and captured upon the mountains, and some women they did to death by repeated outrage.

34. Passing by Parapotamioi the Barbarians came to Panopeus, and from this point onwards their army was separated and went different ways. The largest and strongest part of the army, proceeding with Xerxes himself against Athens, entered the land of the Boeotians, coming into the territory of Orchomenos. Now the general body of the Boeotians was taking the side of the Medes, and their cities were being kept by Macedonians appointed for each, who had been sent by Alexander; and they were keeping them this aim, namely in order to make it plain to Xerxes that the Boeotians were disposed to be on the side of the Medes.

35. These, I say, of the Barbarians took their way in this direction; but others of them with guides had set forth to go to the temple at Delphi, keeping Parnassos on their right hand: and all the parts of Phokis over which these marched they ravaged; for they set fire to the towns of Panopeus and Daulis and Aiolis. And for this reason they marched in that direction, parted off from the rest of the army, namely in order that they might plunder the temple at Delphi and deliver over the treasures there to king Xerxes: and Xerxes was well acquainted with all that there was in it of any account, better, I am told, than with the things which he had left in his own house at home, seeing that many constantly reported of them, and especially of the votive offerings of Croesus the son of Alyattes.

36. Meanwhile the Delphians, having been informed of this, had been brought to extreme fear; and being in great terror they consulted the Oracle about the sacred things, whether they should bury them in the earth or carry them forth to another land; but the god forbade them to meddle with these, saying that he was able by himself to take care of his own. Hearing this they began to take thought for themselves, and they sent their children and women over to Achaia on the other side of the sea, while most of the men themselves ascended up towards the summits of Parnassos and carried their property to the Corykian cave, while others departed for refuge to Amphissa of the Locrians. In short the Delphians had all left the town excepting sixty men and the prophet of the Oracle. 22

37. When the Barbarians had come near and could see the temple, then the prophet, whose name was Akeratos, saw before the cell 23 arms lying laid out, having been brought forth out of the sanctuary, 24 which were sacred and on which it was not permitted to any man to lay hands. He then was going to announce the portent to those of the Delphians who were still there, but when the Barbarians pressing onwards came opposite the temple of Athene Pronaia, there happened to them in addition portents yet greater than that which had come to pass before: for though that too was a marvel, that arms of war should appear of themselves laid forth outside the cell, yet this, which happened straightway after that, is worthy of marvel even beyond all other prodigies. When the Barbarians in their approach were opposite the temple of Athene Pronaia, at this point of time from the heaven there fell thunderbolts upon them, and from Parnassos two crags were broken away and rushed down upon them with a great crashing noise falling upon many of them, while from the temple of Pronaia there was heard a shout, and a battle-cry was raised.

38. All these things having come together, there fell fear upon the Barbarians; and the Delphians having perceived that they were flying, came down after them and slew a great number of them; and those who survived fled straight to Boeotia. These who returned of the Barbarians reported, as I am informed, that in addition to this which we have said they saw also other miraculous things; for two men (they said) in full armour and of stature more than human followed them slaying and pursuing.

39. These two the Delphians say were the native heroes Phylacos and Autonoös, whose sacred enclosures are about the temple, that of Phylacos being close by the side of the road above the temple of Pronaia and that of Autonoös near Castalia under the peak called Hyampeia. Moreover the rocks which fell from Parnassos were still preserved even to my time, lying in the sacred enclosure of Athene Pronaia, into which they fell when they rushed through the ranks of the Barbarians. Such departure had these men from the temple.

40. Meanwhile the fleet of the Hellenes after leaving Artemision put in to land at Salamis at the request of the Athenians: and for this reason the Athenians requested them to put in to Salamis, namely in order that they might remove out of Attica to a place of safety their children and their wives, and also deliberate what they would have to do; for in their present case they meant to take counsel afresh, because they had been deceived in their expectation. For they had thought to find the Peloponnesians in full force waiting for the Barbarians in Boeotia; they found however nothing of this, but they were informed on the contrary that the Peloponnesians were fortifying the Isthmus with a wall, valuing above all things the safety of the Peloponnese and keeping this in guard; and that they were disposed to let all else go. Being informed of this, the Athenians therefore made request of them to put in to Salamis.

41. The others then put in their ships to land at Salamis, but the Athenians went over to their own land; and after their coming they made a proclamation that every one of the Athenians should endeavour to save his children and household as best he could. So the greater number sent them to Troizen, but others to Egina, and others to Salamis, and they were urgent to put these out of danger, both because they desired to obey the oracle and also especially for another reason, which was this:—the Athenians say that a great serpent lives in the temple 25 and guards the Acropolis; and they not only say this, but also they set forth for it monthly offerings, as if it were really there; and the offering consists of a honey-cake. This honey-cake, which before used always to be consumed, was at this time left untouched. When the priestess had signified this, the Athenians left the city much more and with greater eagerness than before, seeing that the goddess also had (as they supposed) left the Acropolis. Then when all their belongings had been removed out of danger, they sailed to the encampment of the fleet.

42. When those who came from Artemision had put their ships in to land at Salamis, the remainder of the naval force of the Hellenes, being informed of this, came over gradually to join them 26 from Troizen: for they had been ordered beforehand to assemble at Pogon, which is the harbour of the Troizenians. There were assembled accordingly now many more ships than those which were in the sea-fight at Artemision, and from more cities. Over the whole was set as admiral the same man as at Artemision, namely Eurybiades the son of Eurycleides, a Spartan but not of the royal house; the Athenians however supplied by far the greatest number of ships and those which sailed the best.

43. The following were those who joined the muster:—From Peloponnese the Lacedemonians furnishing sixteen ships, the Corinthians furnishing the same complement as at Artemision, the Sikyonians furnishing fifteen ships, the Epidaurians ten, the Troizenians five, the men of Hermion 2601 three, these all, except the Hermionians, being of Doric and Makednian 27 race and having made their last migration from Erineos and Pindos and the land of Dryopis; 28 but the people of Hermion are Dryopians, driven out by Heracles and the Malians from the land which is now called Doris.

44. These were the Peloponnesians who joined the fleet, and those of the mainland outside the Peloponnese were as follows:—the Athenians, furnishing a number larger than all the rest, 29 namely one hundred and eighty ships, and serving alone, since the Plataians did not take part with the Athenians in the sea-fight at Salamis, because when the Hellenes were departing from Artemision and come near Chalkis, the Plataians disembarked on the opposite shore of Boeotia and proceeded to the removal of their households. So being engaged in saving these, they had been left behind. As for the Athenians, in the time when the Pelasgians occupied that which is now called Hellas, they were Pelasgians, being named Cranaoi, and in the time of king Kecrops they came to be called Kecropidai; then when Erechtheus had succeeded to his power, they had their name changed to Athenians; and after Ion the son of Xuthos became commander 30 of the Athenians, they got the name from him of Ionians.

45. The Megarians furnished the same complement as at Artermision; the Amprakiots came to the assistance of the rest with seven ships, and the Leucadians with three, these being by race Dorians from Corinth.

46. Of the islanders the Eginetans furnished thirty; these had also other ships manned, but with them they were guarding their own land, while with the thirty which sailed best they joined in the sea-fight at Salamis. Now the Eginetans are Dorians from Epidauros, and their island had formerly the name of Oinone. After the Eginetans came the Chalkidians with the twenty ships which were at Artemision, and the Eretrians with their seven: these are Ionians. Next the Keïans, furnishing the same as before and being by race Ionians from Athens. The Naxians furnished four ships, they having been sent out by the citizens of their State to join the Persians, like the other islanders; but neglecting these commands they had come to the Hellenes, urged thereto by Democritos, a man of repute among the citizens and at that time commander of a trireme. Now the Naxians are Ionians coming originally from Athens. The Styrians furnished the same ships as at Artemision, and the men of Kythnos one ship and one fifty-oared galley, these both being Dryopians. Also the Seriphians, the Siphnians and the Melians served with the rest; for they alone of the islanders had not given earth and water to the Barbarian.

47. These all who have been named dwelt inside the land of the Thesprotians and the river Acheron; for the Thesprotians border upon the land of the Amprakiots and Leucadians, and these were they who came from the greatest distance to serve: but of those who dwell outside these limits the men of Croton were the only people who came to the assistance of Hellas in her danger; and these sent one ship, of whom the commander was Phaÿlos, a man who had three times won victories at the Pythian games. Now the men of Croton are by descent Achaians.

48. All the rest who served in the fleet furnished triremes, but the Melians, Siphnian and Seriphians fifty-oared galleys: the Melians, who are by descent from Lacedemon, furnished two, the Siphnians and Seriphians, who are Ionians from Athens, each one. And the whole number of the ships, apart from the fifty-oared galleys, was three hundred and seventy-eight. 31

49. When the commanders had assembled at Salamis from the States which have been mentioned, they began to deliberate, Eurybiades having proposed that any one who desired it should declare his opinion as to where he thought it most convenient to fight a sea-battle in those regions of which they had command; for Attica had already been let go, and he was now proposing the question about the other regions. And the opinions of the speakers for the most part agreed that they should sail to the Isthmus and there fight a sea-battle in defence of the Peloponnese, arguing that if they should be defeated in the sea-battle, supposing them to be at Salamis they would be blockaded in an island, where no help would come to them, but at the Isthmus they would be able to land where their own men were.

50. While the commanders from the Peloponnese argued thus, an Athenian had come in reporting that the Barbarians were arrived in Attica and that all the land was being laid waste with fire. For the army which directed its march through Boeotia in company with Xerxes, after it had burnt the city of the Thespians (the inhabitants having left it and gone to the Peloponnese) and that of the Plataians likewise, had now come to Athens and was laying waste everything in those regions. Now he had burnt Thespiai 3101 and Plataia because he was informed by the Thebans that these were not taking the side of the Medes.

51. So in three months from the crossing of the Hellespont, whence the Barbarians began their march, after having stayed there one month while they crossed over into Europe, they had reached Attica, in the year when Calliades was archon of the Athenians. And they took the lower city, which was deserted, and then they found that there were still a few Athenians left in the temple, either stewards of the temple or needy persons, who had barred the entrance to the Acropolis with doors and with a palisade of timber and endeavoured to defend themselves against the attacks of the enemy, being men who had not gone out to Salamis partly because of their poverty, and also because they thought that they alone had discovered the meaning of the oracle which the Pythian prophetess had uttered to them, namely that the "bulwark of wood" should be impregnable, and supposed that this was in fact the safe refuge according to the oracle, and not the ships.

52. So the Persians taking their post upon the rising ground opposite the Acropolis, which the Athenians call the Hill of Ares, 32 proceeded to besiege them in this fashion, that is they put tow round about their arrows and lighted it, and then shot them against the palisade. The Athenians who were besieged continued to defend themselves nevertheless, although they had come to the extremity of distress and their palisade had played them false; nor would they accept proposals for surrender, when the sons of Peisistratos brought them forward: but endeavouring to defend themselves they contrived several contrivances against the enemy, and among the rest they rolled down large stones when the Barbarians approached the gates; so that for a long time Xerxes was in a difficulty, not being able to capture them.

53. In time however there appeared for the Barbarians a way of approach after their difficulties, since by the oracle it was destined that all of Attica which is on the mainland should come to be under the Persians. Thus then it happened that on the front side 33 of the Acropolis behind the gates and the way up to the entrance, in a place where no one was keeping guard, nor would one have supposed that any man could ascend by this way, here men ascended by the temple of Aglauros the daughter of Kecrops, although indeed the place is precipitous: and when the Athenians saw that they had ascended up to the Acropolis, some of them threw themselves down from the wall and perished, while others took refuge in the sanctuary 34 of the temple. Then those of the Persians who had ascended went first to the gates, and after opening these they proceeded to kill the suppliants; and when all had been slain by them, they plundered the temple and set fire to the whole of the Acropolis.

54. Then Xerxes, having fully taken possession of Athens, sent to Susa a mounted messenger to report to Artabanos the good success which they had. And on the next day after sending the herald he called together the exiles of the Athenians who were accompanying him, and bade them go up to the Acropolis and sacrifice the victims after their own manner; whether it was that he had seen some vision of a dream which caused him to give this command, or whether perchance he had a scruple in his mind because he had set fire to the temple. The Athenian exiles did accordingly that which was commanded them:

55, and the reason why I made mention of this I will here declare:—there is in this Acropolis a temple 35 of Erechtheus, who is said to have been born of the Earth, and in this there is an olive-tree and a sea, which (according to the story told by the Athenians) Poseidon and Athene, when they contended for the land, set as witnesses of themselves. Now it happened to this olive-tree to be set on fire with the rest of the temple by the Barbarians; and on the next day after the conflagration those of the Athenians who were commanded by the king to offer sacrifice, saw when they had gone up to the temple that a shoot had run up from the stock of the tree about a cubit in length. These then made report of this.

56. The Hellenes meanwhile at Salamis, when it was announced to them how it had been as regards the Acropolis of the Athenians, were disturbed so greatly that some of the commanders did not even wait for the question to be decided which had been proposed, but began to go hastily to their ships and to put up their sails, meaning to make off with speed; and by those of them who remained behind it was finally decided to fight at sea in defence of the Isthmus. So night came on, and they having been dismissed from the council were going to their ships:

57, and when Themistocles had come to his ship, Mnesiphilos an Athenian asked him what they had resolved; and being informed by him that it had been determined to take out the ships to the Isthmus and fight a battle by sea in defence of the Peloponnese, he said: "Then, if they set sail with the ships from Salamis, thou wilt not fight any more sea-battles at all for the fatherland, for they will all take their way to their several cities and neither Eurybiades nor any other man will be able to detain them or to prevent the fleet from being dispersed: and Hellas will perish by reason of evil counsels. But if there by any means, go thou and try to unsettle that which has been resolved, if perchance thou mayest persuade Eurybiades to change his plans, so as to stay here."

58. This advice very much commended itself to Themistocles; and without making any answer he went to the ship of Eurybiades. Having come thither he said that he desired to communicate to him a matter which concerned the common good; and Eurybiades bade him come into his ship and speak, if he desired to say anything. Then Themistocles sitting down beside him repeated to him all those things which he had heard Mnesiphilos say, making as if they were his own thoughts, and adding to them many others; until at last by urgent request he persuaded him to come out of his ship and gather the commanders to the council.

59. So when they were gathered together, before Eurybiades proposed the discussion of the things for which he had assembled the commanders, Themistocles spoke with much vehemence 36 being very eager to gain his end; and as he was speaking, the Corinthian commander, Adeimantos the son of Okytos, said: "Themistocles, at the games those who stand forth for the contest before the due time are beaten with rods." He justifying himself said: "Yes, but those who remain behind are not crowned."

60. At that time he made answer mildly to the Corinthian; and to Eurybiades he said not now any of those things which he had said before, to the effect that if they should set sail from Salamis they would disperse in different directions; for it was not seemly for him to bring charges against the allies in their presence: but he held to another way of reasoning, saying: "Now it is in thy power to save Hellas, if thou wilt follow my advice, which is to stay here and here to fight a sea-battle, and if thou wilt not follow the advice of those among these men who bid thee remove the ships to the Isthmus. For hear both ways, and then set them in comparison. If thou engage battle at the Isthmus, thou wilt fight in an open sea, into which it is by no means convenient for us that we go to fight, seeing that we have ships which are heavier and fewer in number than those of the enemy. Then secondly thou wilt give up to destruction Salamis and Megara and Egina, even if we have success in all else; for with their fleet will come also the land-army, and thus thou wilt thyself lead them to the Peloponnese and wilt risk the safety of all Hellas. If however thou shalt do as I say, thou wilt find therein all the advantages which I shall tell thee of:—in the first place by engaging in a narrow place with few ships against many, if the fighting has that issue which it is reasonable to expect, we shall have very much the better; for to fight a sea-fight in a narrow space is for our advantage, but to fight in a wide open space is for theirs. Then again Salamis will be preserved, whither our children and our wives have been removed for safety; and moreover there is this also secured thereby, to which ye are most of all attached, namely that by remaining here thou wilt fight in defence of the Peloponnese as much as if the fight were at the Isthmus; and thou wilt not lead the enemy to Peloponnese, if thou art wise. Then if that which I expect come to pass and we gain a victory with our ships, the Barbarians will not come to you at the Isthmus nor will they advance further than Attica, but they will retire in disorder; and we shall be the gainers by the preservation of Megara and Egina and Salamis, at which place too an oracle tells us that we shall get the victory over our enemies. 37 Now when men take counsel reasonably for themselves, reasonable issues are wont as a rule to come, but if they do not take counsel reasonably, then God is not wont generally to attach himself to the judgment of men."

61. When Themistocles thus spoke, the Corinthian Adeimantos inveighed against him for the second time, bidding him to be silent because he had no native land, and urging Eurybiades not to put to the vote the proposal of one who was a citizen of no city; for he said that Themistocles might bring opinions before the council if he could show a city belonging to him, but otherwise not. This objection he made against him because Athens had been taken and was held by the enemy. Then Themistocles said many evil things of him and of the Corinthians both, and declared also that he himself and his countrymen had in truth a city and a land larger than that of the Corinthians, so long as they had two hundred ships fully manned; for none of the Hellenes would be able to repel the Athenians if they came to fight against them.

62. Signifying this he turned then to Eurybiades and spoke yet more urgently: "If thou wilt remain here, and remaining here wilt show thyself a good man, well; but if not, thou wilt bring about the overthrow of Hellas, for upon the ships depends all our power in the war. Nay, but do as I advise. If, however, thou shalt not do so, we shall forthwith take up our households and voyage to Siris in Italy, which is ours already of old and the oracles say that it is destined to be colonised by us; and ye, when ye are left alone and deprived of allies such as we are, will remember my words."

63. When Themistocles thus spoke, Eurybiades was persuaded to change his mind; and, as I think, he changed his mind chiefly from fear lest the Athenians should depart and leave them, if he should take the ships to the Isthmus; for if the Athenians left them and departed, the rest would be no longer able to fight with the enemy. He chose then this counsel, to stay in that place and decide matters there by a sea-fight.

64. Thus those at Salamis, after having skirmished with one another in speech, were making preparations for a sea-fight there, since Eurybiades had so determined: and as day was coming on, at the same time when the sun rose there was an earthquake felt both on the land and on the sea: and they determined to pray to the gods and to call upon the sons of Aiacos to be their helpers. And as they had determined, so also they did; for when they had prayed to all the gods, they called Ajax and Telamon to their help from Salamis, where the fleet was, 38 and sent a ship to Egina to bring Aiacos himself and the rest of the sons of Aiacos.

65. Moreover Dicaios the son of Theokydes, an Athenian, who was an exile and had become of great repute among the Medes at this time, declared that when the Attic land was being ravaged by the land-army of Xerxes, having been deserted by the Athenians, he happened then to be in company with Demaratos the Lacedemonian in the Thriasian plain; and he saw a cloud of dust going up from Eleusis, as if made by a company of about thirty thousand men, and they wondered at the cloud of dust, by what men it was caused. Then forthwith they heard a sound of voices, and Dicaios perceived that the sound was the mystic cry Iacchos; but Demaratos, having no knowledge of the sacred rites which are done at Eleusis, asked him what this was that uttered the sound, and he said: "Demaratos, it cannot be but that some great destruction is about to come to the army of the king: for as to this, it is very manifest, seeing that Attica is deserted, that this which utters the sound is of the gods, and that it is going from Eleusis to help the Athenians and their allies: if then it shall come down in the Peloponnese, there is danger for the king himself and for the army which is upon the mainland, but if it shall direct its course towards the ships which are at Salamis, the king will be in danger of losing his fleet. This feast the Athenians celebrate every year to the Mother and the Daughter; 39 and he that desires it, both of them and of the other Hellenes, is initiated in the mysteries; and the sound of voices which thou hearest is the cry Iacchos which they utter at this feast." To this Demaratos said: "Keep silence and tell not this tale to any other man; for if these words of thine be reported to the king, thou wilt surely lose thy head, and neither I nor any other man upon earth will be able to save thee: but keep thou quiet, and about this expedition the gods will provide." He then thus advised, and after the cloud of dust and the sound of voices there came a mist which was borne aloft and carried towards Salamis to the camp of the Hellenes: and thus they learnt (said he) that the fleet of Xerxes was destined to be destroyed. Such was the report made by Dicaios the son of Theodykes, appealing to Demaratos and others also as witnesses.

66. Meanwhile those who were appointed to serve in the fleet of Xerxes, having gazed in Trachis upon the disaster of the Lacedemonians and having passed over from thence to Histiaia, after staying three days sailed through Euripos, and in other three days they had reached Phaleron. And, as I suppose, they made their attack upon Athens not fewer in number both by land and sea than when they had arrived at Sepias and at Thermopylai: for against those of them who perished by reason of the storm and those who were slain at Thermopylai and in the sea-fights at Artemision, I will set those who at that time were not yet accompanying the king, the Malians, Dorians, Locrians, and Boeotians (who accompanied him in a body, except the Thespians and Plataians), and moreover those of Carystos, Andros, and Tenos, with all the other islanders except the five cities of which I mentioned the names before; for the more the Persian advanced towards the centre of Hellas, the more nations accompanied him.

67. So then, when all these had come to Athens except the Parians (now the Parians had remained behind at Kythnos waiting to see how the war would turn out),—when all the rest, I say, had come to Phaleron, then Xerxes himself came down to the ships desiring to visit them and to learn the opinions of those who sailed in them: and when he had come and was set in a conspicuous place, then those who were despots of their own nations or commanders of divisions being sent for came before him from their ships, and took their seats as the king had assigned rank to each one, first the king of Sidon, then he of Tyre, and after them the rest: and when they were seated in due order, Xerxes sent Mardonios and inquired, making trial of each one, whether he should fight a battle by sea.

68. So when Mardonios went round asking them, beginning with the king of Sidon, the others gave their opinions all to the same effect, advising him to fight a battle by sea, but Artemisia spoke these words:—(a) "Tell the king I pray thee, Mardonios, that I, who have proved myself not to be the worst in the sea-fights which have been fought near Euboea, and have displayed deeds not inferior to those of others, speak to him thus: Master, it is right that I set forth the opinion which I really have, and say that which I happen to think best for thy cause: and this I say,—spare thy ships and do not make a sea-fight; for the men are as much stronger than thy men by sea, as men are stronger than women. And why must thou needs run the risk of sea-battles? Hast thou not Athens in thy possession, for the sake of which thou didst set forth on thy march, and also the rest of Hellas? and no man stands in thy way to resist, but those who did stand against thee came off as it was fitting that they should. (b) Now the manner in which I think the affairs of thy adversaries will have their issue, I will declare. If thou do not hasten to make a sea-fight, but keep thy ships here by the land, either remaining here thyself or even advancing on to the Peloponnese, that which thou hast come to do, O master, will easily be effected; for the Hellenes are not able to hold out against thee for any long time, but thou wilt soon disperse them and they will take flight to their several cities: since neither have they provisions with them in this island, as I am informed, nor is it probable that if thou shalt march thy land-army against the Peloponnese, they who have come from thence will remain still; for these will have no care to fight a battle in defence of Athens. (c) If however thou hasten to fight forthwith, I fear that damage done to the fleet may ruin the land-army also. Moreover, O king, consider also this, that the servants of good men are apt to grow bad, but those of bad men good; and thou, who art of all men the best, hast bad servants, namely those who are reckoned as allies, Egyptians and Cyprians and Kilikians and Pamphylians, in whom there is no profit."

69. When she thus spoke to Mardonios, those who were friendly to Artemisia were grieved at her words, supposing that she would suffer some evil from the king because she urged him not to fight at sea; while those who had envy and jealousy of her, because she had been honoured above all the allies, were rejoiced at the opposition, 40 supposing that she would now be ruined. When however the opinions were reported to Xerxes, he was greatly pleased with the opinion of Artemisia; and whereas even before this he thought her excellent, he commended her now yet more. Nevertheless he gave orders to follow the advice of the greater number, thinking that when they fought by Euboea they were purposely slack, because he was not himself present with them, whereas now he had made himself ready to look on while they fought a sea-battle.

70. So when they passed the word to put out to sea, they brought their ships out to Salamis and quietly ranged themselves along the shore in their several positions. At that time the daylight was not sufficient for them to engage battle, for night had come on; but they made their preparations to fight on the following day. Meanwhile the Hellenes were possessed by fear and dismay, especially those who were from Peloponnese: and these were dismayed because remaining in Salamis they were to fight a battle on behalf of the land of the Athenians, and being defeated they would be cut off from escape and blockaded in an island, leaving their own land unguarded. And indeed the land-army of the Barbarians was marching forward during that very night towards the Peloponnese.

71. Yet every means had been taken that the Barbarians might not be able to enter Peloponnesus by land: for as soon as the Peloponnesians heard that Leonidas and his company had perished at Thermopylai, they came together quickly from the cities and took post at the Isthmus, and over them was set as commander Cleombrotos, the son of Anaxandrides and brother of Leonidas. These being posted at the Isthmus had destroyed the Skironian way, and after this (having so determined in counsel with one another) they began to build a wall across the Isthmus; and as they were many myriads 41 and every man joined in the work, the work proceeded fast; for stones and bricks and pieces of timber and baskets full of sand were carried to it continually, and they who had thus come to help paused not at all in their work either by night or by day.

72. Now those of the Hellenes who came in full force to the Isthmus to help their country were these,—the Lacedemonians, the Arcadians of every division, the Eleians, Corinthians, Sikyonians, Epidaurians, Phliasians, Troizenians and Hermionians. These were they who came to the help of Hellas in her danger and who had apprehension for her, while the rest of the Peloponnesians showed no care: and the Olympic and Carneian festivals had by this time gone by.

73. Now Peloponnesus is inhabited by seven races; and of these, two are natives of the soil and are settled now in the place where they dwelt of old, namely the Arcadians and the Kynurians; and one race, that of the Achaians, though it did not remove from the Peloponnese, yet removed in former time from its own land and dwells now in that which was not its own. The remaining races, four in number, have come in from without, namely the Dorians, Aitolians, Dryopians and Lemnians. Of the Dorians there are many cities and of great renown; of the Aitolians, Elis alone; of the Dryopians, Hermion 42 and Asine, which latter is opposite Cardamyle in the Laconian land; and of the Lemnians, all the Paroreatai. The Kynurians, who are natives of the soil, seem alone to be Ionians, but they have become Dorians completely because they are subject to the Argives and by lapse of time, being originally citizens of Orneai or the dwellers in the country round Orneai. 43 Of these seven nations the remaining cities, except those which I enumerated just now, stood aside and did nothing; and if one may be allowed to speak freely, in thus standing aside they were in fact taking the side of the Medes.

74. Those at the Isthmus were struggling with the labour which I have said, since now they were running a course in which their very being was at stake, and they did not look to have any brilliant success with their ships: while those who were at Salamis, though informed of this work, were yet dismayed, not fearing so much for themselves as for Peloponnesus. For some time then they spoke of it in private, one man standing by another, and they marvelled at the ill-counsel of Eurybiades; but at last it broke out publicly. A meeting accordingly was held, and much was spoken about the same points as before, some saying that they ought to sail away to Peloponnesus and run the risk in defence of that, and not stay and fight for a land which had been captured by the enemy, while the Athenians, Eginetans and Megarians urged that they should stay there and defend themselves.

75. Then Themistocles, when his opinion was like to be defeated by the Peloponnesians, secretly went forth from the assembly, and having gone out he sent a man to the encampment of the Medes in a boat, charging him with that which he must say: this man's name was Sikinnos, and he was a servant of Themistocles and tutor to his children; and after these events Themistocles entered him as a Thespian citizen, when the Thespians were admitting new citizens, and made him a wealthy man. He at this time came with a boat and said to the commanders of the Barbarians these words: "The commander of the Athenians sent me privately without the knowledge of the other Hellenes (for, as it chances, he is disposed to the cause of the king, and desires rather that your side should gain the victory than that of the Hellenes), to inform you that the Hellenes are planning to take flight, having been struck with dismay; and now it is possible for you to execute a most noble work, if ye do not permit them to flee away: for they are not of one mind with one another and they will not stand against you in fight, but ye shall see them fighting a battle by sea with one another, those who are disposed to your side against those who are not."

76. He then having signified to them this, departed out of the way; and they, thinking that the message deserved credit, landed first a large number of Persians in the small island of Psyttaleia, which lies between Salamis and the mainland; and then, as midnight came on, they put out the Western wing of their fleet to sea, circling round towards Salamis, and also those stationed about Keos and Kynosura put out their ships to sea; and they occupied all the passage with their ships as far as Munychia. And for this reason they put out their ships, namely in order that the Hellenes might not even be permitted to get away, but being cut off in Salamis might pay the penalty for the contests at Artemision: and they disembarked men of the Persians on the small island called Psyttaleia for this reason, namely that when the fight should take place, these might save the men of one side and destroy those of the other, since there especially it was likely that the men and the wrecks of ships would be cast up on shore, for the island lay in the way of the sea-fight which was to be. These things they did in silence, that the enemy might not have information of them.

77. They then were making their preparations thus in the night without having taken any sleep at all: and with regard to oracles, I am not able to make objections against them that they are not true, for I do not desire to attempt to overthrow the credit of them when they speak clearly, looking at such matters as these which here follow: 

 "But when with ships they shall join the sacred strand of the goddess,
  Artemis golden-sword-girded, and thee, wave-washed Kynosura,
  Urged by a maddening hope, 44 having given rich Athens to plunder,
  Then shall Justice divine quell Riot, of Insolence first-born, 45
  Longing to overthrow all things 46 and terribly panting for bloodhshed:
  Brass shall encounter with brass, and Ares the sea shall empurple,
  Tinging its waves with the blood: then a day of freedom for Hellas
  Cometh from wide-seeing Zeus 47 and from Victory, lady and mother." 48

Looking to such things as this, and when Bakis speaks so clearly, I do not venture myself to make any objections about oracles, nor can I admit them from others.

78. Now between the commanders that were at Salamis there came to be great contention of speech and they did not yet know that the Barbarians were surrounding them with their ships, but they thought that they were still in their place as they saw them disposed in the day.

79. Then while the commanders were engaged in strife, there came over from Egina Aristeides the son of Lysimachos, an Athenian who had been ostracised by the people, a man whom I hold (according to that which I hear of his character) to have been the best and most upright of all Athenians. This man came into the council and called forth Themistocles, who was to him not a friend, but an enemy to the last degree; but because of the greatness of the present troubles he let those matters be forgotten and called him forth, desiring to communicate with him. Now he had heard beforehand that the Peloponnesians were pressing to take the ships away to the Isthmus. So when Themistocles came forth to him, Aristeides spoke these words: "Both at other times when occasion arises, and also especially at this time we ought to carry on rivalry as to which of us shall do more service to our country. And I tell thee now that it is indifferent whether the Peloponnesians say many words or few about sailing away from hence; for having been myself an eye-witness I tell thee that now not even if the Corinthians and Eurybiades himself desire to sail out, will they be able; for we are encompassed round by the enemy. Go thou in then, and signify this to them."

80. He made answer as follows: "Thou advisest very well, 49 and also the news which thou hast brought is good, since thou art come having witnessed with thine own eyes that which I desired might come to pass: for know that this which is being done by the Medes is of my suggestion; because, when the Hellenes would not come to a battle of their own will, it was necessary to bring them over to us against their will. Do thou however, since thou art come bearing good news, thyself report it to them; for if I say these things, I shall be thought to speak that which I have myself invented, and I shall not persuade them, but they will think that the Barbarians are not doing so. Do thou thyself however come forward to speak, and declare to them how things are; and when thou hast declared this, if they are persuaded, that will be the best thing, but if this is not credible to them, it will be the same thing so far as concerns us, for they will no longer be able to take to flight, if we are encompassed on all sides, as thou sayest."

81. Aristeides accordingly came forward and told them this, saying that he had come from Egina and had with difficulty escaped without being perceived by those who were blockading them; for the whole encampment of the Hellenes was encompassed by the ships of Xerxes; and he counselled them to get ready to defend themselves. He then having thus spoken retired, and among them again there arose dispute, for the greater number of the commanders did not believe that which was reported to them:

82. and while these were doubting, there came a trireme manned by Tenians, deserting from the enemy, of which the commander was Panaitios the son of Sosimenes, which brought them the whole truth. For this deed the Tenians were inscribed at Delphi on the tripod among those who had conquered the Barbarians. With the ship which deserted at Salamis and the Lemnian ship which deserted before and came to Artemision, the naval force of the Hellenes was completed to the number of three hundred and eighty ships, for before this two ships were yet wanting to make up this number.

83. The Hellenes then, since they believed that which was said by the Tenians, were preparing for a sea-fight: and as the dawn appeared, they made an assembly of those who fought on board the ships 50 and addressed them, Themistocles making a speech which was eloquent beyond the rest; and the substance of it was to set forth all that is better as opposed to that which is worse, of the several things which arise in the nature and constitution of man; and having exhorted them to choose the better, 51 and thus having wound up his speech, he bade them embark in their ships. These then proceeded to embark, and there came in meanwhile the trireme from Egina which had gone away to bring the sons of Aiacos.

84. Then the Hellenes put out all their ships, and while they were putting out from shore, the Barbarians attacked them forthwith. Now the other Hellenes began backing their ships and were about to run them aground, but Ameinias of Pallene, an Athenian, put forth with his ship and charged one of the enemy; and his ship being entangled in combat and the men not being able to get away, the others joined in the fight to assist Ameinias. The Athenians say that the beginning of the battle was made thus, but the Eginetans say that the ship which went away to Egina to bring the sons of Aiacos was that which began the fight. It is also reported that an apparition of a woman was seen by them, and that having appeared she encouraged them to the fight so that the whole of the army of the Hellenes heard it, first having reproached them in these words: "Madmen, 52 how far will ye yet back your ships?"

85. Opposite the Athenians had been ranged the Phenicians, for these occupied the wing towards Eleusis and the West, and opposite the Lacedemonians were the Ionians, who occupied the wing which extended to the East and to Piræus. Of them however a few were purposely slack in the fight according to the injunctions of Themistocles, 53 but the greater number were not so. I might mention now the names of many captains of ships who destroyed ships of the Hellenes, but I will make no use of their names except in the case of Theomestor, the son of Androdamas and Phylacos the son of Histiaios, of Samos both: and for this reason I make mention of these and not of the rest, because Theomestor on account of this deed became despot of Samos, appointed by the Persians, and Phylacos was recorded as a benefactor of the king and received much land as a reward. Now the benefactors of the king are called in the Persian tongue orosangai.

86. Thus it was with these; but the greater number of their ships were disabled at Salamis, being destroyed some by the Athenians and others by the Eginetans: for since the Hellenes fought in order and ranged in their places, while the Barbarians were no longer ranged in order nor did anything with design, it was likely that there would be some such result as in fact followed. Yet on this day they surpassed themselves much more than when they fought by Euboea, every one being eager and fearing Xerxes, and each man thinking that the king was looking especially at him.

87. As regards the rest I cannot speak of them separately, or say precisely how the Barbarians or the Hellenes individually contended in the fight; but with regard to Artemisia that which happened was this, whence she gained yet more esteem than before from the king.—When the affairs of the king had come to great confusion, at this crisis a ship of Artemisia was being pursued by an Athenian ship; and as she was not able to escape, for in front of her were other ships of her own side, while her ship, as it chanced, was furthest advanced towards the enemy, she resolved what she would do, and it proved also much to her advantage to have done so. While she was being pursued by the Athenian ship she charged with full career against a ship of her own side manned by Calyndians and in which the king of the Calyndians Damasithymos was embarked. Now, even though it be true that she had had some strife with him before, while they were still about the Hellespont, yet I am not able to say whether she did this by intention, or whether the Calyndian ship happened by chance to fall in her way. Having charged against it however and sunk it, she enjoyed good fortune and got for herself good in two ways; for first the captain of the Athenian ship, when he saw her charge against a ship manned by Barbarians, turned away and went after others, supposing that the ship of Artemisia was either a Hellenic ship or was deserting from the Barbarians and fighting for the Hellenes,

88,—first, I say, it was her fortune to have this, namely to escape and not suffer destruction; and then secondly it happened that though she had done mischief, she yet gained great reputation by this thing with Xerxes. For it is said that the king looking on at the fight perceived that her ship had charged the other; and one of those present said: "Master, dost thou see Artemisia, how well she is fighting, and how she sank even now a ship of the enemy?" He asked whether this was in truth the deed of Artemisia, and they said that it was; for (they declared) they knew very well the sign of her ship: and that which was destroyed they thought surely was one of the enemy; for besides other things which happened fortunately for her, as I have said, there was this also, namely that not one of the crew of the Calyndian ship survived to become her accuser. And Xerxes in answer to that which was said to him is reported to have uttered these words: "My men have become women, and my women men." Thus it is said that Xerxes spoke.

89. And meanwhile in this struggle there was slain the commander Ariabignes, son of Dareios and brother of Xerxes, and there were slain too many others of note of the Persians and Medes and also of the allies; and of the Hellenes on their part a few; for since they knew how to swim, those whose ships were destroyed and who were not slain in hand-to-hand conflict swam over to Salamis; but of the Barbarians the greater number perished in the sea, not being able to swim. And when the first ships turned to flight, then it was that the largest number perished, for those who were stationed behind, while endeavouring to pass with their ships to the front in order that they also might display some deed of valour for the king to see, ran into the ships of their own side as they fled.

90. It happened also in the course of this confusion that some of the Phenicians, whose ships had been destroyed, came to the king and accused the Ionians, saying that by means of them their ships had been lost, and that they had been traitors to the cause. Now it so came about that not only the commanders of the Ionians did not lose their lives, but the Phenicians who accused them received a reward such as I shall tell. While these men were yet speaking thus, a Samothrakian ship charged against an Athenian ship: and as the Athenian ship was being sunk by it, an Eginetan ship came up against the Samothrakian vessel and ran it down. Then the Samothrakians, being skilful javelin-throwers, by hurling cleared off the fighting-men from the ship which had wrecked theirs and then embarked upon it and took possession of it. This event saved the Ionians from punishment; for when Xerxes saw that they had performed a great exploit, he turned to the Phenicians (for he was exceedingly vexed and disposed to find fault with all) and bade cut off their heads, in order that they might not, after having been cowards themselves, accuse others who were better men than they. For whensoever Xerxes (sitting just under the mountain opposite Salamis, which is called Aigaleos) saw any one of his own side display a deed of valour in the sea-fight, he inquired about him who had done it, and the scribes recorded the name of the ship's captain with that of his father and the city from whence he came. Moreover also Ariaramnes, a Persian who was present, shared 54 the fate of the Phenicians, being their friend. They 55 then proceeded to deal with the Phenicians.

91. In the meantime, as the Barbarians turned to flight and were sailing out towards Phaleron, the Eginetans waited for them in the passage and displayed memorable actions: for while the Athenians in the confused tumult were disabling both those ships which resisted and those which were fleeing, the Eginetans were destroying those which attempted to sail away; and whenever any escaped the Athenians, they went in full course and fell among the Eginetans.

92. Then there met one another the ship of Themistocles, which was pursuing a ship of the enemy, and that of Polycritos the son of Crios the Eginetan. This last had charged against a ship of Sidon, the same that had taken the Eginetan vessel which was keeping watch in advance at Skiathos, 56 and in which sailed Pytheas the son of Ischenoös, whom the Persians kept in their ship, all cut to pieces as he was, making a marvel of his valour. The Sidonian ship then was captured bearing with it this man as well as the Persians of whom I spoke, so that Pytheas thus came safe to Egina. Now when Polycritos looked at the Athenian vessel he recognised when he saw it the sign of the admiral's ship, and shouting out he addressed Themistocles with mockery about the accusation brought against the Eginetans of taking the side of the Medes, 57 and reproached him. This taunt Polycritos threw out against Themistocles after he had charged against the ship of Sidon. And meanwhile those Barbarians whose ships had escaped destruction fled and came to Phaleron to be under cover of the land-army.

93. In this sea-fight the Eginetans were of all the Hellenes the best reported of, and next to them the Athenians; and of the individual men the Eginetan Polycritos and the Athenians Eumenes of Anagyrus and Ameinias of Pallene, the man who had pursued after Artemisia. Now if he had known that Artemisia was sailing in this ship, he would not have ceased until either he had taken her or had been taken himself; for orders had been given to the Athenian captains, and moreover a prize was offered of ten thousand drachmas for the man who should take her alive; since they thought it intolerable that a woman should make an expedition against Athens. She then, as has been said before, had made her escape; and the others also, whose ships had escaped destruction, were at Phaleron.

94. As regards Adeimantos the commander of the Corinthians, the Athenians say that forthwith at the beginning when the ships were engaging in the fight, being struck with panic and terror he put up his sails and fled away; and the Corinthians, when they saw the admiral's ship fleeing, departed likewise: and after this, as the story goes, when they came in their flight opposite to the temple of Athene Skiras in the land of Salamis, there fell in with them by divine guidance a light vessel, 58 which no one was ever found to have sent, and which approached the Corinthians at a time when they knew nothing of that which was happening with the fleet. And by this it is conjectured 59 that the matter was of the Deity; for when they came near to the ships, the men in the light vessel said these words: "Adeimantos, thou hast turned thy ships away and hast set forth to flee, deserting the cause of the Hellenes, while they are in truth gaining a victory and getting the better of their foes as much as they desired." When they said this, since Adeimantos doubted of it, they spoke a second time and said that they might be taken as hostages and slain, if the Hellenes should prove not to be gaining the victory. Then he turned his ship back, he and the others with him, and they reached the camp when the work was finished. Such is the report spread by the Athenians against these: the Corinthians however do not allow this to be so, but hold that they were among the first in the sea-fight; and the rest of Hellas also bears witness on their side.

95. Aristeides moreover the son of Lysimachos, the Athenian, of whom I made mention also shortly before this as a very good man, he in this tumult which had arisen about Salamis did as follows:—taking with him a number of the hoplites of Athenian race who had been ranged along the shore of the land of Salamis, with them he disembarked on the island of Psyttaleia; and these slew all the Persians who were in this islet.

96. When the sea-fight had been broken off, the Hellenes towed in to Salamis so many of the wrecks as chanced to be still about there, and held themselves ready for another sea-fight, expecting that the king would yet make use of the ships which remained unhurt; but many of the wrecks were taken by the West Wind and borne to that strand in Attica which is called Colias; so as to fulfil 60 not only all that other oracle which was spoken about this sea-fight by Bakis and Musaios, but also especially, with reference to the wrecks cast up here, that which had been spoken in an oracle many years before these events by Lysistratos, an Athenian who uttered oracles, and which had not been observed by any of the Hellenes: 

 "Then shall the Colian women with firewood of oars roast barley." 61

This was destined to come to pass after the king had marched away.

97. When Xerxes perceived the disaster which had come upon him, he feared lest some one of the Ionians should suggest to the Hellenes, or they should themselves form the idea, to sail to the Hellespont and break up the bridges; and so he might be cut off in Europe and run the risk of perishing utterly: therefore he began to consider about taking flight. He desired however that his intention should not be perceived either by the Hellenes or by those of his own side; therefore he attempted to construct a mole going across to Salamis, and he bound together Phenician merchant vessels in order that they might serve him both for a bridge and a wall, and made preparations for fighting as if he were going to have another battle by sea. Seeing him do so, all the rest made sure that he had got himself ready in earnest and intended to stay and fight; but Mardonios did not fail to perceive the true meaning of all these things, being by experience very well versed in his way of thinking.

98. While Xerxes was doing thus, he sent a messenger to the Persians, to announce the calamity which had come upon them. Now there is nothing mortal which accomplishes a journey with more speed than these messengers, so skilfully has this been invented by the Persians: for they say that according to the number of days of which the entire journey consists, so many horses and men are set at intervals, each man and horse appointed for a day's journey. These neither snow nor rain nor heat nor darkness of night prevents from accomplishing each one the task proposed to him, with the very utmost speed. The first then rides and delivers the message with which he is charged to the second, and the second to the third; and after that it goes through them handed from one to the other, 62 as in the torch-race among the Hellenes, which they perform for Hephaistos. This kind of running of their horses the Persians call angareion.

99. The first message then which came to Susa, announcing that Xerxes had Athens in his possession, so greatly rejoiced the Persians who had been left behind, that they strewed all the ways with myrtle boughs and offered incense perpetually, and themselves continued in sacrifices and feasting. The second message however, which came to them after this, so greatly disturbed them that they all tore their garments and gave themselves up to crying and lamentation without stint, laying the blame upon Mardonios: and this the Persians did not so much because they were grieved about the ships, as because they feared for Xerxes himself.

100. As regards the Persians this went on for all the time which intervened, until the coming of Xerxes himself caused them to cease: and Mardonios seeing that Xerxes was greatly troubled by reason of the sea-fight, and suspecting that he was meaning to take flight from Athens, considered with regard to himself that he would have to suffer punishment for having persuaded the king to make an expedition against Hellas, and that it was better for him to run the risk of either subduing Hellas or ending his own life honourably, placing his safety in suspense for a great end, 63 though his opinion was rather that he would subdue Hellas;—he reckoned up these things, I say, and addressed his speech to the king as follows: "Master, be not thou grieved, nor feel great trouble on account of this thing which has come to pass; for it is not upon a contest of timbers that all our fortunes depend, but of men and of horses: and none of these who suppose now that all has been achieved by them will attempt to disembark from the ships and stand against thee, nor will any in this mainland do so; but those who did stand against us paid the penalty. If therefore thou thinkest this good to do, let us forthwith attempt the Peloponnese, or if thou thinkest good to hold back, we may do that. Do not despond however, for there is no way of escape for the Hellenes to avoid being thy slaves, after they have first given an account of that which they did to thee both now and at former times. Thus it were best to do; but if thou hast indeed resolved to retire thyself and to withdraw thy army, I have another counsel to offer for that case too. Do not thou, O king, let the Persians be an object of laughter to the Hellenes; for none of thy affairs have suffered by means of the Persians, nor wilt thou be able to mention any place where we proved ourselves cowards: but if Phenicians or Egyptians or Cyprians or Kilikians proved themselves cowards, the calamity which followed does not belong to the Persians in any way. Now therefore, since it is not the Persians who are guilty towards thee, follow my counsel. If thou hast determined not to remain here, retire thou to thine own abode, taking with thee the main body of the army, and it must then be for me to deliver over to thee Hellas reduced to subjection, choosing for this purpose thirty myriads 64 from the army."

101. Hearing this Xerxes was rejoiced and delighted so far as he might be after his misfortunes, 65 and to Mardonios he said that when he had taken counsel he would reply and say which of these two things he would do. So when he was taking counsel with those of the Persians who were called to be his advisers, 66 it seemed good to him to send for Artemisia also to give him counsel, because at the former time she alone had showed herself to have perception of that which ought to be done. So when Artemisia had come, Xerxes removed from him all the rest, both the Persian councillors and also the spearmen of the guard and spoke to her thus: "Mardonios bids me stay here and make an attempt on the Peloponnese, saying that the Persians and the land-army are not guilty of any share in my calamity, and that they would gladly give me proof of this. He bids me therefore either do this or, if not, he desires himself to choose thirty myriads from the army and to deliver over to me Hellas reduced to subjection; and he bids me withdraw with the rest of the army to my own abode. Do thou therefore, as thou didst well advise about the sea-fight which was fought, urging that we should not bring it on, so also now advise me which of these things I shall do, that I may succeed in determining well."

102. He thus consulted her, and she spoke these words: "O king, it is hard for me to succeed in saying the best things when one asks me for counsel; yet it seems good to me at the present that thou shouldest retire back and leave Mardonios here, if he desires it and undertakes to do this, together with those whom he desires to have: for on the one hand if he subdue those whom he says that he desires to subdue, and if those matters succeed well which he has in mind when he thus speaks, the deed will after all be thine, master, seeing that thy slaves achieved it: and on the other hand if the opposite shall come to pass of that which Mardonios intends, it will be no great misfortune, seeing that thou wilt thyself remain safe, and also the power in those parts 67 which concerns thy house: 68 for if thou shalt remain safe with thy house, many contests many times over repeated will the Hellenes have to pass through for their own existence. 69 Of Mardonios however, if he suffer any disaster, no account will be made; and if the Hellenes conquer they gain a victory which is no victory, having destroyed one who is but thy slave. Thou however wilt retire having done that for which thou didst make thy march, that is to say, having delivered Athens to the fire."

103. With this advice Xerxes was greatly delighted, since she succeeded in saying that very thing which he himself was meaning to do: for not even if all the men and all the women in the world had been counselling him to remain, would he have done so, as I think, so much had he been struck with terror. He commended Artemisia therefore and sent her away to conduct his sons to Ephesos, for there were certain bastard sons of his which accompanied him.

104. With these sons he sent Hermotimos to have charge of them, who was by race of Pedasa and was in the estimation of the king second to none of the eunuchs. [Now the Pedasians dwell above Halicarnassos, and at this Pedasa a thing happens as follows:—whenever to the whole number of those who dwell about this city some trouble is about to come within a certain time, then the priestess of Athene in that place gets a long beard; and this has happened to them twice before now.

105. Of these Pedasians was Hermotimos.] 70 And this man of all persons whom we know up to this time obtained the greatest revenge for a wrong done to him. For he had been captured by enemies and was being sold, and Panionios a man of Chios bought him, one who had set himself to gain his livelihood by the most impious practices; for whenever he obtained boys who possessed some beauty, he would make eunuchs of them, and then taking them to Sardis or Ephesos sold them for large sums of money, since with the Barbarians eunuchs are held to be of more value for all matters of trust than those who are not eunuchs. Panionios then, I say, made eunuchs of many others, since by this he got his livelihood, and also of this man about whom I speak: and Hermotimos, being not in everything unfortunate, was sent from Sardis to the king with other gifts, and as time went on he came to be honoured more than all the other eunuchs in the sight of Xerxes.

106. And when the king, being at that time in Sardis, was setting the Persian army in motion to march against Athens, then Hermotimos, having gone down for some business to that part of Mysia which the Chians occupy and which is called Atarneus, found there Panionios: and having recognised him he spoke to him many friendly words, first recounting to him all the good things which he had by his means, and next making promises in return for this, and saying how many good things he would do for him, if he would bring his household and dwell in that land; so that Panionios gladly accepting his proposals brought his children and his wife. Then, when he had caught him together with his whole house, Hermotimos spoke as follows: "O thou, who of all men that ever lived up to this time didst gain thy substance by the most impious deeds, what evil did either I myself or any of my forefathers do either to thee or to any of thine, that thou didst make me to be that which is nought instead of a man? Didst thou suppose that thou wouldest escape the notice of the gods for such things as then thou didst devise? They however following the rule of justice delivered 71 thee into my hands, since thou hadst done impious deeds; so that thou shalt not have reason to find fault with the penalty which shall be inflicted upon thee by me." When he had thus reproached him, the man's sons were brought into his presence and Panionios was compelled to make eunuchs of his own sons, who were four in number, and being compelled he did so; and then when he had so done, the sons were compelled to do the same thing to him. Thus vengeance by the hands of Hermotimos 72 overtook Panionios.

107. When Xerxes had entrusted his sons to Artemisia to carry them back to Ephesos, he called Mardonios and bade him choose of the army whom he would, and make his deeds, if possible, correspond to his words. During this day then things went so far; and in the night on the command of the king the leaders of the fleet began to withdraw their ships from Phaleron to the Hellespont, as quickly as they might each one, to guard the bridges for the king to pass over. And when the Barbarians were near Zoster as they sailed, then seeing the small points of rock which stretch out to sea from this part of the mainland, they thought that these were ships and fled for a good distance. In time however, perceiving that they were not ships but points of rock, they assembled together again and continued on their voyage.

108. When day dawned, the Hellenes, seeing that the land-army was staying still in its place, supposed that the ships also were about Phaleron; and thinking that they would fight another sea-battle, they made preparations to repel them. When however they were informed that the ships had departed, forthwith upon this they thought it good to pursue after them. They pursued therefore as far as Andros, but did not get a sight of the fleet of Xerxes; and when they had come to Andros, they deliberated what they should do. Themistocles then declared as his opinion that they should take their course through the islands and pursue after the ships, and afterwards sail straight to the Hellespont to break up the bridges; but Eurybiades expressed the opposite opinion to this, saying that if they should break up the floating-bridges, they would therein do 73 the greatest possible evil to Hellas: for if the Persian should be cut off and compelled to remain in Europe, he would endeavour not to remain still, since if he remained still, neither could any of his affairs go forward, nor would any way of returning home appear; but his army would perish of hunger: whereas if he made the attempt and persevered in it, all Europe might be brought over to him, city by city and nation by nation, the inhabitants being either conquered 74 or surrendering on terms before they were conquered: moreover they would have for food the crops of the Hellenes which grew year by year. He thought however that conquered in the sea-fight the Persian would not stay in Europe, and therefore he might be allowed to flee until in his flight he came to his own land. Then after that they might begin the contest for the land which belonged to the Persian. To this opinion the commanders of the other Peloponnesians adhered also.

109. When Themistocles perceived that he would not be able to persuade them, or at least the greater number of them, to sail to the Hellespont, he changed his counsel 75 and turning to the Athenians (for these were grieved most at the escape of the enemy and were anxious to sail to the Hellespont even by themselves alone, 76 if the others were not willing) to them he spoke as follows: "I myself also have been present before now on many occasions, and have heard of many more, on which something of this kind came to pass, namely that men who were forced into great straits, after they had been defeated fought again and repaired their former disaster: and as for us, since we have won as a prize from fortune the existence of ourselves and of Hellas by repelling from our land so great a cloud of men, let us not pursue enemies who flee from us: for of these things not we were the doors, but the gods and heroes, who grudged that one man should become king of both Asia and of Europe, and he a man unholy and presumptuous, one who made no difference between things sacred and things profane, 77 burning and casting down the images of the gods, and who also scourged the Sea and let down into it fetters. But as things are at present, it is well that we should now remain in Hellas and look after ourselves and our households; and let each man repair his house, and have a care for sowing his land, after he has completely driven away the Barbarian: and then at the beginning of the spring let us sail down towards the Hellespont and Ionia." Thus he spoke, intending to lay up for himself a store of gratitude with the Persian, in order that if after all any evil should come upon him at the hands of the Athenians, he might have a place of refuge: and this was in fact that which came to pass.

110. Themistocles then speaking thus endeavoured to deceive them, and the Athenians followed his advice: for he had had the reputation even in former times of being a man of ability 78 and he had now proved himself to be in truth both able and of good judgment; therefore they were ready in every way to follow his advice when he spoke. So when these had been persuaded by him, forthwith after this Themistocles sent men with a vessel, whom he trusted to keep silence, to whatever test they might be brought, of that which he himself charged them to tell the king; and of them Sikinnos his servant again was one. When these came to Attica, the rest stayed behind in the ship, while Sikinnos went up to Xerxes and spoke these words: "Themistocles the son of Neocles sent me, who is commander of the Athenians, and of all the allies the best and ablest man, to tell thee that Themistocles the Athenian, desiring to be of service to thee, held back the Hellenes when they were desirous to pursue after thy ships and to destroy the bridges on the Hellespont. Now therefore thou mayest make thy way home quite undisturbed." They having signified this sailed away again.

111. The Hellenes meanwhile, having resolved not to pursue after the ships of the Barbarians further, nor to sail to the Hellespont to break up the passage, were investing Andros intending to take it: for the Andrians were the first of the islanders who, being asked by Themistocles for money, refused to give it: and when Themistocles made proposals to them and said that the Athenians had come having on their side two great deities, Persuasion and Compulsion, and therefore they must by all means give them money, they replied to this that not without reason, as it now appeared, was Athens great and prosperous, since the Athenians were well supplied with serviceable deities; but as for the Andrians, they were poor, 79 having in this respect attained to the greatest eminence, and there were two unprofitable deities which never left their island but always remained attached to the place, Poverty, namely, and Helplessness: and the Andrians being possessed of these deities would not give money; for never could the power of the Athenians get the better of their inability. 80

112. These, I say, having thus made answer and having refused to give the money, were being besieged: and Themistocles not ceasing in his desire for gain sent threatening messages to the other islands and asked them for money by the same envoys, employing those whom he had before sent to the king; 81 and he said that if they did not give that which was demanded of them, he would bring the fleet of the Hellenes against them to besiege and take them. Thus saying he collected great sums of money from the Carystians and the Parians, who being informed how Andros was being besieged, because it had taken the side of the Medes, and how Themistocles was held in more regard than any of the other commanders, sent money for fear of this. Whether any others of the islanders also gave money I am not able to say, but I think that some others gave and not these alone. Yet to the Carystians at least there was no respite from the evil on this account, but the Parians escaped the attack, because they propitiated Themistocles with money. Thus Themistocles with Andros as his starting-point was acquiring sums of money for himself from the men of the islands without the knowledge of the other commanders.

113. Xerxes meanwhile with his army stayed for a few days after the sea-fight, and then they all began to march forth towards Boeotia by the same way by which they had come: for Mardonios thought both that it was well for him to escort the king on his way, and also that it was now too late in the year to carry on the war; it was better, he thought, to winter in Thessaly and then at the beginning of spring to attempt the Peloponnese. When he came to Thessaly, then Mardonios chose out for himself first all those Persians who are called "Immortals," except only their commander Hydarnes (for Hydarnes said that he would not be left behind by the king), and after them of the other Persians those who wore cuirasses, and the body of a thousand horse: also the Medes, Sacans, Bactrians and Indians, foot and horsemen both. 82 These nations he chose in the mass, 83 but from the other allies he selected by few at a time, choosing whose who had fine appearance of those of whom he knew that they had done good service. From the Persians he chose more than from any other single nation, and these wore collars of twisted metal and bracelets; and after them came the Medes, who in fact were not inferior in number to the Persians, but only in bodily strength. The result was that there were thirty myriads in all, including cavalry.

114. During this time, while Mardonios was selecting his army and Xerxes was in Thessaly, there had come an oracle from Delphi to the Lacedemonians, bidding them ask satisfaction from Xerxes for the murder of Leonidas and accept that which should be given by him. The Spartans therefore sent a herald as quickly as possible, who having found the whole army still in Thessaly came into the presence of Xerxes and spoke these words: "O king of the Medes, the Lacedemonians and the sons of Heracles of Sparta demand of thee satisfaction for murder, because thou didst kill their king, fighting in defence of Hellas." He laughed and then kept silence some time, and after that pointing to Mardonios, who happened to be standing by him, he said: "Then Mardonios here shall give them satisfaction, such as is fitting for them to have."

115. The herald accordingly accepted the utterance and departed; and Xerxes leaving Mardonios in Thessaly went on himself in haste to the Hellespont and arrived at the passage where the crossing was in five-and-thirty days, bringing back next to nothing, as one may say, 84 of his army: and whithersoever they came on the march and to whatever nation, they seized the crops of that people and used them for provisions; and if they found no crops, then they took the grass which was growing up from the earth, and stripped off the bark from the trees and plucked down the leaves and devoured them, alike of the cultivated trees and of those growing wild; and they left nothing behind them: thus they did by reason of famine. Then plague too seized upon the army and dysentery, which destroyed them by the way, and some of them also who were sick the king left behind, laying charge upon the cities where at the time he chanced to be in his march, to take care of them and support them: of these he left some in Thessaly, and some at Siris in Paionia, and some in Macedonia. In these parts too he had left behind him the sacred chariot of Zeus, when he was marching against Hellas; but on his return he did not receive it back: for the Paionians had given it to the Thracians, and when Xerxes asked for it again, they said that the mares while at pasture had been carried off by the Thracians of the upper country, who dwelt about the source of the Strymon.

116. Here also a Thracian, the king of the Bisaltians and of the Crestonian land, did a deed of surpassing horror; for he had said that he would not himself be subject to Xerxes with his own will and had gone away up to Mount Rhodope, and also he had forbidden his sons to go on the march against Hellas. They however, either because they cared not for his command, or else because a desire came upon them to see the war, went on the march with the Persian: and when they returned all unhurt, being six in number, their father plucked out their eyes for this cause.

117. They then received this reward: and as to the Persians, when passing on from Thrace they came to the passage, they crossed over the Hellespont in haste to Abydos by means of the ships, for they did not find the floating-bridges still stretched across but broken up by a storm. While staying there for a time they had distributed to them an allowance of food more abundant than they had had by the way, and from satisfying their hunger without restraint and also from the changes of water there died many of those in the army who had remained safe till then. The rest arrived with Xerxes at Sardis.

118. There is also another story reported as follows, namely that when Xerxes on his march away from Athens came to Eïon on the Strymon, from that point he did not continue further to make marches by road, but delivered his army to Hydarnes to lead back to the Hellespont, while he himself embarked in a Phenician ship and set forth for Asia; and as he sailed he was seized by a wind from the Strymon, 85 violent and raising great waves; and since he was tossed by the storm more and more, the ship being heavily laden (for there were upon the deck great numbers of Persians, those namely who went with Xerxes), the king upon that falling into fear shouted aloud and asked the pilot whether there were for them any means of safety. He said: "Master, there are none, unless some way be found of freeing ourselves of the excessive number of passengers." Then it is said that Xerxes, when he heard this, spoke thus: "Persians, now let each one of you show that he has care for the king; for my safety, as it seems, depends upon you." He, they say, thus spoke, and they made obeisance to him and leapt out into the sea; and so the ship being lightened came safe to Asia. As soon as they had landed Xerxes, they say, first presented the pilot with a wreath of gold, because he had saved the life of the king, and then cut off his head, because he had caused the death of many of the Persians.

119. This other story, I say, is reported about the return of Xerxes, but I for my part can by no means believe it, either in other respects or as regards this which is said to have happened to the Persians; for if this which I have related had in truth been said by the pilot to Xerxes, not one person's opinion in ten thousand will differ from mine that the king would have done some such thing as this, that is to say, he would have caused those who were upon the deck to go down below into the hold, seeing that they were Persians of the highest rank among the Persians; and of the rowers, who were Phenicians, he would have thrown out into the sea a number equal to the number of those. In fact however, as I have said before, he made his return to Asia together with the rest of the army by road.

120. And this also which follows is a strong witness that it was so; for Xerxes is known to have come to Abdera on his way back, and to have made with them a guest-friendship and presented them with a Persian sword of gold and a gold-spangled tiara: and as the men of Abdera themselves say (though I for my part can by no means believe it), he loosed his girdle for the first time during his flight back from Athens, considering himself to be in security. Now Abdera is situated further towards the Hellespont than the river Strymon and Eïon, from which place the story says that he embarked in the ship.

121. The Hellenes meanwhile, when it proved that they were not able to conquer Andros, turned towards Carystos, and having laid waste the land of that people they departed and went to Salamis. First then for the gods they chose out first-fruits of the spoil, and among them three Persian triremes, one to be dedicated as an offering at the Isthmus, which remained there still up to my time, another at Sunion, and the third to Ajax in Salamis where they were. After this they divided the spoil among themselves and sent the first-fruits 86 to Delphi, of which was made a statue holding in its hand the beak of a ship and in height measuring twelve cubits. This statue stood in the same place with the golden statue of Alexander the Macedonian.

122. Then when the Hellenes had sent first-fruits to Delphi, they asked the god on behalf of all whether the first-fruits which he had received were fully sufficient and acceptable to him. He said that from the Hellenes he had received enough, but not from the Eginetans, and from them he demanded the offering of their prize of valour for the sea-fight at Salamis. Hearing this the Eginetans dedicated golden stars, three in number, upon a ship's mast of bronze, which are placed in the corner 87 close to the mixing-bowl of Croesus.

123. After the division of the spoil the Hellenes sailed to the Isthmus, to give the prize of valour to him who of all the Hellenes had proved himself the most worthy during this war: and when they had come thither and the commanders distributed 88 their votes at the altar of Poseidon, selecting from the whole number the first and the second in merit, then every one of them gave in his vote for himself, each man thinking that he himself had been the best; but for the second place the greater number of votes came out in agreement, assigning that to Themistocles. They then were left alone in their votes, while Themistocles in regard to the second place surpassed the rest by far:

124, and although the Hellenes would not give decision of this by reason of envy, but sailed away each to their own city without deciding, yet Themistocles was loudly reported of and was esteemed throughout Hellas to be the man who was the ablest 89 by far of the Hellenes: and since he had not received honour from those who had fought at Salamis, although he was the first in the voting, he went forthwith after this to Lacedemon, desiring to receive honour there; and the Lacedemonians received him well and gave him great honours. As a prize of valour they gave to Eurybiades a wreath of olive; and for ability and skill they gave to Themistocles also a wreath of olive, and presented him besides with the chariot which was judged to be the best in Sparta. So having much commended him, they escorted him on his departure with three hundred picked men of the Spartans, the same who are called the "horsemen," 90 as far as the boundaries of Tegea: and he is the only man of all we know to whom the Spartans ever gave escort on his way.

125. When however he had come to Athens from Lacedemon, Timodemos of Aphidnai, one of the opponents of Themistocles, but in other respects not among the men of distinction, maddened by envy attacked him, bringing forward against him his going to Lacedemon, and saying that it was on account of Athens that he had those marks of honour which he had from the Lacedemonians, and not on his own account. Then, as Timodemos continued ceaselessly to repeat this, Themistocles said: "I tell thee thus it is:—if I had been a native of Belbina 91 I should never have been thus honoured by the Spartans; but neither wouldest thou, my friend, for all that thou art an Athenian." So far then went these matters.

126. Artabazos meanwhile the son of Pharnakes, a man who was held in esteem among the Persians even before this and came to be so yet more after the events about Plataia, was escorting the king as far as the passage with six myriads 92 of that army which Mardonios had selected for himself; and when the king was in Asia and Artabazos on his march back came near to Pallene, finding that Mardonios was wintering in Thessaly and Macedonia and was not at present urgent with him to come and join the rest of the army, he thought it not good to pass by without reducing the Potidaians to slavery, whom he had found in revolt: for the men of Potidaia, when the king had marched by them and when the fleet of the Persians had departed in flight from Salamis, had openly made revolt from the Barbarians; and so also had the others done who occupy Pallene.

127. So upon this Artabazos began to besiege Potidaia, and suspecting that the men of Olynthos also were intending revolt from the king, he began to besiege this city too, which was occupied by Bottiaians who had been driven away from the Thermaian gulf by the Macedonians. So when he had taken these men by siege, he brought them forth to a lake and slew them 93 there; and the city he delivered to Critobulos of Torone to have in charge, and to the natives of Chalkidike; and thus it was that the Chalkidians got possession of Olynthos.

128. Having taken this city Artabazos set himself to attack Potidaia with vigour, and as he was setting himself earnestly to this work, Timoxeinos the commander of the troops from Skione concerted with him to give up the town by treachery. Now in what manner he did this at the first, I for my part am not able to say, for this is not reported; at last however it happened as follows. Whenever either Timoxeinos wrote a paper wishing to send it to Artabazos, or Artabazos wishing to send one to Timoxeinos, they wound it round by the finger-notches 94 of an arrow, and then, putting feathers over the paper, they shot it to a place agreed upon between them. It came however to be found out that Timoxeinos was attempting by treachery to give up Potidaia; for Artabazos, shooting an arrow at the place agreed upon, missed this spot and struck a man of Potidaia in the shoulder; and when he was struck, a crowd came about him, as is apt to happen when there is fighting, and they forthwith took the arrow and having discovered the paper carried it to the commanders. Now there was present an allied force of the other men of Pallene also. Then when the commanders had read the paper and discovered who was guilty of the treachery, they resolved not openly to convict 95 Timoxeinos of treachery, for the sake of the city of Skione, lest the men of Skione should be esteemed traitors for all time to come.

129. He then in such a manner as this had been discovered; and when three months had gone by while Artabazos was besieging the town, there came to be a great ebb of the sea backwards, which lasted for a long time; and the Barbarians, seeing that shallow water had been produced, endeavoured to get by into the peninsula of Pallene, 96 but when they had passed through two fifth-parts of the distance, and yet three-fifths remained, which they must pass through before they were within Pallene, then there came upon them a great flood-tide of the sea, higher than ever before, as the natives of the place say, though high tides come often. So those of them who could not swim perished, and those who could were slain by the men of Potidaia who put out to them in boats. The cause of the high tide and flood and of that which befell the Persians was this, as the Potidaians say, namely that these same Persians who perished by means of the sea had committed impiety towards the temple of Poseidon and his image in the suburb of their town; and in saying that this was the cause, in my opinion they say well. The survivors of his army Artabazos led away to Thessaly to join Mardonios. Thus it fared with these who escorted the king on his way.

130. The fleet of Xerxes, so much of it as remained, when it had touched Asia in its flight from Salamis, and had conveyed the king and his army over from the Chersonese to Abydos, passed the winter at Kyme: and when spring dawned upon it, it assembled early at Samos, where some of the ships had even passed the winter; and most of the Persians and Medes still served as fighting-men on board of them. 97 To be commanders of them there came Mardontes the son of Bagaios, and Artaÿntes the son of Artachaies, and with them also Ithamitres was in joint command, who was brother's son to Artaÿntes and had been added by the choice of Artaÿntes himself. They then, since they had suffered a heavy blow, did not advance further up towards the West, nor did any one compel them to do so; but they remained still in Samos and kept watch over Ionia, lest it should revolt, having three hundred ships including those of the Ionians; and they did not expect that the Hellenes on their part would come to Ionia, but thought that it would satisfy them to guard their own land, judging from the fact that they had not pursued after them in their flight from Salamis but were well contented then to depart homewards. As regards the sea then their spirit was broken, but on land they thought that Mardonios would get much the advantage. So they being at Samos were taking counsel to do some damage if they could to their enemies, and at the same time they were listening for news how the affairs of Mardonios would fall out.

131. The Hellenes on their part were roused both by the coming on of spring and by the presence of Mardonios in Thessaly. Their land-army had not yet begun to assemble, when the fleet arrived at Egina, in number one hundred and ten ships, and the commander and admiral was Leotychides, who was the son of Menares, the son of Hegesilaos, the son of Hippocratides, the son of Leotychides, the son of Anaxilaos, the son of Archidemos, the son of Anaxandriddes, the son of Theopompos, the son of Nicander, the son of Charilaos, 98 the son of Eunomos, the son of Polydectes, the son of Prytanis, the son of Euryphon, 99 the son of Procles, the son of Aristodemos, the son of Aristomachos, the son of Cleodaios, the son of Hyllos, the son of Heracles, being of the other royal house. 100 These all, except the two 101 enumerated first after Leotychides, had been kings of Sparta. And of the Athenians the commander was Xanthippos the son of Ariphon.

132. When all the ships had arrived at Egina, there came Ionian envoys to the camp of the Hellenes, who also came a short time before this to Sparta and asked the Lacedemonians to set Ionia free; and of them one was Herodotus the son of Basileides. These had banded themselves together and had plotted to put to death Strattis the despot of Chios, being originally seven in number; but when one of those who took part with them gave information of it and they were discovered to be plotting against him, then the remaining six escaped from Chios and came both to Sparta and also at this time to Egina, asking the Hellenes to sail over to Ionia: but they with difficulty brought them forward as far as Delos; for the parts beyond this were all fearful to the Hellenes, since they were without experience of those regions and everything seemed to them to be filled with armed force, while their persuasion was that it was as long a voyage to Samos as to the Pillars of Heracles. Thus at the same time it so chanced that the Barbarians dared sail no further up towards the West than Samos, being smitten with fear, and the Hellenes no further down towards the East than Delos, when the Chians made request of them. So fear was guard of the space which lay between them.

133. The Hellenes, I say, sailed to Delos; and Mardonios meanwhile had been wintering in Thessaly. From thence he sent round a man, a native of Europos, whose name was Mys, to the various Oracles, charging him to go everywhere to consult, 102 wherever they 103 were permitted to make trial of the Oracles. What he desired to find out from the Oracles when he gave this charge, I am not able to say, for that is not reported; but I conceive for my part that he sent to consult about his present affairs and not about other things.

134. This Mys is known to have come to Lebadeia and to have persuaded by payment of money one of the natives of the place to go down to Trophonios, and also he came to the Oracle at Abai of the Phokians; and moreover when he came for the first time to Thebes, he not only consulted the Ismenian Apollo,—there one may consult just as at Olympia with victims,—but also by payment he persuaded a stranger who was not a Theban, and induced him to lie down to sleep in the temple of Amphiaraos. In this temple no one of the Thebans is permitted to seek divination, and that for the following reason:—Amphiaraos dealing by oracles bade them choose which they would of these two things, either to have him as a diviner or else as an ally in war, abstaining from the other use; and they chose that he should be their ally in war: for this reason it is not permitted to any of the Thebans to lie down to sleep in that temple.

135. After this a thing which to me is a very great marvel is said by the Thebans to have come to pass:—it seems that this man Mys of Europos, as he journeyed round to all the Oracles, came also to the sacred enclosure of the Ptoan Apollo. This temple is called "Ptoon," and belongs to the Thebans, and it lies above the lake Copaïs at the foot of the mountains, close to the town of Acraiphia. When the man called Mys came to this temple with three men chosen from the citizens 104 in his company, who were sent by the public authority to write down that which the god should utter in his divination, forthwith it is said the prophet 105 of the god began to give the oracle in a Barbarian tongue; and while those of the Thebans who accompanied him were full of wonder, hearing a Barbarian instead of the Hellenic tongue, and did not know what to make of the matter before them, it is said that the man of Europos, Mys, snatched from them the tablet which they bore and wrote upon it that which was being spoken by the prophet; and he said that the prophet was giving his answer in the Carian tongue: and then when he had written it, he went away and departed to Thessaly.

136. Mardonios having read that which the Oracles uttered, whatever that was, after this sent as an envoy to Athens Alexander the son of Amyntas, the Macedonian, both because the Persians were connected with him by marriage, (for Gygaia the sister of Alexander and daughter of Amyntas had been married to a Persian Bubares, 106 and from her had been born to him that Amyntas who lived in Asia, having the name of his mother's father, to whom the king gave Alabanda, 107 a great city of Phrygia, to possess), and also Mardonios was sending him because he was informed that Alexander was a public guest-friend and benefactor of the Athenians; for by this means he thought that he would be most likely to gain over the Athenians to his side, about whom he heard that they were a numerous people and brave in war, and of whom he knew moreover that these were they who more than any others had brought about the disasters which had befallen the Persians by sea. Therefore if these should be added to him, he thought that he should easily have command of the sea (and this in fact would have been the case), while on land he supposed himself to be already much superior in force. Thus he reckoned that his power would be much greater than that of the Hellenes. Perhaps also the Oracles told him this beforehand, counselling him to make the Athenian his ally, and so he was sending in obedience to their advice.

137. Now of this Alexander the seventh ancestor 108 was that Perdiccas who first became despot of the Macedonians, and that in the manner which here follows:—From Argos there fled to the Illyrians three brothers of the descendents of Temenos, Gauanes, Aëropos, and Perdiccas; and passing over from the Illyrians into the upper parts of Macedonia they came to the city of Lebaia. There they became farm-servants for pay in the household of the king, one pasturing horses, the second oxen, and the youngest of them, namely Perdiccas, the smaller kinds of cattle; for 109 in ancient times even those who were rulers over men 110 were poor in money, and not the common people only; and the wife of the king cooked for them their food herself. And whenever she baked, the loaf of the boy their servant, namely Perdiccas, became double as large as by nature it should be. When this happened constantly in the same manner, she told it to her husband, and he when he heard it conceived forthwith that this was a portent and tended to something great. He summoned the farm-servants therefore, and gave notice to them to depart out of his land; and they said that it was right that before they went forth they should receive the wages which were due. Now it chanced that the sun was shining into the house down through the opening which received the smoke, and the king when he heard about the wages said, being infatuated by a divine power: "I pay you then this for wages, and it is such as ye deserve," pointing to the sunlight. So then Gauanes and Aëropos the elder brothers stood struck with amazement when they heard this, but the boy, who happened to have in his hand a knife, said these words: "We accept, O king, that which thou dost give;" and he traced a line with his knife round the sunlight on the floor of the house, and having traced the line round he thrice drew of the sunlight into his bosom, and after that he departed both himself and his fellows.

138. They then were going away, and to the king one of those who sat by him at table told what manner of thing the boy had done, and how the youngest of them had taken that which was given with some design: and he hearing this and being moved with anger, sent after them horsemen to slay them. Now there is a river in this land to which the descendents of these men from Argos sacrifice as a saviour. This river, so soon as the sons of Temenos had passed over it, began to flow with such great volume of water that the horsemen became unable to pass over. So the brothers, having come to another region of Macedonia, took up their dwelling near the so-called gardens of Midas the son of Gordias, where roses grow wild which have each one sixty petals and excel all others in perfume. In these gardens too Silenos was captured, as is reported by the Macedonians: and above the gardens is situated a mountain called Bermion, which is inaccessible by reason of the cold. Having taken possession of that region, they made this their starting-point, and proceeded to subdue also the rest of Macedonia.

139. From this Perdiccas the descent of Alexander was as follows:—Alexander was the son of Amyntas, Amyntas was the son of Alketes, the father of Alketes was Aëropos, of him Philip, of Philip Argaios, and of this last the father was Perdiccas, who first obtained the kingdom.

140. Thus then, I say, Alexander the son of Amyntas was descended; and when he came to Athens sent from Mardonios, he spoke as follows: (a) "Athenians, Mardonios speaks these words:—There has come to me a message from the king which speaks in this manner:—To the Athenians I remit all the offences which were committed against me: and now, Mardonios, thus do,—first give them back their own land; then let them choose for themselves another in addition to this, whichsoever they desire, remaining independent; and set up for them again all their temples, which I set on fire, provided that they consent to make a treaty with me. This message having come to me, it is necessary for me to do so, unless by your means I am prevented: and thus I speak to you now:—Why are ye so mad as to raise up war against the king? since neither will ye overcome him, nor are ye able to hold out against him for ever: for ye saw the multitude of the host of Xerxes and their deeds, and ye are informed also of the power which is with me at the present time; so that even if ye overcome and conquer us (of which ye can have no hope if ye are rightly minded), another power will come many times as large. Do not ye then desire to match yourselves with the king, and so to be both deprived of your land and for ever running a course for your own lives; but make peace with him: and ye have a most honourable occasion to make peace, since the king has himself set out upon this road: agree to a league with us then without fraud or deceit, and remain free. (b) These things Mardonios charged me to say to you, O Athenians; and as for me, I will say nothing of the goodwill towards you on my part, for ye would not learn that now for the first time; but I ask of you to do as Mardonios says, since I perceive that ye will not be able to war with Xerxes for ever,—if I perceived in you ability to do this, I should never have come to you speaking these words,—for the power of the king is above that of a man and his arm is very long. If therefore ye do not make an agreement forthwith, when they offer you great things as the terms on which they are willing to make a treaty, I have fear on your behalf, seeing that ye dwell more upon the highway than any of your allies, and are exposed ever to destruction alone, the land which ye possess being parted off from the rest and lying between the armies which are contending together. 111 Nay, but be persuaded, for this is a matter of great consequence to you, that to you alone of the Hellenes the great king remits the offences committed and desires to become a friend."

141. Thus spoke Alexander; and the Lacedemonians having been informed that Alexander had come to Athens to bring the Athenians to make a treaty with the Barbarians, and remembering the oracles, who it was destined that they together with the other Dorians should be driven forth out of the Peloponnese by the Medes and the Athenians combined, had been very greatly afraid lest the Athenians should make a treaty with the Persians; and forthwith they had resolved to send envoys. It happened moreover that they were introduced at the same time with Alexander; 112 for the Athenians had waited for them, protracting the time, because they were well assured that the Lacedemonians would hear that an envoy had come from the Barbarians to make a treaty, and that having heard it they would themselves send envoys with all speed. They acted therefore of set purpose, so as to let the Lacedemonians see their inclination.

142. So when Alexander had ceased speaking, the envoys from Sparta followed him forthwith and said: "As for us, the Lacedemonians sent us to ask of you not to make any change in that which concerns Hellas, nor to accept proposals from the Barbarian; since this is not just in any way nor honourable for any of the Hellenes to do, but least of all for you, and that for many reasons. Ye were they who stirred up this war, when we by no means willed it; and the contest came about for your dominion, but now it extends even to the whole of Hellas. Besides this it is by no means to be endured that ye Athenians, who are the authors of all this, should prove to be the cause of slavery to the Hellenes, seeing that ye ever from ancient time also have been known as the liberators of many. We feel sympathy however with you for your sufferings and because ye were deprived of your crops twice and have had your substance ruined now for a long time. In compensation for this the Lacedemonians and their allies make offer to support your wives and all those of your households who are unfitted for war, so long as this war shall last: but let not Alexander the Macedonian persuade you, making smooth the speech of Mardonios; for these things are fitting for him to do, since being himself a despot he is working in league with a despot: for you however they are not fitting to do, if ye chance to be rightly minded; for ye know that in Barbarians there is neither faith nor truth at all."

Thus spoke the envoys:

143, and to Alexander the Athenians made answer thus: "Even of ourselves we know so much, that the Mede has a power many times as numerous as ours; so that there is no need for thee to cast this up against us. Nevertheless because we long for liberty we shall defend ourselves as we may be able: and do not thou endeavour to persuade us to make a treaty with the Barbarian, for we on our part shall not be persuaded. And now report to Mardonios that the Athenians say thus:—So long as the Sun goes on the same course by which he goes now, we will never make an agreement with Xerxes; but we will go forth to defend ourselves 113 against him, trusting in the gods and the heroes as allies, for whom he had no respect when he set fire to their houses and to their sacred images. And in the future do not thou appear before the Athenians with any such proposals as these, nor think that thou art rendering them good service in advising them to do that which is not lawful; for we do not desire that thou shouldest suffer anything unpleasant at the hands of the Athenians, who art their public guest and friend."

144. To Alexander they thus made answer, but to the envoys from Sparta as follows: "That the Lacedemonians should be afraid lest we should make a treaty with the Barbarian was natural no doubt; 114 but it seems to be an unworthy fear for men who know so well the spirit of the Athenians, namely that there is neither so great quantity of gold anywhere upon the earth, nor any land so much excelling in beauty and goodness, that we should be willing to accept it and enslave Hellas by taking the side of the Medes. For many and great are the reasons which hinder us from doing this, even though we should desire it; first and greatest the images and houses of the gods set on fire or reduced to ruin, which we must necessarily avenge to the very utmost rather than make an agreement with him who did these deeds; then secondly there is the bond of Hellenic race, by which we are of one blood and of one speech, the common temples of the gods and the common sacrifices, the manners of life which are the same for all; to these it would not be well that the Athenians should become traitors. And be assured of this, if by any chance ye were not assured of it before, that so long as one of the Athenians remains alive, we will never make an agreement with Xerxes. We admire however the forethought which ye had with regard to us, in that ye took thought for us who have had our substance destroyed, and are willing to support the members of our households; and so far as ye are concerned, the kindness has been fully performed: but we shall continue to endure as we may, and not be a trouble in any way to you. Now therefore, with full conviction this is so, send out an army as speedily as ye may: for, as we conjecture, the Barbarian will be here invading our land at no far distant time but so soon as he shall be informed of the message sent, namely that we shall do none of those things which he desired of us. Therefore before he arrives here in Attica, it is fitting that ye come to our rescue quickly in Boeotia." Thus the Athenians made answer, and upon that the envoys went away back to Sparta.

—————





NOTES TO BOOK VIII

1 (return)
[ See v. 77.]

2 (return)
[ i.e. triremes.]

3 (return)
[ {os to plethos ekastoi ton neon pareikhonto}: some read by conjecture {oson to plethos k.t.l.}]

4 (return)
[ Perhaps "also" refers to the case of those who had come to Thermopylai, cp. vii. 207: Others translate, "these Hellenes who had come after all to Artemision," i.e. after all the doubt and delay.]

5 (return)
[ {pantes}: some MSS. have {plegentes}, which is adopted by most Editors, "smitten by bribes."]

6 (return)
[ {dethen}, with ironical sense.]

7 (return)
[ {mede purphoron}: the {purphoros} had charge of the fire brought for sacrifices from the altar of Zeus Agetor at Sparta, and ordinarily his person would be regarded as sacred; hence the proverb {oude purphoros esothe}, used of an utter defeat.]

8 (return)
[ {tou diekploou}.]

9 (return)
[ {kata stoma}.]

10 (return)
[ {sklerai brontai}: the adjective means "harsh-sounding."]

11 (return)
[ {akhari}.]

12 (return)
[ {ta Koila tes Euboies}.]

13 (return)
[ "having been roughly handled."]

14 (return)
[ {epi ten thalassan tauten}: some MSS. read {taute} for {tauten}, which is to be taken with {sullexas}, "he assembled the generals there."]

15 (return)
[ {peripetea epoiesanto sphisi autoisi ta pregmata}.]

16 (return)
[ {paleseie}, a word which does not occur elsewhere, and is explained by Hesychius as equivalent to {diaphtharein}. Various emendations have been proposed, and Valla seems to have had the reading {apelaseie}, for he says discessisset. Stein explains {paleseie} (as from {pale}) "should contend."]

17 (return)
[ Some suppose the number "four thousand" is interpolated by misunderstanding of the inscription in vii. 228; and it seems hardly possible that the dead were so many as four thousand, unless at least half were Helots.]

18 (return)
[ Some MSS. have "Tritantaichmes," which is adopted by many Editors.]

19 (return)
[ {neou}.]

20 (return)
[ {os anarpasomenoi tous Phokeas}: cp. ix. 60.]

21 (return)
[ {podeon steinos}, like the neck of a wineskin; cp. ii. 121, note [Footnote 102.]

22 (return)
[ {tou propheten}, the interpreter of the utterances of the {promantis}.]

23 (return)
[ {neou}.]

24 (return)
[ {megarou}.]

25 (return)
[ i.e. of Athene Polias, the Erechtheion; so throughout this account.]

26 (return)
[ {sunerree}, "kept flowing together."]

2601 (return)
[ Or, "Hermione."]

27 (return)
[ See i. 56.]

28 (return)
[ See ch. 31.]

29 (return)
[ {pros pantas tous allous}, "in comparison with all the rest," cp. iii. 94.]

30 (return)
[ {stratarkheo}: a vague expression, because being introduced after Kecrops he could not have the title of king.]

31 (return)
[ The number obtained by adding up the separate contingents is 366. Many Editors suppose that the ships with which the Eginetans were guarding their own coast (ch. 46) are counted here, and quote the authority of Pausanias for the statement that the Eginetans supplied more ships than any others except the Athenians. Stein suggests the insertion of the number twelve in ch. 46.]

3101 (return)
[ Or, "Thespeia."]

32 (return)
[ i.e. "Areopagus."]

33 (return)
[ i.e. the North side.]

34 (return)
[ {megaron}.]

35 (return)
[ {neos}.]

36 (return)
[ {pollos en en tois logois}: cp. ix. 91.]

37 (return)
[ See vii. 141-143.]

38 (return)
[ {autothen ik Salaminos}.]

39 (return)
[ {te Metri kai te Koure}, Demeter and Persephone.]

40 (return)
[ {te anakrisi}: cp. {anakrinomenous}, ix. 56: Some Editors, following inferior MSS., read {te krisi}, "at the judgment expressed."]

41 (return)
[ {muriadon}, "ten thousands."]

42 (return)
[ Or, "Hermione."]

43 (return)
[ {oi perioikoi}: some Editors omit the article and translate "and these are the so-called Orneates or dwellers round (Argos)," Orneates being a name for the {perioikoi} of Argos, derived from the conquered city of Orneai.]

44 (return)
[ {elpidi mainomene}, "with a mad hope."]

45 (return)
[ {krateron Koron Ubrios uion}.]

46 (return)
[ {dokeunt ana panta tithesthai}: the MSS. have also {pithesthai}. Possibly {tithesthai} might stand, though {anatithesthai} is not found elsewhere in this sense. Stein adopts in his last edition the conjecture {piesthai}, "swallow up."]

47 (return)
[ {Kronides}.]

48 (return)
[ {potnia Nike}.]

49 (return)
[ i.e. about rivalry.]

50 (return)
[ {ton epibateon}.]

51 (return)
[ Many Editors reading {osa de} and {parainesas de}, make the stop after {antitithemena}: "and in all that is produced in the nature and constitution of man he exhorted them to choose the better."]

52 (return)
[ {o daimonioi}, "strange men."]

53 (return)
[ See ch. 22.]

54 (return)
[ {pros de eti kai proselabeto}: the MSS. have {prosebaleto}. Most Editors translate, "Moreover Ariamnes... contributed to the fate of the Phenicians, being a friend (of the Ionians);" but this does not seem possible unless we read {philos eon Iosi} (or {Ionon}). Valla translates nearly as I have done. (It does not appear that {prosballesthai} is found elsewhere in the sense of {sumballesthai}.)]

55 (return)
[ i.e. they who were commanded to execute them.]

56 (return)
[ See vii. 179, 181.]

57 (return)
[ See vi. 49, etc., and 73.]

58 (return)
[ {keleta}.]

59 (return)
[ {sumballontai}: the Athenians apparently are spoken of, for they alone believed the story.]

60 (return)
[ {apoplesai}: this is the reading of the MSS.; but many Editors adopt corrections ({apoplesthai} or {apoplesthenai}). The subject to {apoplesai} is to be found in the preceding sentence and the connexion with {ton te allon panta k.t.l.} is a loose one. This in fact is added as an afterthought, the idea being originally to call attention simply to the fulfilment of the oracle of Lysistratos.]

61 (return)
[ {phruxousi}: a conjectural emendation, adopted by most Editors, of {phrixousi}, "will shudder (at the sight of oars)."]

62 (return)
[ {kat allon kai allon}: the MSS. have {kat allon}, but Valla's rendering is "alium atque alium."]

63 (return)
[ {uper megalon aiorethenta}.]

64 (return)
[ i.e. 300,000.]

65 (return)
[ {os ek kakon}: some translate, "thinking that he had escaped from his troubles."]

66 (return)
[ {toisi epikletoisi}, cp. vii. 8 and ix. 42.]

67 (return)
[ i.e. Asia, as opposed to "these parts."]

68 (return)
[ Stein would take {peri oikon ton son} with {oudemia sumphore}, but the order of words is against this.]

69 (return)
[ {pollous pollakis agonas drameontai peri spheon auton}.]

70 (return)
[ See i. 175: The manner of the repetition and some points in the diction raise suspicion that the passage is interpolated here; and so it is held to be by most Editors. In i. 175 we find {tris} instead of {dis}.]

71 (return)
[ {upegagon}, cp. vi. 72, with the idea of bringing before a court for punishment, not "by underhand means," as it is understood by Larcher and Bähr.]

72 (return)
[ "vengeance and Hermotimos."]

73 (return)
[ {spheis... ergasaiato}: the MSS. read {sphi} (one {spheas}) and {ergasaito}, and this is retained by some Editors.]

74 (return)
[ "taken."]

75 (return)
[ {metabalon}: others translate, "he turned from them to the Athenians"; but cp. vii. 52: The words {pros tous Athenaious} are resumed by {sphi} with {elege}.]

76 (return)
[ {kai epi spheon auton balomenoi}, "even at their own venture," cp. iii. 71.]

77 (return)
[ {ta idia}, "things belonging to private persons."]

78 (return)
[ {sophos}.]

79 (return)
[ {geopeinas}, "poor in land."]

80 (return)
[ It seems necessary to insert {an} with {einai}. For the sentiment cp. vii. 172.]

81 (return)
[ {khreomenos toisi kai pros basilea ekhresato}. This is the reading of the best MSS.: the rest have {khreomenos logoisi toisi kai pros Andrious ekhresato}, "using the same language as he had before used to the Andrians."]

82 (return)
[ {kai ten allen ippon}: some MSS. omit {allen}.]

83 (return)
[ {ola}, i.e. not the whole number of them, but great masses without individual selection.]

84 (return)
[ {ouden meros os eipein}.]

85 (return)
[ {anemon Strumonien}, "the wind called Strymonias."]

86 (return)
[ {ta akrothinia}, i.e. the tithe.]

87 (return)
[ i.e. the corner of the entrance-hall, {epi tou proneiou tes gonies}, i. 51.]

88 (return)
[ {dienemon}: some understand this to mean "distributed the voting tablets," and some MSS. read {dienemonto}, "distributed among themselves," which is adopted by many Editors.]

89 (return)
[ {sophotatos}.]

90 (return)
[ See i. 67.]

91 (return)
[ A small island near Attica, taken here as the type of insignificance. To suppose that Timodemos was connected with it is quite unnecessary. The story in Plutarch about the Seriphian is different.]

92 (return)
[ i.e. 60,000.]

93 (return)
[ {katesphaxe}, "cut their throats."]

94 (return)
[ {para tas gluphidas}: some Editors read {peri tas gluphidas} on the authority of Æneas Tacticus. The {gluphides} are probably notches which give a hold for the fingers as they draw back the string.]

95 (return)
[ {kataplexai}, "strike down" by the charge.]

96 (return)
[ The way was shut against them ordinarily by the town of Potidaia, which occupied the isthmus.]

97 (return)
[ i.e. most of those who before served as {epibatai} (vii. 96) continued to serve still. The sentence is usually translated, "of those who served as fighting-men in them the greater number were Persians or Medes," and this may be right.]

98 (return)
[ The MSS. have "Charilos" or "Charillos."]

99 (return)
[ Some Editors read "Eurypon," which is the form found elsewhere.]

100 (return)
[ Cp. vii. 204.]

101 (return)
[ {duon}. It seems certain that the number required here is seven and not two, and the emendation {epta} for {duon} ({z} for {b}) is approved by several Editors.]

102 (return)
[ {khresomenon}: the best MSS. read {khresamenon}, which is retained by Stein, with the meaning "charging him to consult the Oracles everywhere... and then return."]

103 (return)
[ i.e. Mardonios and the Persians.]

104 (return)
[ i.e. Theban citizens.]

105 (return)
[ {promantin}: he is afterwards called {prophetes}.]

106 (return)
[ Cp. v. 21.]

107 (return)
[ Some Editors would read "Alabastra." Alabanda was a Carian town.]

108 (return)
[ Counting Alexander himself as one.]

109 (return)
[ {esan gar}: this is the reading of the best MSS.: others have {esan de}. Stein (reading {esan gar}) places this clause after the next, "The wife of the king herself baked their bread, for in ancient times, etc." This transposition is unnecessary; for it would be easy to understand it as a comment on the statement that three members of the royal house of Argos became farm-servants.]

110 (return)
[ {ai turannides ton anthropon}.]

111 (return)
[ {exaireton metaikhmion te ten gun ektemenon}: there are variations of reading and punctuation in the MSS.]

112 (return)
[ {sunepipte oste omou spheon ginesthai ten katastasin}, i.e. their introduction before the assembly, cp. iii. 46.]

113 (return)
[ {epeximen amunomenoi}, which possibly might be translated, "we will continue to defend ourselves."]

114 (return)
[ {karta anthropeion}.]

HERODOTUS, HISTORIES - BOOK IX

Calliope

1. Mardonios, when Alexander had returned back and had signified to him that which was said by the Athenians, set forth from Thessaly and began to lead his army with all diligence towards Athens: and to whatever land he came, he took up with him the people of that land. The leaders of Thessaly meanwhile did not repent of all that which had been done already, but on the contrary they urged on the Persian yet much more; and Thorax of Larissa had joined in escorting Xerxes in his flight and at this time he openly offered Mardonios passage to invade Hellas..

2. Then when the army in its march came to Boeotia, the Thebans endeavoured to detain Mardonios, and counselled him saying that there was no region more convenient for him to have his encampment than that; and they urged him not to advance further, but to sit down there and endeavour to subdue to himself the whole of Hellas without fighting: for to overcome the Hellenes by open force when they were united, as at the former time they were of one accord together, 1 was a difficult task even for the whole world combined, "but," they proceeded, "if thou wilt do that which we advise, with little labour thou wilt have in thy power all their plans of resistance. 2 Send money to the men who have power in their cities, and thus sending thou wilt divide Hellas into two parties: after that thou wilt with ease subdue by the help of thy party those who are not inclined to thy side.".

3. Thus they advised, but he did not follow their counsel; for there had instilled itself into him a great desire to take Athens for the second time, partly from obstinacy 3 and partly because he meant to signify to the king in Sardis that he was in possession of Athens by beacon-fires through the islands. However he did not even at this time find the Athenians there when he came to Attica; but he was informed that the greater number were either in Salamis or in the ships, and he captured the city finding it deserted. Now the capture of the city by the king had taken place ten months before the later expedition of Mardonios against it.

4. When Mardonios had come to Athens, he sent to Salamis Morychides a man of the Hellespont, bearing the same proposals as Alexander the Macedonian had brought over to the Athenians. These he sent for the second time, being aware beforehand that the dispositions of the Athenians were not friendly, but hoping that they would give way and leave their obstinacy, since the Attic land had been captured by the enemy and was in his power..

5. For this reason he sent Morychides to Salamis; and he came before the Council 4 and reported the words of Mardonios. Then one of the Councillors, Lykidas, expressed the opinion that it was better to receive the proposal which Morychides brought before them and refer it to the assembly of the people. 5 He, I say, uttered this opinion, whether because he had received money from Mardonios, or because this was his own inclination: however the Athenians forthwith, both those of the Council and those outside, when they heard of it, were very indignant, and they came about Lykidas and stoned him to death; but the Hellespontian Morychides they dismissed unhurt. Then when there had arisen much uproar in Salamis about Lykidas, the women of the Athenians heard of that which was being done, and one woman passing the word to another and one taking another with her, they went of their own accord to the house of Lykidas and stoned his wife and his children to death.

6. The Athenians had passed over to Salamis as follows:—So long as they were looking that an army should come from the Peloponnese to help them, they remained in Attica; but as those in Peloponnesus acted very slowly and with much delay, while the invader was said to be already in Boeotia, they accordingly removed everything out of danger, and themselves passed over to Salamis; and at the same time they sent envoys to Lacedemon to reproach the Lacedemonians for having permitted the Barbarian to invade Attica and for not having gone to Boeotia to meet him in company with them, and also to remind them how many things the Persian had promised to give the Athenians if they changed sides; bidding the envoys warn them that if they did not help the Athenians, the Athenians would find some shelter 6 for themselves..

7. For the Lacedemonians in fact were keeping a feast during this time, and celebrating the Hyakinthia; and they held it of the greatest consequence to provide for the things which concerned the god, while at the same time their wall which they had been building at the Isthmus was just at this moment being completed with battlements. And when the envoys from the Athenians came to Lacedemon, bringing with them also envoys from Megara and Plataia, they came in before the Ephors and said as follows: "The Athenians sent us saying that the king of the Medes not only offers to give us back our land, but also desires to make us his allies on fair and equal terms without deceit or treachery, 7 and is desirous moreover to give us another land in addition to our own, whichsoever we shall ourselves choose. We however, having respect for Zeus of the Hellenes and disdaining to be traitors to Hellas, did not agree but refused, although we were unjustly dealt with by the other Hellenes and left to destruction, and although we knew that it was more profitable to make a treaty with the Persian than to carry on war: nor shall we make a treaty at any future time, if we have our own will. Thus sincerely is our duty done towards the Hellenes: 8 but as for you, after having come then to great dread lest we should make a treaty with the Persian, so soon as ye learnt certainly what our spirit was, namely that we should never betray Hellas, and because your wall across the Isthmus is all but finished, now ye make no account of the Athenians, but having agreed with us to come to Boeotia to oppose the Persian, ye have now deserted us, and ye permitted the Barbarian moreover to make invasion of Attica. For the present then the Athenians have anger against you, for ye did not do as was fitting to be done: and now they bid 9 you with all speed send out an army together with us, in order that we may receive the Barbarian in the land of Attica; for since we failed of Boeotia, the most suitable place to fight in our land is the Thriasian plain.".

8. When the Ephors heard this they deferred their reply to the next day, and then on the next day to the succeeding one; and this they did even for ten days, deferring the matter from day to day, while during this time the whole body of the Peloponnesians were building the wall over the Isthmus with great diligence and were just about to complete it. Now I am not able to say why, when Alexander the Macedonian had come to Athens, they were so very anxious lest the Athenians should take the side of the Medes, whereas now they had no care about it, except indeed that their wall over the Isthmus had now been built, and they thought they had no need of the Athenians any more; whereas when Alexander came to Attica the wall had not yet been completed, but they were working at it in great dread of the Persians..

9. At last however the answer was given and the going forth of the Spartans took place in the following manner:—on the day before that which was appointed for the last hearing of the envoys, Chileos a man of Tegea, who of all strangers had most influence in Lacedemon, heard from the Ephors all that which the Athenians were saying; and he, it seems, said to them these words: "Thus the matter stands, Ephors:—if the Athenians are not friendly with us but are allies of the Barbarian, then though a strong wall may have been built across the Isthmus, yet a wide door has been opened for the Persian into Peloponnesus. Listen to their request, however, before the Athenians resolve upon something else tending to the fall of Hellas.".

10. Thus he counselled them, and they forthwith took his words to heart; and saying nothing to the envoys who had come from the cities, while yet it was night they sent out five thousand Spartans, with no less than seven of the Helots set to attend upon each man of them, 901 appointing Pausanias the son of Cleombrotos to lead them forth. Now the leadership belonged to Pleistarchos the son of Leonidas; but he was yet a boy, and the other was his guardian and cousin: for Cleombrotos, the father of Pausanias and son of Anaxandrides, was no longer alive, but when he had led home from the Isthmus the army which had built the wall, no long time after this he died. Now the reason why Cleombrotos led home the army from the Isthmus was this:—as he was offering sacrifice for fighting against the Persian, the sun was darkened in the heaven. And Pausanias chose as commander in addition to himself Euryanax the son of Dorieos, a man of the same house..

11. So Pausanias with his army had gone forth out of Sparta; and the envoys, when day had come, not knowing anything of this going forth, came in before the Ephors meaning to depart also, each to his own State: and when they had come in before them they said these words: "Ye, O Lacedemonians, are remaining here and celebrating this Hyakinthia and disporting yourselves, having left your allies to destruction; and the Athenians being wronged by you and for want of allies will make peace with the Persians on such terms as they can: and having made peace, evidently we become allies of the king, and therefore we shall join with him in expeditions against any land to which the Persians may lead us; and ye will learn then what shall be the issue for you of this matter." When the envoys spoke these words, the Ephors said and confirmed it with an oath, that they supposed by this time the men were at Orestheion on their way against the strangers: for they used to call the Barbarians "strangers." 10 So they, not knowing of the matter, asked the meaning of these words, and asking they learnt all the truth; so that they were struck with amazement and set forth as quickly as possible in pursuit; and together with them five thousand chosen hoplites of the Lacedemonian "dwellers in the country round" 11 did the same thing also.

12. They then, I say, were hastening towards the Isthmus; and the Argives so soon as they heard that Pausanias with his army had gone forth from Sparta, sent as a herald to Attica the best whom they could find of the long-distance runners, 12 because they had before of their own motion engaged for Mardonios that they would stop the Spartans from going forth: and the herald when he came to Athens spoke as follows: "Mardonios, the Argives sent me to tell thee that the young men have gone forth from Lacedemon, and that the Argives are not able to stop them from going forth: with regard to this therefore may it be thy fortune to take measures well." 13.

13. He having spoken thus departed and went back; and Mardonios was by no means anxious any more to remain in Attica when he heard this message. Before he was informed of this he had been waiting, because he desired to know the news from the Athenians as to what they were about to do; and he had not been injuring or laying waste the land of Attica, because he hoped always that they would make a treaty with him; but as he did not persuade them, being now informed of everything he began to retire out of the country before the force of Pausanias arrived at the Isthmus, having first set fire to Athens and cast down and destroyed whatever was left standing of the walls, houses or temples. Now he marched away for this cause, namely first because Attica was not a land where horsemen could act freely, and also because, if he should be defeated in a battle in Attica, there was no way of retreat except by a narrow pass, so that a few men could stop them. He intended therefore to retreat to Thebes, and engage battle near to a friendly city and to a country where horsemen could act freely.

14. Mardonios then was retiring out of the way, and when he was already upon a road a message came to him saying that another body of troops in advance of the rest 14 had come to Megara, consisting of a thousand Lacedemonians. Being thus informed he took counsel with himself, desiring if possible first to capture these. Therefore he turned back and proceeded to lead his army towards Megara, and the cavalry going in advance of the rest overran the Megaran land: this was the furthest land in Europe towards the sun-setting to which this Persian army came..

15. After this a message came to Mardonios that the Hellenes were assembled at the Isthmus; therefore he marched back by Dekeleia, for the chiefs of Boeotia 15 had sent for those of the Asopians who dwelt near the line of march, and these were his guides along the road to Sphendaleis and thence to Tanagra. So having encamped for the night at Tanagra and on the next day having directed his march to Scolos, he was within the land of the Thebans. Then he proceeded to cut down the trees in the lands of the Thebans, although they were on the side of the Medes, moved not at all by enmity to them, but pressed by urgent necessity both to make a defence for his camp, and also he was making it for a refuge, in case that when he engaged battle things should not turn out for him as he desired. Now the encampment of his army extended from Erythrai along by Hysiai and reached the river Asopos: he was not however making the wall to extend so far as this, but with each face measuring somewhere about ten furlongs. 16

16. While the Barbarians were engaged upon this work, Attaginos the son of Phyrnon, a Theban, having made magnificent preparations invited to an entertainment Mardonios himself and fifty of the Persians who were of most account; and these being invited came; and the dinner was given at Thebes. Now this which follows I heard from Thersander, an Orchomenian and a man of very high repute in Orchomenos. This Thersander said that he too was invited by Attaginos to this dinner, and there were invited also fifty men of the Thebans, and their host did not place them to recline 17 separately each nation by themselves, but a Persian and a Theban upon every couch. Then when dinner was over, as they were drinking pledges to one another, 18 the Persian who shared a couch with him speaking in the Hellenic tongue asked him of what place he was, and he answered that he was of Orchomenos. The other said: "Since now thou hast become my table-companion and the sharer of my libation, I desire to leave behind with thee a memorial of my opinion, in order that thou thyself also mayest know beforehand and be able to take such counsels for thyself as may be profitable. Dost thou see these Persians who are feasting here, and the army which we left behind encamped upon the river? Of all these, when a little time has gone by, thou shalt see but very few surviving." While the Persian said these words he shed many tears, as Thersander reported; and he marvelling at his speech said to him: "Surely then it is right to tell Mardonios and to those of the Persians who after him are held in regard." He upon this said: "Friend, that which is destined to come from God, it is impossible for a man to avert; for no man is willing to follow counsel, even when one speaks that which is reasonable. And these things which I say many of us Persians know well; yet we go with the rest being bound in the bonds of necessity: and the most hateful grief of all human griefs is this, to have knowledge of the truth but no power over the event." 19 These things I heard from Thersander of Orchomenos, and in addition to them this also, namely that he told them to various persons forthwith, before the battle took place at Plataia.

17. Mardonios then being encamped in Boeotia, the rest of the Hellenes who lived in these parts and took the side of the Medes were all supplying troops and had joined in the invasion of Attica, but the Phokians alone had not joined in the invasion,—the Phokians, I say, for these too were now actively 20 taking the side of the Medes, not of their own will however, but by compulsion. Not many days however after the arrival of Mardonios at Thebes, there came of them a thousand hoplites, and their leader was Harmokydes, the man who was of most repute among their citizens. When these too came to Thebes, Mardonios sent horsemen and bade the Phokians take up their position by themselves in the plain. After they had so done, forthwith the whole cavalry appeared; and upon this there went a rumour 21 through the army of Hellenes which was with the Medes that the cavalry was about to shoot them down with javelins, and this same report went through the Phokians themselves also. Then their commander Harmokydes exhorted them, speaking as follows: "Phokians, it is manifest that these men are meaning to deliver us to a death which we may plainly foresee, 22 because we have been falsely accused by the Thessalians, as I conjecture: now therefore it is right that every one of you prove himself a good man; for it is better to bring our lives to an end doing deeds of valour and defending ourselves, than to be destroyed by a dishonourable death offering ourselves for the slaughter. Let each man of them learn that they are Barbarians and that we, against whom they contrived murder, are Hellenes.".

18. While he was thus exhorting them, the horsemen having encompassed them round were riding towards them as if to destroy them; and they were already aiming their missiles as if about to discharge them, nay some perhaps did discharge them: and meanwhile the Phokians stood facing them gathered together and with their ranks closed as much as possible every way. Then the horsemen turned and rode away back. Now I am not able to say for certain whether they came to destroy the Phokians at the request of the Thessalians, and then when they saw them turn to defence they feared lest they also might suffer some loss, and therefore rode away back, for so Mardonios had commanded them; or whether on the other hand he desired to make trial of them and to see if they had in them any warlike spirit. Then, when the horsemen had ridden away back, Mardonios sent a herald and spoke to them as follows: "Be of good courage, Phokians, for ye proved yourselves good men, and not as I was informed. Now therefore carry on this way with zeal, for ye will not surpass in benefits either myself or the king." Thus far it happened as regards the Phokians.

19. When the Lacedemonians came to the Isthmus they encamped upon it, and hearing this the rest of the Peloponnesians who favoured the better cause, and some also because they saw the Spartans going out, did not think it right to be behind the Lacedemonians in their going forth. So from the Isthmus, when the sacrifices had proved favourable, they marched all together and came to Eleusis; and having performed sacrifices there also, when the signs were favourable they marched onwards, and the Athenians together with them, who had passed over from Salamis and had joined them at Eleusis. And then they had come to Erythrai in Boeotia, then they learnt that the Barbarians were encamping on the Asopos, and having perceived this they ranged themselves over against them on the lower slopes of Kithairon..

20. Then Mardonios, as the Hellenes did not descend into the plain, sent towards them all his cavalry, of which the commander was Masistios (by the Hellenes called Makistios), a man of reputation among the Persians, who had a Nesaian horse with a bridle of gold and in other respects finely caparisoned. So when the horsemen had ridden up to the Hellenes they attacked them by squadrons, and attacking 23 they did them much mischief, and moreover in contempt they called them women..

21. Now it happened by chance that the Megarians were posted in the place which was the most assailable of the whole position and to which the cavalry could best approach: so as the cavalry were making their attacks, the Megarians being hard pressed sent a herald to the commanders of the Hellenes, and the herald having come spoke these words: "The Megarians say:—we, O allies, are not able by ourselves to sustain the attacks of the Persian cavalry, keeping this position where we took post at the first; nay, even hitherto by endurance and valour alone have we held out against them, hard pressed as we are: and now unless ye shall send some others to take up our position in succession to us, know that we shall leave the position in which we now are." The herald brought report to them thus; and upon this Pausanias made trial of the Hellenes, whether any others would voluntarily offer to go to this place and post themselves there in succession to the Megarians: and when the rest were not desirous to go, the Athenians undertook the task, and of the Athenians those three hundred picked men of whom Olympidoros the son of Lampon was captain.

22. These they were who undertook the task and were posted at Erythrai in advance of the other Hellenes who ere there present, having chosen to go with them the bow-men also. For some time then they fought, and at last an end was set to the fighting in the following manner:—while the cavalry was attacking by squadrons, the horse of Masistios, going in advance of the rest, was struck in the side by an arrow, and feeling pain he reared upright and threw Masistios off; and when he had fallen, the Athenians forthwith pressed upon him; and his horse they took and himself, as he made resistance, they slew, though at first they could not, for his equipment was of this kind,—he wore a cuirass of gold scales underneath, and over the cuirass he had put on a crimson tunic. So as they struck upon the cuirass they could effect nothing, until some one, perceiving what the matter was, thrust into his eye. Then at length he fell and died; and by some means the other men of the cavalry had not observed this take place, for they neither saw him when he had fallen from his horse nor when he was being slain, and while the retreat and the turn 24 were being made, they did not perceive that which was happening; but when they had stopped their horses, then at once they missed him, since there was no one to command them; and when they perceived what had happened, they passed the word to one another and all rode together, that they might if possible recover the body..

23. The Athenians upon that, seeing that the cavalry were riding to attack them no longer by squadrons but all together, shouted to the rest of the army to help them. Then while the whole number of those on foot were coming to their help, there arose a sharp fight for the body; and so long as the three hundred were alone they had much the worse and were about to abandon the body, but when the mass of the army came to their help, then the horsemen no longer sustained the fight, nor did they succeed in recovering the body; and besides him they lost others of their number also. Then they drew off about two furlongs away and deliberated what they should do; and it seemed good to them, as they had no commander, to ride back to Mardonios..

24. When the cavalry arrived at the camp, the whole army and also Mardonios made great mourning for Masistios, cutting off their own hair and that of their horses and baggage-animals and giving way to lamentation without stint; for all Boeotia was filled with the sound of it, because one had perished who after Mardonios was of the most account with the Persians and with the king..

25. The Barbarians then were paying honours in their own manner to Masistios slain: but the Hellenes, when they had sustained the attack of the cavalry and having sustained it had driven them back, were much more encouraged; and first they put the dead body in a cart and conveyed it along their ranks; and the body was a sight worth seeing for its size and beauty, wherefore also the men left their places in the ranks and went one after the other 25 to gaze upon Masistios. After this they resolved to come down further towards Plataia; for the region of Plataia was seen to be much more convenient for them to encamp in than that of Erythrai, both for other reasons and because it is better watered. To this region then and to the spring Gargaphia, which is in this region, they resolved that they must come, and encamp in their several posts. So they took up their arms and went by the lower slopes of Kithairon past Hysiai to the Plataian land; and having there arrived they posted themselves according to their several nations near the spring Gargaphia and the sacred enclosure of Androcrates the hero, over low hills or level ground.

26. Then in the arranging of the several posts there arose a contention of much argument 2501 between the Tegeans and the Athenians; for they each claimed to occupy the other wing of the army 26 themselves, alleging deeds both new and old. The Tegeans on the one hand said as follows: "We have been always judged worthy of this post by the whole body of allies in all the common expeditions which the Peloponnesians have made before this, whether in old times or but lately, ever since that time when the sons of Heracles endeavoured after the death of Eurystheus to return to the Peloponnese. This honour we gained at that time by reason of the following event:—When with the Achaians and the Ionians who were then in Peloponnesus we had come out to the Isthmus to give assistance and were encamped opposite those who desired to return, then it is said that Hyllos made a speech saying that it was not right that the one army should risk its safety by engaging battle with the other, and urging that that man of the army of the Peloponnesians whom they should judge to be the best of them should fight in single combat with himself on terms concerted between them. The Peloponnesians then resolved that this should be done; and they made oath with one another on this condition,—that if Hyllos should conquer the leader of the Peloponnesians, then the sons of Heracles should return to their father's heritage; but he should be conquered, then on the other hand the sons of Heracles should depart and lead away their army, and not within a hundred years attempt to return to the Peloponnese. There was selected then of all the allies, he himself making a voluntary offer, Echemos the son of Aëropos, the son of Phegeus, 27 who was our commander and king: and he fought a single combat and slew Hyllos. By reason of this deed we obtained among the Peloponnesians of that time, besides many other great privileges which we still possess, this also of always leading the other wing of the army, when a common expedition is made. To you, Lacedemonians, we make no opposition, but we give you freedom of choice, and allow you to command whichever wing ye desire; but of the other we say that it belongs to us to be the leaders as in former time: and apart from this deed which has been related, we are more worthy than the Athenians to have this post; for in many glorious contests have we contended against you, O Spartans, and in many also against others. Therefore it is just that we have the other wing rather than the Athenians; for they have not achieved deeds such as ours, either new or old.".

27. Thus they spoke, and the Athenians replied as follows: "Though we know that this gathering was assembled for battle with the Barbarian and not for speech, yet since the Tegean has proposed to us as a task to speak of things both old and new, the deeds of merit namely which by each of our two nations have been achieved in all time, it is necessary for us to point out to you whence it comes that to us, who have been brave men always, it belongs as a heritage rather than to the Arcadians to have the chief place. First as to the sons of Heracles, whose leader they say that they slew at the Isthmus, these in the former time, when they were driven away by all the Hellenes to whom they came flying from slavery under those of Mykene, we alone received; and joining with them we subdued the insolence of Eurystheus, having conquered in fight those who then dwelt in Peloponnesus. Again when the Argives who with Polyneikes marched against Thebes, had been slain and were lying unburied, we declare that we marched an army against the Cadmeians and recovered the dead bodies and gave them burial in our own land at Eleusis. We have moreover another glorious deed performed against the Amazons who invaded once the Attic land, coming from the river Thermodon: and in the toils of Troy we were not inferior to any. But it is of no profit to make mention of these things; for on the one hand, though we were brave men in those times, we might now have become worthless, and on the other hand even though we were then worthless, yet now we might be better. Let it suffice therefore about ancient deeds; but if by us no other deed has been displayed (as many there have been and glorious, not less than by any other people of the Hellenes), yet even by reason of the deed wrought at Marathon alone we are worthy to have this privilege and others besides this, seeing that we alone of all the Hellenes fought in single combat with the Persian, and having undertaken so great a deed we overcame and conquered six-and-forty nations. 28 Are we not worthy then to have this post by reason of that deed alone? However, since at such a time as this it is not fitting to contend for post, we are ready to follow your saying, O Lacedemonians, as to where ye think it most convenient that we should stand and opposite to whom; for wheresoever we are posted, we shall endeavour to be brave men. Prescribe to us therefore and we shall obey." They made answer thus; and the whole body of the Lacedemonians shouted aloud that the Athenians were more worthy to occupy the wing than the Arcadians. Thus the Athenians obtained the wing, and overcame the Tegeans.

28. After this the Hellenes were ranged as follows, both those of them who came in continually afterwards 29 and those who had come at the first. The right wing was held by ten thousand Lacedemonians; and of these the five thousand who were Spartans were attended by thirty-five thousand Helots serving as light-armed troops, seven of them appointed for each man. 30 To stand next to themselves the Spartans chose the Tegeans, both to do them honour and also because of their valour; and of these there were one thousand five hundred hoplites. After these were stationed five thousand Corinthians, and they had obtained permission from Pausanias that the three hundred who were present of the men of Potidaia in Pallene should stand by their side. Next to these were stationed six hundred Arcadians of Orchomenos; and to these three thousand Sikyonians. Next after these were eight hundred Epidaurians: by the side of these were ranged a thousand Troizenians: next to the Troizenians two hundred Lepreates: next to these four hundred of the men of Mikene and Tiryns; and then a thousand Phliasians. By the side of these stood three hundred Hermionians; and next to the Hermionians were stationed six hundred Eretrians and Styrians; next to these four hundred Chalkidians; and to these five hundred men of Amprakia. After these stood eight hundred Leucadians and Anactorians; and next to them two hundred from Pale in Kephallenia. After these were ranged five hundred Eginetans; by their side three thousand Megarians; and next to these six hundred Plataians. Last, or if you will first, were ranged the Athenians, occupying the left wing, eight thousand in number, and the commander of them was Aristeides the son of Lysimachos..

29. These all, excepting those who were appointed to attend the Spartans, seven for each man, were hoplites, being in number altogether three myriads eight thousand and seven hundred. 31 This was the whole number of hoplites who were assembled against the Barbarian; and the number of the light-armed was as follows:—of the Spartan division thirty-five thousand men, reckoning at the rate of seven for each man, and of these every one was equipped for fighting; and the light-armed troops of the rest of the Lacedemonians and of the other Hellenes, being about one for each man, amounted to thirty-four thousand five hundred..

30. Of the light-armed fighting men the whole number then was six myriads nine thousand and five hundred; 32 and of the whole Hellenic force which assembled at Plataia the number (including both the hoplites and the light-armed fighting men) was eleven myriads 33 all but one thousand eight hundred men; and with the Thespians who were present the number of eleven myriads was fully made up; for there were present also in the army those of the Thespians who survived, being in number about one thousand eight hundred, and these too were without heavy arms. 34 These then having been ranged in order were encamped on the river Asopos.

31. Meanwhile the Barbarians with Mardonios, when they had sufficiently mourned for Masistios, being informed that the Hellenes were at Plataia came themselves also to that part of the Asopos which flows there; and having arrived there, they were ranged against the enemy by Mardonios thus:—against the Lacedemonians he stationed the Persians; and since the Persians were much superior in numbers, they were arrayed in deeper ranks than those, and notwithstanding this they extended in front of the Tegeans also: and he ranged them in this manner,—all the strongest part of that body he selected from the rest and stationed it opposite to the Lacedemonians, but the weaker part he ranged by their side opposite to the Tegeans. This he did on the information and suggestion of the Thebans. Then next to the Persians he ranged the Medes; and these extended in front of the Corinthians, Potidaians, Orchomenians and Sikyonians. Next to the Medes he ranged the Bactrians; and these extended in front of the Epidaurians, Troizenians, Lepreates, Tirynthians, Mykenians and Phliasians. After the Bactrians he stationed the Indians; and these extended in front of the Hermionians, Eretrians, Styrians and Chalkidians. Next to the Indians he ranged the Sacans, who extended in front of the men of Amprakia, the Anactorians, Leucadians, Palians and Eginetans. Next to the Sacans and opposite to the Athenians, Plataians and Megarians, he ranged the Boeotians, Locrians, Malians, Thessalians, and the thousand men of the Phokians: for not all the Phokians had taken the side of the Medes, but some of them were even supporting the cause of the Hellenes, being shut up in Parnassos; and setting out from thence they plundered from the army of Mardonios and from those of the Hellenes who were with him. He ranged the Macedonians also and those who dwell about the borders of Thessaly opposite to the Athenians..

32. These which have been named were the greatest of the nations who were arrayed in order by Mardonios, those, I mean, which were the most renowned and of greatest consideration: but there were in his army also men of several other nations mingled together, of the Phrygians, Thracians, Mysians, Paionians, and the rest; and among them also some Ethiopians, and of the Egyptians those called Hermotybians and Calasirians, 35 carrying knives, 36 who of all the Egyptians are the only warriors. These men, while he was yet at Phaleron, he had caused to disembark from the ships in which they served as fighting-men; for the Egyptians had not been appointed to serve in the land-army which came with Xerxes to Athens. Of the Barbarians then there were thirty myriads, 37 as has been declared before; but of the Hellenes who were allies of Mardonios no man knows what the number was, for they were not numbered; but by conjecture I judge that these were assembled to the number of five myriads. These who were placed in array side by side were on foot; and the cavalry was ranged apart from them in a separate body.

33. When all had been drawn up by nations and by divisions, then on the next day they offered sacrifice on both sides. For the Hellenes Tisamenos the son of Antiochos was he who offered sacrifice, for he it was who accompanied this army as diviner. This man the Lacedemonians had made to be one of their own people, being an Eleian and of the race of the Iamidai: 38 for when Tisamenos was seeking divination at Delphi concerning issue, the Pythian prophetess made answer to him that he should win five of the greatest contests. He accordingly, missing the meaning of the oracle, began to attend to athletic games, supposing that he should win contests of athletics; and he practised for the "five contests" 39 and came within one fall of winning a victory at the Olympic games, 40 being set to contend with Hieronymos of Andros. The Lacedemonians however perceived that the oracle given to Tisamenos had reference not to athletic but to martial contests, and they endeavoured to persuade Tisamenos by payment of money, and to make him a leader in their wars together with the kings of the race of Heracles. He then, seeing that the Spartans set much store on gaining him over as a friend, having perceived this, I say, he raised his price and signified to them that he would do as they desired, if they would make him a citizen of their State and give him full rights, but for no other payment. The Spartans at first when they heard this displayed indignation and altogether gave up their request, but at last, when great terror was hanging over them of this Persian armament, they gave way 41 and consented. He then perceiving that they had changed their minds, said that he could not now be satisfied even so, nor with these terms alone; but it was necessary that his brother Hegias also should be made a Spartan citizen on the same terms as he himself became one..

34. By saying this he followed the example of Melampus in his request, 42 if one may compare royal power with mere citizenship; for Melampus on his part, when the women in Argos had been seized by madness, and the Argives endeavoured to hire him to come from Pylos and to cause their women to cease from the malady, proposed as payment for himself the half of the royal power; and the Argives did not suffer this, but departed: and afterwards, when more of their women became mad, at length they accepted that which Melampus had proposed, and went to offer him this: but he then seeing that they had changed their minds, increased his demand, and said that he would not do that which they desired unless they gave to his brother Bias also the third share in the royal power. 43 And the Argives, being driven into straits, consented to this also. 35. Just so the Spartans also, being very much in need of Tisamenos, agreed with him on any terms which he desired: and when the Spartans had agreed to this demand also, then Tisamenos the Eleian, having become a Spartan, had part with them in winning five of the greatest contests as their diviner: and these were the only men who ever were made fellow-citizens of the Spartans. Now the five contests were these: one and the first of them was this at Plataia; and after this the contest at Tegea, which took place with the Tegeans and the Argives; then that at Dipaieis against all the Arcadians except the Mantineians; after that the contest with the Messenians at Ithome; 44 and last of all that which took place at Tanagra against the Athenians and Argives. This, I say, was accomplished last of the five contests.

36. This Tisamenos was acting now as diviner for the Hellenes in the Plataian land, being brought by the Spartans. Now to the Hellenes the sacrifices were of good omen if they defended themselves only, but not if they crossed the Asopos and began a battle;.

37, and Mardonios too, who was eager to begin a battle, found the sacrifices not favourable to this design, but they were of good omen to him also if he defended himself only; for he too used the Hellenic manner of sacrifice, having as diviner Hegesistratos an Eleian and the most famous of the Telliadai, whom before these events the Spartans had taken and bound, in order to put him to death, because they had suffered much mischief from him. He then being in this evil case, seeing that he was running a course for his life and was likely moreover to suffer much torment before his death, had done a deed such as may hardly be believed. Being made fast on a block bound with iron, he obtained an iron tool, which in some way had been brought in, and contrived forthwith a deed the most courageous of any that we know: for having first calculated how the remaining portion of his foot might be got out of the block, he cut away the flat of his own foot, 45 and after that, since he was guarded still by warders, he broke through the wall and so ran away to Tegea, travelling during the nights and in the daytime entering a wood and resting there; so that, though the Lacedemonians searched for him in full force, he arrived at Tegea on the third night; and the Lacedemonians were possessed by great wonder both at his courage, when they saw the piece of the foot that was cut off lying there, and also because they were not able to find him. So he at that time having thus escaped them took refuge at Tegea, which then was not friendly with the Lacedemonians; and when he was healed and had procured for himself a wooden foot, he became an open enemy of the Lacedemonians. However in the end the enmity into which he had fallen with the Lacedemonians was not to his advantage; for he was caught by them while practising divination in Zakynthos, and was put to death.

38. However the death of Hegesistratos took place later than the events at Plataia, and he was now at the Asopos, having been hired by Mardonions for no mean sum, sacrificing and displaying zeal for his cause both on account of his enmity with the Lacedemonians and on account of the gain which he got: but as the sacrifices were not favourable for a battle either for the Persians themselves or for those Hellenes who were with them (for these also had a diviner for themselves, Hippomachos a Leucadian), and as the Hellenes had men constantly flowing in and were becoming more in number, Timagenides the son of Herpys, a Theban, counselled Mardonios to set a guard on the pass of Kithairon, saying that the Hellenes were constantly flowing in every day and that he would thus cut off large numbers..

39. Eight days had now passed while they had been sitting opposite to one another, when he gave this counsel to Mardonios; and Mardonios, perceiving that the advice was good, sent the cavalry when night came on to the pass of Kithairon leading towards Plataia, which the Boeotians call the "Three Heads" 46 and the Athenians the "Oak Heads." 47 Having been thus sent, the cavalry did not come without effect, for they caught five hundred baggage-animals coming out into the plain, which were bearing provisions from Peloponnesus to the army, and also the men who accompanied the carts: and having taken this prize the Persians proceeded to slaughter them without sparing either beast or man; and when they were satiated with killing they surrounded the rest and drove them into the camp to Mardonios.

40. After this deed they spent two days more, neither side wishing to begin a battle; for the Barbarians advanced as far as the Asopos to make trial of the Hellenes, but neither side would cross the river. However the cavalry of Mardonios made attacks continually and did damage to the Hellenes; for the Thebans, being very strong on the side of the Medes, carried on the war with vigour, and always directed them up to the moment of fighting; and after this the Persians and Medes took up the work and were they who displayed valour in their turn.

41. For ten days then nothing more was done than this; but when the eleventh day had come, while they still sat opposite to one another at Plataia, the Hellenes having by this time grown much more numerous and Mardonios being greatly vexed at the delay of action, then Mardonios the son of Gobryas and Artabazos the son of Pharnakes, who was esteemed by Xerxes as few of the Persians were besides, came to speech with one another; and as they conferred, the opinions they expressed were these,—that of Artabazos, that they must put the whole army in motion as soon as possible and go to the walls of the Thebans, whither great stores of corn had been brought in for them and fodder for their beasts; and that they should settle there quietly and get their business done as follows:—they had, he said, great quantities of gold, both coined and uncoined, and also of silver and of drinking-cups; and these he advised they should send about to the Hellenes without stint, more especially to those of the Hellenes who were leaders in their several cities; and these, he said, would speedily deliver up their freedom: and he advised that they should not run the risk of a battle. His opinion then was the same as that of the Thebans, 48 for he as well as they had some true foresight: but the opinion of Mardonios was more vehement and more obstinate, and he was by no means disposed to yield; for he said that he thought their army far superior to that of the Hellenes, and he gave as his opinion that they should engage battle as quickly as possible and not allow them to assemble in still greater numbers than were already assembled; and as for the sacrifices of Hegesistratos, they should leave them alone and not endeavour to force a good sign, but follow the custom of the Persians and engage battle..

42. When he so expressed his judgment, none opposed him, and thus his opinion prevailed; for he and not Artabazos had the command of the army given him by the king. He summoned therefore the commanders of the divisions and the generals of those Hellenes who were with him, and asked whether they knew of any oracle regarding the Persians, which said that they should be destroyed in Hellas; and when those summoned to council 49 were silent, some not knowing the oracles and others knowing them but not esteeming it safe to speak, Mardonios himself said: "Since then ye either know nothing or do not venture to speak, I will tell you, since I know very well. There is an oracle saying that the Persians are destined when they come to Hellas to plunder the temple at Delphi, and having plundered it to perish every one of them. We therefore, just because we know this, will not go to that temple nor will we attempt to plunder it; and for this cause we shall not perish. So many of you therefore as chance to wish well to the Persians, have joy so far as regards this matter, and be assured that we shall overcome the Hellenes." Having spoken to them thus, he next commanded to prepare everything and to set all in order, since at dawn of the next day a battle would be fought.

43. Now this oracle, which Mardonios said referred to the Persians, I know for my part was composed with reference with the Illyrians and the army of the Enchelians, and not with reference to the Persians at all. However, the oracle which was composed by Bakis with reference to this battle, 

 "The gathering of Hellenes together and cry of Barbarian voices,
  Where the Thermodon flows, by the banks of grassy Asopos;
  Here very many shall fall ere destiny gave them to perish,
  Medes bow-bearing in fight, when the fatal day shall approach them,"—

these sayings, and others like them composed by Musaios, I know had reference to the Persians. Now the river Thermodon flows between Tanagra and Glisas.

44. After the inquiry about the oracles and the exhortation given by Mardonios night came on and the guards were set: and when night was far advanced, and it seemed that there was quiet everywhere in the camps, and that the men were in their deepest sleep, then Alexander the son of Amyntas, commander and king of the Macedonians, rode his horse up to the guard-posts of the Athenians and requested that he might have speech with their generals. So while the greater number of the guards stayed at their posts, some ran to the generals, and when they reached them they said that a man had come riding on a horse out of the camp of the Medes, who discovered nothing further, but only named the generals and said that he desired to have speech with them..

45. Having heard this, forthwith they accompanied the men to the guard-posts, and when they had arrived there, Alexander thus spoke to them: "Athenians, I lay up these words of mine as a trust to you, charging you to keep them secret and tell them to no one except only to Pausanias, lest ye bring me to ruin: for I should not utter them if I did not care greatly for the general safety of Hellas, seeing that I am a Hellene myself by original descent and I should not wish to see Hellas enslaved instead of free. I say then that Mardonios and his army cannot get the offerings to be according to their mind, 50 for otherwise ye would long ago have fought. Now however he has resolved to let the offerings alone and to bring on a battle at dawn of day; for, as I conjecture, he fears lest ye should assemble in greater numbers. Therefore prepare yourselves; and if after all Mardonios should put off the battle and not bring it on, stay where ye are and hold out patiently; for they have provisions only for a few days remaining. And if this way shall have its issue according to your mind, then each one of you ought to remember me also concerning liberation, 51 since I have done for the sake of the Hellenes so hazardous a deed by reason of my zeal for you, desiring to show you the design of Mardonios, in order that the Barbarians may not fall upon you when ye are not as yet expecting them: and I am Alexander the Macedonian." Thus having spoken he rode away back to the camp and to his own position.

46. Then the generals of the Athenians came to the right wing and told Pausanias that which they had heard from Alexander. Upon this saying he being struck with fear of the Persians spoke as follows: "Since then at dawn the battle comes on, it is right that ye, Athenians, should take your stand opposite to the Persians, and we opposite to the Boeotians and those Hellenes who are now posted against you; and for this reason, namely because ye are acquainted with the Medes and with their manner of fighting, having fought with them at Marathon, whereas we have had no experience of these men and are without knowledge of them; for not one of the Spartans has made trial of the Medes in fight, but of the Boeotians and Thessalians we have had experience. It is right therefore that ye should take up your arms and come to this wing of the army, and that we should go to the left wing." In answer to this the Athenians spoke as follows: "To ourselves also long ago at the very first, when we saw that the Persians were being ranged opposite to you, it occurred to us to say these very things, which ye now bring forward before we have uttered them; but we feared lest these words might not be pleasing to you. Since however ye yourselves have made mention of this, know that your words have caused us pleasure, and that we are ready to do this which ye say.".

47. Both then were content to do this, and as dawn appeared they began to change their positions with one another: and the Boeotians perceiving that which was being done reported it to Mardonios, who, when he heard it, forthwith himself also endeavoured to change positions, bringing the Persians along so as to be against the Lacedemonians: and when Pausanias learnt that this was being done, he perceived that he was not unobserved, and he led the Spartans back again to the right wing; and just so also did Mardonios upon his left.

48. When they had been thus brought to their former positions, Mardonios sent a herald to the Spartans and said as follows: "Lacedemonians, ye are said forsooth by those who are here to be very good men, and they have admiration for you because ye do not flee in war nor leave your post, but stay there and either destroy your enemies or perish yourselves. In this however, as it now appears, there is no truth; for before we engaged battle and came to hand-to-hand conflict we saw you already flee and leave your station, desiring to make the trial with the Athenians first, while ye ranged yourselves opposite to our slaves. These are not at all the deeds of good men in war, but we were deceived in you very greatly; for we expected by reason of your renown that ye would send a herald to us, challenging us and desiring to fight with the Persians alone; but though we on our part were ready to do this, we did not find that ye said anything of this kind, but rather that ye cowered with fear. Now therefore since ye were not the first to say this, we are the first. Why do we not forthwith fight, 52 ye on behalf of the Hellenes, since ye have the reputation of being the best, and we on behalf of the Barbarians, with equal numbers on both sides? and if we think it good that the others should fight also, then let them fight afterwards; and if on the other hand we should not think it good, but think it sufficient that we alone should fight, then let us fight it out to the end, and whichsoever of us shall be the victors, let these be counted as victorious with their whole army.".

49. The herald having thus spoken waited for some time, and then, as no one made him any answer, he departed and went back; and having returned he signified to Mardonios that which had happened to him. Mardonios then being greatly rejoiced and elated by his empty 53 victory, sent the cavalry to attack the Hellenes: and when the horsemen had ridden to attack them, they did damage to the whole army of the Hellenes by hurling javelins against them and shooting with bows, being mounted archers and hard therefore to fight against: and they disturbed and choked up the spring Gargaphia, from which the whole army of the Hellenes was drawing its water. Now the Lacedemonians alone were posted near this spring, and it was at some distance from the rest of the Hellenes, according as they chanced to be posted, while the Asopos was near at hand; but when they were kept away from the Asopos, then they used to go backwards and forwards to this spring; for they were not permitted by the horsemen and archers to fetch water from the river..

50. Such then being the condition of things, the generals of the Hellenes, since the army had been cut off from its water and was being harassed by the cavalry, assembled to consult about these and other things, coming to Pausanias upon the right wing: for other things too troubled them yet more than these of which we have spoken, since they no longer had provisions, and their attendants who had been sent to Peloponnese for the purpose of getting them had been cut off by the cavalry and were not able to reach the camp..

51. It was resolved then by the generals in council with one another, that if the Persians put off the battle for that day, they would go to the Island. This is distant ten furlongs 54 from the Asopos and the spring Gargaphia, where they were then encamped, and is in front of the city of the Plataians: and if it be asked how there can be an island on the mainland, thus it is 55:—the river parts in two above, as it flows from Kithairon down to the plain, keeping a distance of about three furlongs between its streams, and after that it joins again in one stream; and the name of it is Oëroe, said by the natives of the country to be the daughter of Asopos. To this place of which I speak they determined to remove, in order that they might be able to get an abundant supply of water and that the cavalry might not do them damage, as now when they were right opposite. And they proposed to remove when the second watch of the night should have come, so that the Persians might not see them set forth and harass them with the cavalry pursuing. They proposed also, after they had arrived at this place, round which, as I say, Oëroe the daughter of Asopos flows, parting into two streams 56 as she runs from Kithairon, to send half the army to Kithairon during this same night, in order to take up their attendants who had gone to get the supplies of provisions; for these were cut off from them in Kithairon.

52. Having thus resolved, during the whole of that day they had trouble unceasingly, while the cavalry pressed upon them; but when the day drew to a close and the attacks of the cavalry had ceased, then as it was becoming night and the time had arrived at which it had been agreed that they should retire from their place, the greater number of them set forth and began to retire, not however keeping it in mind to go to the place which had been agreed upon; but on the contrary, when they had begun to move, they readily took occasion to flee 57 from the cavalry towards the city of the Plataians, and in their flight they came as far as the temple of Hera, which temple is in front of the city of the Plataians at a distance of twenty furlongs from the spring Gargaphia; and when they had there arrived they halted in front of the temple.

53. These then were encamping about the temple of Hera; and Pausanias, seeing that they were retiring from the camp, gave the word to the Lacedemonians also to take up their arms and go after the others who were preceding them, supposing that these were going to the place to which they had agreed to go. Then, when all the other commanders were ready to obey Pausanias, Amompharetos the son of Poliades, the commander of the Pitanate division, 58 said that he would not flee from the strangers, nor with his own will would he disgrace Sparta; and he expressed wonder at seeing that which was being done, not having been present at the former discussion. And Pausanias and Euryanax were greatly disturbed that he did not obey them and still more that they should be compelled to leave the Pitanate division behind, since he thus refused; 59 for they feared that if they should leave it in order to do that which they had agreed with the other Hellenes, both Amompharetos himself would perish being left behind and also the men with him. With this thought they kept the Lacedemonian force from moving, and meanwhile they endeavoured to persuade him that it was not right for him to do so..

54. They then were exhorting Amompharetos, who had been left behind alone of the Lacedemonians and Tegeans; and meanwhile the Athenians were keeping themselves quiet in the place where they had been posted, knowing the spirit of the Lacedemonians, that they were apt to say otherwise than they really meant; 60 and when the army began to move, they sent a horseman from their own body to see whether the Spartans were attempting to set forth, or whether they had in truth no design at all to retire; and they bade him ask Pausanias what they ought to do. 55. So when the herald came to the Lacedemonians, he saw that they were still in their place and that the chiefs of them had come to strife with one another: for when Euryanax and Pausanias both exhorted Amompharetos not to run the risk of remaining behind with his men, alone of all the Lacedemonians, they did not at all persuade him, and at last they had come to downright strife; and meanwhile the herald of the Athenians had arrived and was standing by them. And Amompharetos in his contention took a piece of rock in both his hands and placed it at the feet of Pausanias, saying that with this pebble he gave his vote not to fly from the strangers, meaning the Barbarians. 61 Pausanias then, calling him a madman and one who was not in his right senses, bade tell the state of their affairs to the Athenian herald, 62 who was asking that which he had been charged to ask; and at the same time he requested the Athenians to come towards the Lacedemonians and to do in regard to the retreat the same as they did..

56. He then went away back to the Athenians; and as the dawn of day found them yet disputing with one another, Pausanias, who had remained still throughout all this time, gave the signal, and led away all the rest over the low hills, supposing that Amonpharetos would not stay behind when the other Lacedemonians departed (in which he was in fact right); and with them also went the Tegeans. Meanwhile the Athenians, following the commands which were given them, were going in the direction opposite to that of the Lacedemonians; for these were clinging to the hills and the lower slope of Kithairon from fear of the cavalry, while the Athenians were marching below in the direction of the plain..

57. As for Amonpharetos, he did not at first believe that Pausanias would ever venture to leave him and his men behind, and he stuck to it that they should stay there and not leave their post; but when Pausanias and his troops were well in front, then he perceived that they had actually left him behind, and he made his division take up their arms and led them slowly towards the main body. This, when it had got away about ten furlongs, stayed for the division of Amompharetos, halting at the river Moloeis and the place called Argiopion, where also there stands a temple of the Eleusinian Demeter: and it stayed there for this reason, namely in order that of Amonpharetos and his division should not leave the place where they had been posted, but should remain there, it might be able to come back to their assistance. So Amompharetos and his men were coming up to join them, and the cavalry also of the Barbarians was at the same time beginning to attack them in full force: for the horsemen did on this day as they had been wont to do every day; and seeing the place vacant in which the Hellenes had been posted on the former days, they rode their horses on continually further, and as soon as they came up with them they began to attack them.

58. Then Mardonios, when he was informed that the Hellenes had departed during the night, and when he saw their place deserted, called Thorax of Larissa and his brothers Eurypylos and Thrasydeios, and said: "Sons of Aleuas, will ye yet say anything, 63 now that ye see these places deserted? For ye who dwell near them were wont to say that the Lacedemonians did not fly from a battle, but were men unsurpassed in war; and these men ye not only saw before this changing from their post, but now we all of us see that they have run away during the past night; and by this they showed clearly, when the time came for them to contend in battle with those who were in truth the best of all men, that after all they were men of no worth, who had been making a display of valour among Hellenes, a worthless race. As for you, since ye had had no experience of the Persians, I for my part was very ready to excuse you when ye praised these, of whom after all ye knew something good; but much more I marvelled at Artabazos that he should have been afraid of the Lacedemonians, and that having been afraid he should have uttered that most cowardly opinion, namely that we ought to move our army away and go to the city of the Thebans to be besieged there,—an opinion about which the king shall yet be informed by me. Of these things we will speak in another place; now however we must not allow them to act thus, but we must pursue them until they are caught and pay the penalty to us for all that they did to the Persians in time past.".

59. Thus having spoken he led on the Persians at a run, after they had crossed the Asopos, on the track of the Hellenes, supposing that these were running away from him; and he directed his attack upon the Lacedemonians and Tegeans only, for the Athenians, whose march was towards the plain, he did not see by reason of the hills. Then the rest of the commanders of the Barbarian divisions, seeing that the Persians had started to pursue the Hellenes, forthwith all raised the signals for battle and began to pursue, each as fast as they could, not arranged in any order or succession of post..

60. These then were coming on with shouting and confused numbers, thinking to make short work of 64 the Hellenes; and Pausanias, when the cavalry began to attack, sent to the Athenians a horseman and said thus: "Athenians, now that the greatest contest is set before us, namely that which has for its issue the freedom or the slavery of Hellas, we have been deserted by our allies, we Lacedemonians and ye Athenians, seeing that they have run away during the night that is past. Now therefore it is determined what we must do upon this, namely that we must defend ourselves and protect one another as best we may. If then the cavalry had set forth to attack you at the first, we and the Tegeans, who with us refuse to betray the cause of Hellas, should have been bound to go to your help; but as it is, since the whole body has come against us, it is right that ye should come to that portion of the army which is hardest pressed, to give aid. If however anything has happened to you which makes it impossible for you to come to our help, then do us a kindness by sending to us the archers; and we know that ye have been in the course of this present war by far the most zealous of all, so that ye will listen to our request in this matter also.".

61. When the Athenians heard this they were desirous to come to their help and to assist them as much as possible; and as they were already going, they were attacked by those of the Hellenes on the side of the king who had been ranged opposite to them, so that they were no longer able to come to the help of the Lacedemonians, for the force that was attacking them gave them much trouble. Thus the Lacedemonians and Tegeans were left alone, being in number, together with light-armed men, the former fifty thousand and the Tegeans three thousand; for these were not parted at all from the Lacedemonians: and they began to offer sacrifice, meaning to engage battle with Mardonios and the force which had come against them. Then since their offerings did not prove favourable, and many of them were being slain during this time and many more wounded,—for the Persians had made a palisade of their wicker-work shields 65 and were discharging their arrows in great multitude and without sparing,—Pausanias, seeing that the Spartans were hard pressed and that the offerings did not prove favourable, fixed his gaze upon the temple of Hera of the Plataians and called upon the goddess to help, praying that they might by no means be cheated of their hope:.

62, and while he was yet calling upon her thus, the Tegeans started forward before them and advanced against the Barbarians, and forthwith after the prayer of Pausanias the offerings proved favourable for the Lacedemonians as they sacrificed. So when this at length came to pass, then they also advanced against the Persians; and the Persians put away their bows and came against them. Then first there was fighting about the wicker-work shields, and when these had been overturned, after that the fighting was fierce by the side of the temple of Demeter, and so continued for a long time, until at last they came to justling; for the Barbarians would take hold of the spears and break them off. Now in courage and in strength the Persians were not inferior to the others, but they were without defensive armour, 66 and moreover they were unversed in war and unequal to their opponents in skill; and they would dart out one at a time or in groups of about ten together, some more and some less, and fall upon the Spartans and perish..

63. In the place where Mardonios himself was, riding on a white horse and having about him the thousand best men of the Persians chosen out from the rest, here, I say, they pressed upon their opponents most of all: and so long as Mardonios survived, they held out against them, and defending themselves they cast down many of the Lacedemonians; but when Mardonios was slain and the men who were ranged about his person, which was the strongest portion of the whole army, had fallen, then the others too turned and gave way before the Lacedemonians; for their manner of dress, without defensive armour, was a very great cause of destruction to them, since in truth they were contending light-armed against hoplites..

64. Then the satisfaction for the murder of Leonidas was paid by Mardonios according to the oracle given to the Spartans, 67 and the most famous victory of all those about which we have knowledge was gained by Pausanias the son of Cleombrotos, the son of Anaxandrides; of his ancestors above this the names have been given for Leonidas, 68 since, as it happens, they are the same for both. Now Mardonios was slain by Arimnestos, 69 a man of consideration in Sparta, who afterwards, when the Median wars were over, with three hundred men fought a battle against the whole army of the Messenians, then at war with the Lacedemonians, at Stenycleros, and both he was slain and also the three hundred..

65. When the Persians were turned to flight at Plataia by the Lacedemonians, they fled in disorder to their own camp and to the palisade which they had made in the Theban territory: 70 and it is a marvel to me that, whereas they fought by the side of the sacred grove of Demeter, not one of the Persians was found to have entered the enclosure or to have been slain within it, but round about the temple in the unconsecrated ground fell the greater number of the slain. I suppose (if one ought to suppose anything about divine things) that the goddess herself refused to receive them, because they had set fire to the temple, that is to say the "palace" 71 at Eleusis.

66. Thus far then had this battle proceeded: but Artabazos the son of Pharnakes had been displeased at the very first because Mardonios remained behind after the king was gone; and afterwards he had been bringing forward objections continually and doing nothing, but had urged them always not to fight a battle: and for himself he acted as follows, not being pleased with the things which were being done by Mardonios.—The men of whom Artabazos was commander (and he had with him no small force but one which was in number as much as four myriads 72 of men), these, when the fighting began, being well aware what the issue of the battle would be, he led carefully, 73 having first given orders that all should go by the way which he should lead them and at the same pace at which they should see him go. Having given these orders he led his troops on pretence of taking them into battle; and when he was well on his way, he saw the Persians already taking flight. Then he no longer led his men in the same order as before, but set off at a run, taking flight by the quickest way not to the palisade nor yet to the wall of the Thebans, but towards Phokis, desiring as quickly as possible to reach the Hellespont..

67. These, I say, were thus directing their march: and in the meantime, while the other Hellenes who were on the side of the king were purposely slack in the fight, 74 the Boeotians fought with the Athenians for a long space; for those of the Thebans who took the side of the Medes had no small zeal for the cause, and they fought and were not slack, so that three hundred of them, the first and best of all, fell there by the hands of the Athenians: and when these also turned to flight, they fled to Thebes, not to the same place as the Persians: and the main body of the other allies fled without having fought constantly with any one or displayed any deeds of valour..

68. And this is an additional proof to me that all the fortunes of the Barbarians depended upon the Persians, namely that at that time these men fled before they had even engaged with the enemy, because they saw the Persians doing so. Thus all were in flight except only the cavalry, including also that of the Boeotians; and this rendered service to the fugitives by constantly keeping close to the enemy and separating the fugitives of their own side from the Hellenes..

69. The victors then were coming after the troops of Xerxes, both pursuing them and slaughtering them; and during the time when this panic arose, the report was brought to the other Hellenes who had posted themselves about the temple of Hera and had been absent from the battle, that a battle had taken place and that the troops of Pausanias were gaining the victory. When they heard this, then without ranging themselves in any order the Corinthians and those near them turned to go by the skirts of the mountain and by the low hills along the way which led straight up to the temple of Demeter, while the Megarians and Phliasians and those near them went by the plain along the smoothest way. When however the Megarians and Phliasians came near to the enemy, the cavalry of the Thebans caught sight of them from a distance hurrying along without any order, and rode up to attack them, the commander of the cavalry being Asopodoros the son of Timander; and having fallen upon them they slew six hundred of them, and the rest they pursued and drove to Kithairon.

70. These then perished thus ingloriously; 75 and meanwhile the Persians and the rest of the throng, having fled for refuge to the palisade, succeeded in getting up to the towers before the Lacedemonians came; and having got up they strengthened the wall of defence as best they could. Then when the Lacedemonians 76 came up to attack it, there began between them a vigorous 77 fight for the wall: for so long as the Athenians were away, they defended themselves and had much the advantage over the Lacedemonians, since these did not understand the art of fighting against walls; but when the Athenians came up to help them, then there was a fierce fight for the wall, lasting for a long time, and at length by valour and endurance the Athenians mounted up on the wall and made a breach in it, through which the Hellenes poured in. Now the Tegeans were the first who entered the wall, and these were they who plundered the tent of Mardonios, taking, besides the other things which were in it, also the manger of his horse, which was all of bronze and a sight worth seeing. This manger of Mardonios was dedicated by the Tegeans as an offering in the temple of Athene Alea, 78 but all the other things which they took, they brought to the common stock of the Hellenes. The Barbarians however, after the wall had been captured, no longer formed themselves into any close body, nor did any of them think of making resistance, but they were utterly at a loss, 79 as you might expect from men who were in a panic with many myriads of them shut up together in a small space: and the Hellenes were able to slaughter them so that out of an army of thirty myriads, 80 if those four be subtracted which Artabazos took with him in his flight, of the remainder not three thousand men survived. Of the Lacedemonians from Sparta there were slain in the battle ninety-one in all, of the Tegeans sixteen, and of the Athenians two-and-fifty.

71. Among the Barbarians those who proved themselves the best men were, of those on foot the Persians, and of the cavalry the Sacans, and for a single man Mardonios it is said was the best. Of the Hellenes, though both the Tegeans and the Athenians proved themselves good men, yet the Lacedemonians surpassed them in valour. Of this I have no other proof (for all these were victorious over their opposites), but only this, that they fought against the strongest part of the enemy's force and overcame it. And the man who proved himself in my opinion by much the best was that Aristodemos who, having come back safe from Thermopylai alone of the three hundred, had reproach and dishonour attached to him. After him the best were Poseidonios and Philokyon and Amompharetos the Spartan. 81 However, when there came to be conversation as to which of them had proved himself the best, the Spartans who were present gave it as their opinion that Aristodemos had evidently wished to be slain in consequence of the charge which lay against him, and so, being as it were in a frenzy and leaving his place in the ranks, he had displayed great deeds, whereas Poseidonios had proved himself a good man although he did not desire to be slain; and so far he was the better man of the two. This however they perhaps said from ill-will; and all these whose names I mentioned among the men who were killed in this battle, were specially honoured, except Aristodemos; but Aristodemos, since he desired to be slain on account of the before-mentioned charge, was not honoured.

72. These obtained the most renown of those who fought at Plataia, for as for Callicrates, the most beautiful who came to the camp, not of the Lacedemonians alone, but also of all the Hellenes of his time, he was not killed in the battle itself; but when Pausanias was offering sacrifice, he was wounded by an arrow in the side, as he was sitting down in his place in the ranks; and while the others were fighting, he having been carried out of the ranks was dying a lingering death: and he said to Arimnestos 82 a Plataian that it did not grieve him to die for Hellas, but it grieved him only that he had not proved his strength of hand, and that no deed of valour had been displayed by him worthy of the spirit which he had in him to perform great deeds. 83

73. Of the Athenians the man who gained most glory is said to have been Sophanes the son of Eutychides of the deme of Dekeleia,—a deme of which the inhabitants formerly did a deed that was of service to them for all time, as the Athenians themselves report. For when of old the sons of Tyndareus invaded the Attic land with a great host, in order to bring home Helen, and were laying waste the demes, not knowing to what place of hiding Helen had been removed, then they say that the men of Dekeleia, or as some say Dekelos himself, being aggrieved by the insolence of Theseus and fearing for all the land of the Athenians, told them the whole matter and led them to Aphidnai, which Titakos who was sprung from the soil delivered up by treachery to the sons of Tyndareus. In consequence of this deed the Dekeleians have had continually freedom from dues in Sparta and front seats at the games, 84 privileges which exist still to this day; insomuch that even in the war which many years after these events arose between the Athenians and the Peloponnesians, when the Lacedemonians laid waste all the rest of Attica, they abstained from injury to Dekeleia..

74. To this deme belonged Sophanes, who showed himself the best of all the Athenians in this battle; and of him there are two different stories told: one that he carried an anchor of iron bound by chains of bronze to the belt of his corslet; and this he threw whensoever he came up with the enemy, in order, they say, that the enemy when they came forth out of their ranks might not be able to move him from his place; and when a flight of his opponents took place, his plan was to take up the anchor first and then pursue after them. This story is reported thus; but the other of the stories, disputing the truth of that which has been told above, is reported as follows, namely that upon his shield, which was ever moving about and never remaining still, he bore an anchor as a device, and not one of iron bound to his corslet.

75. There was another illustrious deed done too by Sophanes; for when the Athenians besieged Egina he challenged to a fight and slew Eurybates the Argive, 85 one who had been victor in the five contests 86 at the games. To Sophanes himself it happened after these events that when he was general of the Athenians together with Leagros the son of Glaucon, he was slain after proving himself a good man by the Edonians at Daton, fighting for the gold mines.

76. When the Barbarians had been laid low by the Hellenes at Plataia, there approached to these a woman, the concubine of Pharandates the son of Teaspis a Persian, coming over of her own free will from the enemy, who when she perceived that the Persians had been destroyed and that the Hellenes were the victors, descended from her carriage and came up to the Lacedemonians while they were yet engaged in the slaughter. This woman had adorned herself with many ornaments of gold, and her attendants likewise, and she had put on the fairest robe of those which she had; and when she saw that Pausanias was directing everything there, being well acquainted before with his name and with his lineage, because she had heard it often, she recognised Pausanias and taking hold of his knees she said these words: "O king of Sparta, deliver me thy suppliant from the slavery of the captive: for thou hast also done me service hitherto in destroying these, who have regard neither for demigods nor yet for gods. 87 I am by race of Cos, the daughter of Hegetorides the son of Antagoras; and the Persian took me by force in Cos and kept me a prisoner." He made answer in these words: "Woman, be of good courage, both because thou art a suppliant, and also if in addition to this it chances that thou art speaking the truth and art the daughter of Hegetorides the Coan, who is bound to me as a guest-friend more than any other of the men who dwell in those parts." Having thus spoken, for that time her gave her in charge to those Ephors who were present, and afterwards he sent her away to Egina, whither she herself desired to go.

77. After the arrival of the woman, forthwith upon this arrived the Mantineians, when all was over; and having learnt that they had come too late for the battle, they were greatly grieved, and said that they deserved to be punished: and being informed that the Medes with Artabazos were in flight, they pursued after them as far as Thessaly, though the Lacedemonians endeavoured to prevent them from pursuing after fugitives. 88 Then returning back to their own country they sent the leaders of their army into exile from the land. After the Mantineians came the Eleians; and they, like the Mantineians, were greatly grieved by it and so departed home; and these also when they had returned sent their leaders into exile. So much of the Mantineians and Eleians.

78. At Plataia among the troops of the Eginetans was Lampon the son of Pytheas, one of the leading men of the Eginetans, who was moved to go to Pausanias with a most impious proposal, and when he had come with haste, he said as follows: "Son of Cleombrotos, a deed has been done by thee which is of marvellous greatness and glory, and to thee God has permitted by rescuing Hellas to lay up for thyself the greatest renown of all the Hellenes about whom we have any knowledge. Do thou then perform also that which remains to do after these things, in order that yet greater reputation may attach to thee, and also that in future every one of the Barbarians may beware of being the beginner of presumptuous deeds towards the Hellenes. For when Leonidas was slain at Thermopylai, Mardonios and Xerxes cut off his head and crucified him: to him therefore do thou repay like with like, and thou shalt have praise first from all the Spartans and then secondly from the other Hellenes also; for if thou impale the body of Mardonios, thou wilt then have taken vengeance for Leonidas thy father's brother.".

79. He said this thinking to give pleasure; but the other made him answer in these words: "Stranger of Egina, I admire thy friendly spirit and thy forethought for me, but thou hast failed of a good opinion nevertheless: for having exalted me on high and my family and my deed, thou didst then cast me down to nought by advising me to do outrage to a dead body, and by saying that if I do this I shall be better reported of. These things it is more fitting for Barbarians to do than for Hellenes; and even with them we find fault for doing so. However that may be, I do not desire in any such manner as this to please either Eginetans or others who like such things; but it is enough for me that I should keep from unholy deeds, yea and from unholy speech also, and so please the Spartans. As for Leonidas, whom thou biddest me avenge, I declare that he has been greatly avenged already, and by the unnumbered lives which have been taken of these men he has been honoured, and not he only but also the rest who brought their lives to an end at Thermopylai. As for thee however, come not again to me with such a proposal, nor give me such advice; and be thankful moreover that thou hast no punishment for it now."

80. He having heard this went his way; and Pausanias made a proclamation that none should lay hands upon the spoil, and he ordered the Helots to collect the things together. They accordingly dispersed themselves about the camp and found tents furnished with gold and silver, and beds overlaid with gold and overlaid with silver, and mixing-bowls of gold, and cups and other drinking vessels. They found also sacks laid upon waggons, in which there proved to be caldrons both of gold and of silver; and from the dead bodies which lay there they stripped bracelets and collars, and also their swords 89 if they were of gold, for as to embroidered raiment, there was no account made of it. Then the Helots stole many of the things and sold them to the Eginetans, but many things also they delivered up, as many of them as they could not conceal; so that the great wealth of the Eginetans first came from this, that they bought the gold from the Helots making pretence that it was brass..

81. Then having brought the things together, and having set apart a tithe for the god of Delphi, with which the offering was dedicated of the golden tripod which rests upon the three-headed serpent of bronze and stands close by the altar, and also 90 for the god at Olympia, with which they dedicated the offering of a bronze statue of Zeus ten cubits high, and finally for the god at the Isthmus, with which was made a bronze statue of Poseidon seven cubits high,—having set apart these things, they divided the rest, and each took that which they ought to have, including the concubines of the Persians and the gold and the silver and the other things, and also the beasts of burden. How much was set apart and given to those of them who had proved themselves the best men at Plataia is not reported by any, though for my part I suppose that gifts were made to these also; Pausanias however had ten of each thing set apart and given to him, that is women, horses, talents, camels, and so also of the other things.

82. It is said moreover that this was done which here follows, namely that Xerxes in his flight from Hellas had left to Mardonios the furniture of his own tent, and Pausanias accordingly seeing the furniture of Mardonios furnished 91 with gold and silver and hangings of different colours ordered the bakers and the cooks to prepare a meal as they were used to do for Mardonios. Then when they did this as they had been commanded, it is said that Pausanias seeing the couches of gold and of silver with luxurious coverings, and the tables of gold and silver, and the magnificent apparatus of the feast, was astonished at the good things set before him, and for sport he ordered his own servants to prepare a Laconian meal; and as, when the banquet was served, the difference between the two was great, Pausanias laughed and sent for the commanders of the Hellenes; and when these had come together, Pausanias said, pointing to the preparation of the two meals severally: "Hellenes, for this reason I assembled you together, because I desired to show you the senselessness of this leader of the Medes, who having such fare as this, came to us who have such sorry fare as ye see here, in order to take it away from us." Thus it is said that Pausanias spoke to the commanders of the Hellenes.

83. However, 92 in later time after these events many of the Plataians also found chests of gold and of silver and of other treasures; and moreover afterwards this which follows was seen in the case of the dead bodies here, after the flesh had been stripped off from the bones; for the Plataians brought together the bones all to one place:—there was found, I say, a skull with no suture but all of one bone, and there was seen also a jaw-bone, that is to say the upper part of the jaw, which had teeth joined together and all of one bone, both the teeth that bite and those that grind; and the bones were seen also of a man five cubits high..

84. The body of Mardonios however had disappeared 93 on the day after the battle, taken by whom I am not able with certainty to say, but I have heard the names of many men of various cities who are said to have buried Mardonios, and I know that many received gifts from Artontes the son of Mardonios for having done this: who he was however who took up and buried the body of Mardonios I am not able for certain to discover, but Dionysophanes an Ephesian is reported with some show of reason to have been he who buried Mardonios..

85. He then was buried in some such manner as this: and the Hellenes when they had divided the spoil at Plataia proceeded to bury their dead, each nation apart by themselves. The Spartans made for themselves three several burial-places, one in which they buried the younger Spartans, 94 of whom also were Poseidonios, Amompharetos, Philokyon and Callicrates,—in one of the graves, I say, were laid the younger men, in the second the rest of the Spartans, and in the third the Helots. These then thus buried their dead; but the Tegeans buried theirs all together in a place apart from these, and the Athenians theirs together; and the Megarians and Phliasians those who had been slain by the cavalry. Of all these the burial-places had bodies laid in them, but as to the burial-places of other States which are to be seen at Plataia, these, as I am informed, are all mere mounds of earth without any bodies in them, raised by the several peoples on account of posterity, because they were ashamed of their absence from the fight; for among others there is one there called the burial-place of the Eginetans, which I hear was raised at the request of the Eginetans by Cleades the son of Autodicos, a man of Plataia who was their public guest-friend, 95 no less than ten years after these events.

86. When the Hellenes had buried their dead at Plataia, forthwith they determined in common council to march upon Thebes and to ask the Thebans to surrender those who had taken the side of the Medes, and among the first of them Timagenides and Attaginos, who were leaders equal to the first; and if the Thebans did not give them up, they determined not to retire from the city until they had taken it. Having thus resolved, they came accordingly on the eleventh day after the battle and began to besiege the Thebans, bidding them give the men up: and as the Thebans refused to give them up, they began to lay waste their land and also to attack their wall..

87. So then, as they did not cease their ravages, on the twentieth day Timagenides spoke as follows to the Thebans: "Thebans, since it has been resolved by the Hellenes not to retire from the siege until either they have taken Thebes or ye have delivered us up to them, now therefore let not the land of Boeotia suffer 96 any more for our sakes, but if they desire to have money and are demanding our surrender as a colour for this, let us give them money taken out of the treasury of the State; for we took the side of the Medes together with the State and not by ourselves alone: but if they are making the siege truly in order to get us into their hands, then we will give ourselves up for trial." 97 In this it was thought that he spoke very well and seasonably, and the Thebans forthwith sent a herald to Pausanias offering to deliver up the men..

88. After they had made an agreement on these terms, Attaginos escaped out of the city; and when his sons were delivered up to Pausanias, he released them from the charge, saying that the sons had no share in the guilt of taking the side of the Medes. As to the other men whom the Thebans delivered up, they supposed that they would get a trial, 98 and they trusted moreover to be able to repel the danger by payment of money; but Pausanias, when he had received them, suspecting this very thing, first dismissed the whole army of allies, and then took the men to Corinth and put them to death there. These were the things which happened at Plataia and at Thebes.

89. Artabazos meanwhile, the son of Pharnakes, in his flight from Plataia was by this time getting forward on his way: and the Thessalians, when he came to them, offered him hospitality and inquired concerning the rest of the army, not knowing anything of that which had happened at Plataia; and Artabazos knowing that if he should tell them the whole truth about the fighting, he would run the risk of being destroyed, both himself and the whole army which was with him, (for he thought that they would all set upon him if they were informed of that which had happened),—reflecting, I say, upon this he had told nothing of it to the Phokians, and now to the Thessalians he spoke as follows: "I, as you see, Thessalians, am earnest to march by the shortest way to Thracia; and I am in great haste, having been sent with these men for a certain business from the army; moreover Mardonios himself and his army are shortly to be looked for here, marching close after me. To him give entertainment and show yourselves serviceable, for ye will not in the end repent of so doing." Having thus said he continued to march his army with haste through Thessaly and Macedonia straight for Thracia, being in truth earnest to proceed and going through the land by the shortest possible way: 99 and so he came to Byzantion, having left behind him great numbers of his army, who had either been cut down by the Thracians on the way or had been overcome by hunger and fatigue; 100 and from Byzantion he passed over in ships. He himself 101 then thus made his return back to Asia.

90. Now on the same day on which the defeat took place at Plataia, another took place also, as fortune would have it, at Mycale in Ionia. For when the Hellenes who had come in the ships with Leotychides the Lacedemonian, were lying at Delos, there came to them as envoys from Samos Lampon the son of Thrasycles and Athenagoras the son of Archestratides and Hegesistratos the son of Aristagoras, who had been sent by the people of Samos without the knowledge either of the Persians or of the despot Theomestor the son of Androdamas, whom the Persians had set up to be despot of Samos. When these had been introduced before the commanders, Hegesistratos spoke at great length using arguments of all kinds, and saying that so soon as the Ionians should see them they would at once revolt from the Persians, and that the Barbarians would not wait for their attack; and if after all they did so, then the Hellenes would take a prize such as they would never take again hereafter; and appealing to the gods worshipped in common he endeavoured to persuade them to rescue from slavery men who were Hellenes and to drive away the Barbarian: and this he said was easy for them to do, for the ships of the enemy sailed badly and were no match for them in fight. Moreover if the Hellenes suspected that they were endeavouring to bring them on by fraud, they were ready to be taken as hostages in their ships..

91. Then as the stranger of Samos was urgent in his prayer, Leotychides inquired thus, either desiring to hear for the sake of the omen or perhaps by a chance which Providence brought about: "Stranger of Samos, what is thy name?" He said "Hegesistratos." 102 The other cut short the rest of the speech, stopping all that Hegesistratos had intended to say further, and said: "I accept the augury given in Hegesistratos, stranger of Samos. Do thou on thy part see that thou give us assurance, thou and the men who are with thee, that the Samians will without fail be our zealous allies, and after that sail away home.".

92. Thus he spoke and to the words he added the deed; for forthwith the Samians gave assurance and made oaths of alliance with the Hellenes, and having so done the others sailed away home, but Hegesistratos he bade sail with the Hellenes, considering the name to be an augury of good success. Then the Hellenes after staying still that day made sacrifices for success on the next day, their diviner being Deïphonos the son of Euenios an Apolloniate, of that Apollonia which lies in the Ionian gulf. 10201.

93. To this man's father Euenios it happened as follows:—There are at this place Apollonia sheep sacred to the Sun, which during the day feed by a river 103 running from Mount Lacmon through the land of Apollonia to the sea by the haven of Oricos; and by night they are watched by men chosen for this purpose, who are the most highly considered of the citizens for wealth and noble birth, each man having charge of them for a year; for the people of Apollonia set great store on these sheep by reason of an oracle: and they are folded in a cave at some distance from the city. Here at the time of which I speak this man Euenios was keeping watch over them, having been chosen for that purpose; and it happened one night that he fell asleep during his watch, and wolves came by into the cave and killed about sixty of the sheep. When he perceived this, he kept it secret and told no one, meaning to buy others and substitute them in the place of those that were killed. It was discovered however by the people of Apollonia that this had happened; and when they were informed of it, they brought him up before a court and condemned him to be deprived of his eyesight for having fallen asleep during his watch. But when they had blinded Euenios, forthwith after this their flocks ceased to bring forth young and their land to bear crops as before. Then prophesyings were uttered to them both at Dodona and also at Delphi, when they asked the prophets the cause of the evil which they were suffering, and they told them 104 that they had done unjustly in depriving of his sight Euenios the watcher of the sacred sheep; for the gods of whom they inquired had themselves sent the wolves to attack the sheep; and they would not cease to take vengeance for him till the men of Apollonia should have paid to Euenios such satisfaction as he himself should choose and deem sufficient; and this being fulfilled, the gods would give to Euenios a gift of such a kind that many men would think him happy in that he possessed it..

94. These oracles then were uttered to them, and the people of Apollonia, making a secret of it, proposed to certain men of the citizens to manage the affair; and they managed it for them thus:—when Euenios was sitting on a seat in public, they came and sat by him, and conversed about other matters, and at last they came to sympathising with him in his misfortune; and thus leading him on they asked what satisfaction he should choose, if the people of Apollonia should undertake to give him satisfaction for that which they had done. He then, not having heard the oracle, made choice and said that if there should be given him the lands belonging to certain citizens, naming those whom he knew to possess the two best lots of land in Apollonia, and a dwelling-house also with these, which he knew to be the best house in the city,—if he became the possessor of these, he said, he would have no anger against them for the future, and this satisfaction would be sufficient for him if it should be given. Then as he was thus speaking, the men who sat by him said interrupting him: "Euenios, this satisfaction the Apolloniates pay to thee for thy blinding in accordance with the oracles which have been given to them." Upon this he was angry, being thus informed of the whole matter and considering that he had been deceived; and they bought the property from those who possessed it and gave him that which he had chosen. And forthwith after this he had a natural gift of divination, 105 so that he became very famous..

95. Of this Euenios, I say, Deïphonos was the son, and he was acting as diviner for the army, being brought by the Corinthians. I have heard however also that Deïphonos wrongly made use of the name of Euenios, and undertook work of this kind about Hellas, not being really the son of Euenios.

96. Now when the sacrifices were favourable to the Hellenes, they put their ships to sea from Delos to go to Samos; and having arrived off Calamisa 106 in Samos, they moored their ships there opposite the temple of Hera which is at this place, and made preparations for a sea-fight; but the Persians, being informed that they were sailing thither, put out to sea also and went over to the mainland with their remaining ships, (those of the Phenicians having been already sent away to sail home): for deliberating of the matter they thought it good not to fight a battle by sea, since they did not think that they were a match for the enemy. And they sailed away to the mainland in order that they might be under the protection of their land-army which was in Mycale, a body which had stayed behind the rest of the army by command of Xerxes and was keeping watch over Ionia: of this the number was six myriads 107 and the commander of it was Tigranes, who in beauty and stature excelled the other Persians. The commanders of the fleet then had determined to take refuge under the protection of this army, and to draw up their ships on shore and put an enclosure round as a protection for the ships and a refuge for themselves..

97. Having thus determined they began to put out to sea; and they came along by the temple of the "Revered goddesses" 10701 to the Gaison and to Scolopoeis in Mycale, where there is a temple of the Eleusinian Demeter, which Philistos the son of Pasicles erected when he had accompanied Neileus the son of Codros for the founding of Miletos; and there they drew up their ships on shore and put an enclosure round them of stones and timber, cutting down fruit-trees for this purpose, and they fixed stakes round the enclosure and made their preparations either for being besieged or for gaining a victory, for in making their preparations they reckoned for both chances.

98. The Hellenes however, when they were informed that the Barbarians had gone away to the mainland, were vexed because they thought that they had escaped; and they were in a difficulty what they should do, whether they should go back home, or sail down towards the Hellespont. At last they resolved to do neither of these two things, but to sail on to the mainland. Therefore when they had prepared as for a sea-fight both boarding-bridges and all other things that were required, they sailed towards Mycale; and when they came near to the camp and no one was seen to put out against them, but they perceived ships drawn up within the wall and a large land-army ranged along the shore, then first Leotychides, sailing along in his ship and coming as near to the shore as he could, made proclamation by a herald to the Ionians, saying: "Ionians, those of you who chance to be within hearing of me, attend to this which I say: for the Persians will not understand anything at all of that which I enjoin to you. When we join battle, each one of you must remember first the freedom of all, and then the watchword 'Hebe'; and this let him also who has not heard know from him who has heard." The design in this act was the same as that of Themistocles at Artemision; for it was meant that either the words uttered should escape the knowledge of the Barbarians and persuade the Ionians, or that they should be reported to the Barbarians and make them distrustful of the Hellenes. 108

99. After Leotychides had thus suggested, then next the Hellenes proceeded to bring their ships up to land, and they disembarked upon the shore. These then were ranging themselves for fight; and the Persians, when they saw the Hellenes preparing for battle and also that they had given exhortation to the Ionians, in the first place deprived the Samians of their arms, suspecting that they were inclined to the side of the Hellenes; for when the Athenian prisoners, the men whom the army of Xerxes had found left behind in Attica, had come in the ships of the Barbarians, the Samians had ransomed these and sent them back to Athens, supplying them with means for their journey; and for this reason especially they were suspected, since they had ransomed five hundred persons of the enemies of Xerxes. Then secondly the Persians appointed the Milesians to guard the passes which lead to the summits of Mycale, on the pretext that they knew the country best, but their true reason for doing this was that they might be out of the camp. Against these of the Ionians, who, as they suspected, would make some hostile move 109 if they found the occasion, the Persians sought to secure themselves in the manner mentioned; and they themselves then brought together their wicker-work shields to serve them as a fence.

100. Then when the Hellenes had made all their preparations, they proceeded to the attack of the Barbarians; and as they went, a rumour came suddenly 110 to their whole army, and at the same time a herald's staff was found lying upon the beach; and the rumour went through their army to this effect, namely that the Hellenes were fighting in Boeotia and conquering the army of Mardonios. Now by many signs is the divine power seen in earthly things, and by this among others, namely that now, when the day of the defeat at Plataia and of that which was about to take place at Mycale happened to be the same, a rumour came to the Hellenes here, so that the army was encouraged much more and was more eagerly desirous to face the danger..

101. Moreover this other thing by coincidence happened besides, namely that there was a sacred enclosure of the Eleusinian Demeter close by the side of both the battle-fields; for not only in the Plataian land did the fight take place close by the side of the temple of Demeter, as I have before said, but also in Mycale it was to be so likewise. And whereas the rumour which came to them said that a victory had been already gained by the Hellenes with Pausanias, this proved to be a true report; for that which was done at Plataia came about while it was yet early morning, but the fighting at Mycale took place in the afternoon; and that it happened on the same day of the same month as the other became evident to them not long afterwards, when they inquired into the matter. Now they had been afraid before the rumour arrived, not for themselves so much as for the Hellenes generally, lest Hellas should stumble and fall over Mardonios; but when this report had come suddenly to them, they advanced on the enemy much more vigorously and swiftly than before. The Hellenes then and the Barbarians were going with eagerness into the battle, since both the islands and the Hellespont were placed before them as prizes of the contest.

102. Now for the Athenians and those who were ranged next to them, to the number perhaps of half the whole army, the road lay along the sea-beach and over level ground, while the Lacedemonians and those ranged in order by these were compelled to go by a ravine and along the mountain side: so while the Lacedemonians were yet going round, those upon the other wing were already beginning the fight; and as long as the wicker-work shields of the Persians still remained upright, they continued to defend themselves and had rather the advantage in the fight; but when the troops of the Athenians and of those ranged next to them, desiring that the achievement should belong to them and not to the Lacedemonians, with exhortations to one another set themselves more vigorously to the work, then from that time forth the fortune of the fight was changed; for these pushed aside the wicker-work shields and fell upon the Persians with a rush all in one body, and the Persians sustained their first attack and continued to defend themselves for a long time, but at last they fled to the wall; and the Athenians, Corinthians, Sikyonians and Troizenians, for that was the order in which they were ranged, followed close after them and rushed in together with them to the space within the wall: and when the wall too had been captured, then the Barbarians no longer betook themselves to resistance, but began at once to take flight, excepting only the Persians, who formed into small groups and continued to fight with the Hellenes as they rushed in within the wall. Of the commanders of the Persians two made their escape and two were slain; Artaÿntes and Ithamitres commanders of the fleet escaped, while Mardontes and the commander of the land-army, Tigranes, were slain..

103. Now while the Persians were still fighting, the Lacedemonians and those with them arrived, and joined in carrying through the rest of the work; and of the Hellenes themselves many fell there and especially many of the Sikyonians, together with their commander Perilaos. And those of the Samians who were serving in the army, being in the camp of the Medes and having been deprived of their arms, when they saw that from the very first the battle began to be doubtful, 111 did as much as they could, endeavouring to give assistance to the Hellenes; and the other Ionians seeing that the Samians had set the example, themselves also upon that made revolt from the Persians and attacked the Barbarians..

104. The Milesians too had been appointed to watch the passes of the Persians 112 in order to secure their safety, so that if that should after all come upon them which actually came, they might have guides and so get safe away to the summits of Mycale,—the Milesians, I say, had been appointed to do this, not only for that end but also for fear that, if they were present in the camp, they might make some hostile move: 113 but they did in fact the opposite of that which they were appointed to do; for they not only directed them in the flight by other than the right paths, by paths indeed which led towards the enemy, but also at last they themselves became their worst foes and began to slay them. Thus then for the second time Ionia revolted from the Persians.

105. In this battle, of the Hellenes the Athenians were the best men, and of the Athenians Hermolycos the son of Euthoinos, a man who had trained for the pancration. This Hermolycos after these events, when there was war between the Athenians and the Carystians, was killed in battle at Kyrnos in the Carystian land near Geraistos, and there was buried. After the Athenians the Corinthians, Troizenians and Sikyonians were the best.

106. When the Hellenes had slain the greater number of the Barbarians, some in the battle and others in their flight, they set fire to the ships and to the whole of the wall, having first brought out the spoil to the sea-shore; and among the rest they found some stores of money. So having set fire to the wall and to the ships they sailed away; and when they came to Samos, the Hellenes deliberated about removing the inhabitants of Ionia, and considered where they ought to settle them in those parts of Hellas of which they had command, leaving Ionia to the Barbarians: for it was evident to them that it was impossible on the one hand for them to be always stationed as guards to protect the Ionians, and on the other hand, if they were not stationed to protect them, they had no hope that the Ionians would escape with impunity from the Persians. Therefore it seemed good to those of the Peloponnesians that were in authority that they should remove the inhabitants of the trading ports which belonged to those peoples of Hellas who had taken the side of the Medes, and give that land to the Ionians to dwell in; but the Athenians did not think it good that the inhabitants of Ionia should be removed at all, nor that the Peloponnesians should consult about Athenian colonies; and as these vehemently resisted the proposal, the Peloponnesians gave way. So the end was that they joined as allies to their league the Samians, Chians, Lesbians, and the other islanders who chanced to be serving with the Hellenes, binding them by assurance and by oaths to remain faithful and not withdraw from the league: and having bound these by oaths they sailed to break up the bridges, for they supposed they would find them still stretched over the straits.

These then were sailing towards the Hellespont;.

107, and meanwhile those Barbarians who had escaped and had been driven to the heights of Mycale, being not many in number, were making their way to Sardis: and as they went by the way, Masistes the son of Dareios, who had been present at the disaster which had befallen them, was saying many evil things of the commander Artaÿntes, and among other things he said that in respect of the generalship which he had shown he was worse than a woman, and that he deserved every kind of evil for having brought evil on the house of the king. Now with the Persians to be called worse than a woman is the greatest possible reproach. So he, after he had been much reviled, at length became angry and drew his sword upon Masistes, meaning to kill him; and as he was running upon him, Xeinagoras the son of Prexilaos, a man of Halicarnassos, perceived it, who was standing just behind Artaÿntes; and this man seized him by the middle and lifting him up dashed him upon the ground; and meanwhile the spearmen of Masistes came in front to protect him. Thus did Xeinagoras, and thus he laid up thanks for himself both with Masistes and also with Xerxes for saving the life of his brother; and for this deed Xeinagoras became ruler of all Kilikia by the gift of the king. Nothing further happened than this as they went on their way, but they arrived at Sardis.

Now at Sardis, as it chanced, king Xerxes had been staying ever since that time when he came thither in flight from Athens, after suffering defeat in the sea-fight..

108. At that time, while he was in Sardis, he had a passionate desire, as it seems, for the wife of Masistes, who was also there: and as she could not be bent to his will by his messages to her, and he did not wish to employ force because he had regard for his brother Masistes and the same consideration withheld the woman also, for she well knew that force would not be used towards her, then Xerxes abstained from all else, and endeavoured to bring about the marriage of his own son Dareios with the daughter of this woman and of Masistes, supposing that if he should do so he would obtain her more easily. Then having made the betrothal and done all the customary rites, he went away to Susa; and when he had arrived there and had brought the woman into his own house for Dareios, then he ceased from attempting the wife of Masistes and changing his inclination he conceived a desire for the wife of Dareios, who was daughter of Masistes, and obtained her: now the name of this woman was Artaÿnte..

109. However as time went on, this became known in the following manner:—Amestris the wife of Xerxes had woven a mantle, large and of various work and a sight worthy to be seen, and this she gave to Xerxes. He then being greatly pleased put it on and went to Artaÿnte; and being greatly pleased with her too, he bade her ask what she would to be given to her in return for the favours which she had granted to him, for she should obtain, he said, whatsoever she asked: and she, since it was destined that she should perish miserably with her whole house, said to Xerxes upon this: "Wilt thou give me whatsoever I ask thee for?" and he, supposing that she would ask anything rather than that which she did, promised this and swore to it. Then when he had sworn, she boldly asked for the mantle; and Xerxes tried every means of persuasion, not being willing to give it to her, and that for no other reason but only because he feared Amestris, lest by her, who even before this had some inkling of the truth, he should thus be discovered in the act; and he offered her cities and gold in any quantity, and an army which no one else should command except herself. Now this of an army is a thoroughly Persian gift. Since however he did not persuade her, he gave her the mantle; and she being overjoyed by the gift wore it and prided herself upon it..

110. And Amestris was informed that she had it; and having learnt that which was being done, she was not angry with the woman, but supposing that her mother was the cause and that she was bringing this about, she planned destruction for the wife of Masistes. She waited then until her husband Xerxes had a royal feast set before him:—this feast is served up once in the year on the day on which the king was born, and the name of this feast is in Persian tycta, which in the tongue of the Hellenes means "complete"; also on this occasion alone the king washes his head, 114 and he makes gifts then to the Persians:—Amestris, I say, waited for this day and then asked of Xerxes that the wife of Masistes might be given to her. And he considered it a strange and untoward thing to deliver over to her his brother's wife, especially since she was innocent of this matter; for he understood why she was making the request..

111. At last however as she continued to entreat urgently and he was compelled by the rule, namely that it is impossible among them that he who makes request when a royal feast is laid before the king should fail to obtain it, at last very much against his will consented; and in delivering her up he bade Amestris do as she desired, and meanwhile he sent for his brother and said these words: "Masistes, thou art the son of Dareios and my brother, and moreover in addition to this thou art a man of worth. I say to thee, live no longer with this wife with whom thou now livest, but I give thee instead of her my daughter; with her live as thy wife, but the wife whom thou now hast, do not keep; for it does not seem good to me that thou shouldest keep her." Masistes then, marvelling at that which was spoken, said these words: "Master, how unprofitable a speech is this which thou utterest to me, in that thou biddest me send away a wife by whom I have sons who are grown up to be young men, and daughters one of whom even thou thyself didst take as a wife for thy son, and who is herself, as it chances, very much to my mind,—that thou biddest me, I say, send away her and take to wife thy daughter! I, O king, think it a very great matter that I am judged worthy of thy daughter, but nevertheless I will do neither of these things: and do not thou urge me by force to do such a thing as this: but for thy daughter another husband will be found not in any wise inferior to me, and let me, I pray thee, live still with my own wife." He returned answer in some such words as these; and Xerxes being stirred with anger said as follows: "This then, Masistes, is thy case,—I will not give thee my daughter for thy wife, nor yet shalt thou live any longer with that one, in order that thou mayest learn to accept that which is offered thee." He then when he heard this went out, having first said these words: "Master, thou hast not surely brought ruin upon me?" 115.

112. During this interval of time, while Xerxes was conversing with his brother, Amestris had sent the spearmen of Xerxes to bring the wife of Masistes, and she was doing to her shameful outrage; for she cut away her breasts and threw them to dogs, and she cut off her nose and ears and lips and tongue, and sent her back home thus outraged.

113. Then Masistes, not yet having heard any of these things, but supposing that some evil had fallen upon him, came running to his house; and seeing his wife thus mutilated, forthwith upon this he took counsel with his sons and set forth to go to Bactria together with his sons and doubtless some others also, meaning to make the province of Bactria revolt and to do the greatest possible injury to the king: and this in fact would have come to pass, as I imagine, if he had got up to the land of the Bactrians and Sacans before he was overtaken, for they were much attached to him, and also he was the governor of the Bactrians: but Xerxes being informed that he was doing this, sent after him an army as he was on his way, and slew both him and his sons and his army. So far of that which happened about the passion of Xerxes and the death of Masistes.

114. Now the Hellenes who had set forth from Mycale to the Hellespont first moored their ships about Lecton, being stopped from their voyage by winds; and thence they came to Abydos and found that the bridges had been broken up, which they thought to find still stretched across, and on account of which especially they had come to the Hellespont. So the Peloponnesians which Leotychides resolved to sail back to Hellas, while the Athenians and Xanthippos their commander determined to stay behind there and to make an attempt upon the Chersonese. Those then sailed away, and the Athenians passed over from Abydos to the Chersonese and began to besiege Sestos..

115. To this town of Sestos, since it was the greatest stronghold of those in that region, men had come together from the cities which lay round it, when they heard that the Hellenes had arrived at the Hellespont, and especially there had come from the city of Cardia Oiobazos a Persian, who had brought to Sestos the ropes of the bridges. The inhabitants of the city were Aiolians, natives of the country, but there were living with them a great number of Persians and also of their allies..

116. And of the province Artaÿctes was despot, as governor under Xerxes, a Persian, but a man of desperate and reckless character, who also had practised deception upon the king on his march against Athens, in taking away from Elaius the things belonging to Protesilaos the son of Iphiclos. For at Elaius in the Chersonese there is the tomb of Protesilaos with a sacred enclosure about it, where there were many treasures, with gold and silver cups and bronze and raiment and other offerings, which things Artaÿctes carried off as plunder, the king having granted them to him. And he deceived Xerxes by saying to him some such words as these: "Master, there is here the house of a man, a Hellene, who made an expedition against thy land and met with his deserts and was slain: this man's house I ask thee to give to me, that every one may learn not to make expeditions against thy land." By saying this it was likely that he would easily enough persuade Xerxes to give him a man's house, not suspecting what was in his mind: and when he said that Protesilaos had made expedition against the land of the king, it must be understood that the Persians consider all Asia to be theirs and to belong to their reigning king. So when the things had been given him, he brought them from Elaius to Sestos, and he sowed the sacred enclosure for crops and occupied it as his own; and he himself, whenever he came to Elaius, had commerce with women in the inner cell of the temple. 116 And now he was being besieged by the Athenians, when he had not made any preparation for a siege nor had been expecting that the Hellenes would come; for they fell upon him, as one may say, inevitably. 117.

117. When however autumn came and the siege still went on, the Athenians began to be vexed at being absent from their own land and at the same time not able to conquer the fortress, and they requested their commanders to lead them away home; but these said that they would not do so, until either they had taken the town or the public authority of the Athenians sent for them home: and so they endured their present state. 118.

118. Those however who were within the walls had now come to the greatest misery, so that they boiled down the girths of their beds and used them for food; and when they no longer had even these, then the Persians and with them Artaÿctes and Oiobazos ran away and departed in the night, climbing down by the back part of the wall, where the place was left most unguarded by the enemy; and when day came, the men of the Chersonese signified to the Athenians from the towers concerning that which had happened, and opened the gates to them. So the greater number of them went in pursuit, and the rest occupied the city..

119. Now Oiobazos, as he was escaping 119 into Thrace, was caught by the Apsinthian Thracians and sacrificed to their native god Pleistoros with their rites, and the rest who were with him they slaughtered in another manner: but Artaÿctes with his companions, who started on their flight later and were overtaken at a little distance above Aigospotamoi, defended themselves for a considerable time and were some of them killed and others taken alive: and the Hellenes had bound these and were bringing them to Sestos, and among them Artaÿctes also in bonds together with his son..

120. Then, it is said by the men of the Chersonese, as one of those who guarded them was frying dried fish, a portent occurred as follows,—the dried fish when laid upon the fire began to leap and struggle just as if they were fish newly caught: and the others gathered round and were marvelling at the portent, but Artaÿctes seeing it called to the man who was frying the fish and said: "Stranger of Athens, be not at all afraid of this portent, seeing that it has not appeared for thee but for me. Protesilaos who dwells at Elaius signifies thereby that though he is dead and his body is dried like those fish, 120 yet he has power given him by the gods to exact vengeance from the man who does him wrong. Now therefore I desire to impose this penalty for him, 121—that in place of the things which I took from the temple I should pay down a hundred talents to the god, and moreover as ransom for myself and my son I will pay two hundred talents to the Athenians, if my life be spared." Thus he engaged to do, but he did not prevail upon the commander Xanthippos; for the people of Elaius desiring to take vengeance for Protesilaos asked that he might be put to death, and the inclination of the commander himself tended to the same conclusion. They brought him therefore to that headland to which Xerxes made the passage across, or as some say to the hill which is over the town of Madytos, and there they nailed him to boards 122 and hung him up; and they stoned his son to death before the eyes of Artaÿctes himself..

121. Having so done, they sailed away to Hellas, taking with them, besides other things, the ropes also of the bridges, in order to dedicate them as offerings in the temples: and for that year nothing happened further than this.

122. Now a forefather of this Artaÿctes who was hung up, was that Artembares who set forth to the Persians a proposal which they took up and brought before Cyrus, being to this effect: "Seeing that Zeus grants to the Persians leadership, and of all men to thee, O Cyrus, by destroying Astyages, come, since the land we possess is small and also rugged, let us change from it and inhabit another which is better: and there are many near at hand, and many also at a greater distance, of which if we take one, we shall have greater reverence and from more men. It is reasonable too that men who are rulers should do such things; for when will there ever be a fairer occasion than now, when we are rulers of many nations and of the whole of Asia?" Cyrus, hearing this and not being surprised at the proposal, 123 bade them do so if they would; but he exhorted them and bade them prepare in that case to be no longer rulers but subjects; "For," said he, "from lands which are not rugged men who are not rugged are apt to come forth, since it does not belong to the same land to bring forth fruits of the earth which are admirable and also men who are good in war." So the Persians acknowledged that he was right and departed from his presence, having their opinion defeated by that of Cyrus; and they chose rather to dwell on poor land and be rulers, than to sow crops in a level plain and be slaves to others.





NOTES TO BOOK IX

1 (return)
[ "the same who at the former time also were of one accord together."]

2 (return)
[ {ta ekeinon iskhura bouleumata}: some good MSS. omit {iskhura}, and so many Editors.]

3 (return)
[ {up agnomosunes}.]

4 (return)
[ {boulen}.]

5 (return)
[ {exeneikai es ton dumon}.]

6 (return)
[ {aleoren}.]

7 (return)
[ Cp. viii. 140 (a).]

8 (return)
[ {to men ap emeon outo akibdelon nemetai epi tous Ellenas}, "that which we owe to the Hellenes is thus paid in no counterfeit coin."]

9 (return)
[ {ekeleusan}, i.e. "their bidding was" when they sent us.]

901 (return)
[ This clause, "with no less—each man of them," is omitted in some MSS. and considered spurious by several Editors.]

10 (return)
[ Cp. ch. 55.]

11 (return)
[ {perioikon}.]

12 (return)
[ {ton emerodromon}, cp. vi. 105.]

13 (return)
[ {tugkhane eu bouleoumenos}: perhaps, "endeavour to take measures well."]

14 (return)
[ {prodromon}, a conjectural emendation of {prodromos}.]

15 (return)
[ {boiotarkhai}, i.e. the heads of the Boeotian confederacy.]

16 (return)
[ {os epi deka stadious malista ke}.]

17 (return)
[ {klinai}: several Editors have altered this, reading {klithenai} or {klinenai}, "they were made to recline."]

18 (return)
[ {diapinonton}, cp. v. 18.]

19 (return)
[ {polla phroneonta medenos krateein}.]

20 (return)
[ {sphodra}: not quite satisfactory with {emedizon}, but it can hardly go with {ouk ekontes}, as Krüger suggests.]

21 (return)
[ {pheme}, as in ch. 100.]

22 (return)
[ {proopto thanato}.]

23 (return)
[ {prosballontes}: most of the MSS. have {prosbalontes}, and so also in ch. 21 and 22 they have {prosbalouses}.]

24 (return)
[ i.e. the retreat with which each charge ended and the turn from retreat in preparation for a fresh charge. So much would be done without word of command, before reining in their horses.]

25 (return)
[ {ephoiteon}.]

2501 (return)
[ Or, according to some MSS., "much contention in argument."]

26 (return)
[ i.e. the left wing.]

27 (return)
[ The name apparently should be Kepheus, but there is no authority for changing the text.]

28 (return)
[ This is the number of nations mentioned in vii. 61-80 as composing the land-army of Xerxes.]

29 (return)
[ {oi epiphoiteontes}.]

30 (return)
[ {peri andra ekaston}.]

31 (return)
[ i.e. 38,700.]

32 (return)
[ i.e. 69,500.]

33 (return)
[ i.e. 110,000.]

34 (return)
[ {opla de oud outoi eikhon}: i.e. these too must be reckoned with the light-armed.]

35 (return)
[ Cp. ii. 164.]

36 (return)
[ {makhairophoroi}: cp. vii. 89.]

37 (return)
[ i.e. 300,000: see viii. 113.]

38 (return)
[ {geneos tou Iamideon}: the MSS. have {Klutiaden} after {Iamideon}, but the Clytiadai seem to have been a distinct family of soothsayers.]

39 (return)
[ {pentaethlon}.]

40 (return)
[ {para en palaisma edrame nikan Olumpiada}. The meaning is not clear, because the conditions of the {pentaethlon} are not known: however the wrestling {pale} seems to have been the last of the five contests, and the meaning may be that both Tisamenos and Hieronymos had beaten all the other competitors and were equal so far, when Tisamenos failed to win two out of three falls in the wrestling.]

41 (return)
[ {metientes}: some MSS. have {metiontes}, "they went to fetch him."]

42 (return)
[ {aiteomenos}: this is the reading of the MSS., but the conjecture {aiteomenous} (or {aiteomenon}) seems probable enough: "if one may compare the man who asked for royal power with him who asked only for citizenship."]

43 (return)
[ i.e. instead of half for himself, he asks for two-thirds to be divided between himself and his brother.]

44 (return)
[ {o pros Ithome}: a conjectural emendation of {o pros Isthmo}.]

45 (return)
[ {ton tarson eoutou}.]

46 (return)
[ {Treis Kephalas}.]

47 (return)
[ {Druos Kephalas}.]

48 (return)
[ See ch. 2.]

49 (return)
[ {ton epikleton}: cp. vii. 8.]

50 (return)
[ {Mardonio te kai te stratie ta sphagia ou dunatai katathumia genesthai}.]

51 (return)
[ He asks for their help to free his country also from the Persian yoke.]

52 (return)
[ {emakhesametha}.]

53 (return)
[ {psukhre}, cp. vi. 108.]

54 (return)
[ {deka stadious}.]

55 (return)
[ {nesos de outo an eie en epeiro}.]

56 (return)
[ {periskhizetai}.]

57 (return)
[ {epheugon asmenoi}.]

58 (return)
[ {tou Pitaneteon lokhou}, called below {ton lokhon ton Pitaneten}. Evidently {lokhos} here is a division of considerable size.]

59 (return)
[ {anainomenou}: some MSS. and many Editors read {nenomenou}, "since he was thus minded."]

60 (return)
[ {os alla phroneonton kai alla legonton}.]

61 (return)
[ Cp. ch. 11.]

62 (return)
[ The structure of the sentence is rather confused, and perhaps some emendation is required.]

63 (return)
[ {eti ti lexete}. The MSS. and most Editors read {ti}, "what will ye say after this?" The order of the words is against this.]

64 (return)
[ {anarpasomenoi}: cp. viii. 28.]

65 (return)
[ {phraxantes ta gerra}: cp. ch. 99.]

66 (return)
[ {anoploi}, by which evidently more is meant than the absence of shields; cp. the end of ch. 63, where the equipment of the Persians is compared to that of light-armed troops.]

67 (return)
[ See viii. 114.]

68 (return)
[ {es Leoniden}: this is ordinarily translated "as far as Leonidas;" but to say "his ancestors above Anaxandrides have been given as far as Leonidas" (the son of Anaxandrides), is hardly intelligible. The reference is to vii. 204.]

69 (return)
[ Most of the MSS. call him Aeimnestos (with some variation of spelling), but Plutarch has Arimnestos.]

70 (return)
[ See ch. 15: There is no sharp distinction here between camp and palisade, the latter being merely the fortified part of the encampment.]

71 (return)
[ {anaktoron}, a usual name for the temple of Demeter and Persephone at Eleusis.]

72 (return)
[ i.e. 40,000.]

73 (return)
[ {ege katertemenos}: the better MSS. have {eie} for {ege}, which is retained by some Editors ({toutous} being then taken with {inai pantas}): for {katertemenos} we find as variations {katertemenos} and {katertismenos}. Many Editors read {katertismenos} ("well prepared"), following the Aldine tradition.]

74 (return)
[ {ephelokakeonton}.]

75 (return)
[ {en oudeni logo apolonto}.]

76 (return)
[ Stein proposes to substitute "Athenians" for "Lacedemonians" here, making the comparative {erremenestere} anticipate the account given in the next few clauses.]

77 (return)
[ {erromenestere}.]

78 (return)
[ Cp. i. 66.]

79 (return)
[ {aluktazon}, a word of doubtful meaning which is not found elsewhere.]

80 (return)
[ i.e. 300,000.]

81 (return)
[ {o Spartietes}: it has been proposed to read {Spartietai}, for it can hardly be supposed that the other two were not Spartans also.]

82 (return)
[ One MS. at least calls him Aeimenstos, cp. ch. 64: Thucydides (iii. [Footnote 52) mentions Aeimnestos as the name of a Plataian citizen, the father of Lacon. Stein observes that in any case this cannot be that Arimnestos who is mentioned by Plutarch as commander of the Plataian contingent.]

83 (return)
[ {eoutou axion prophumeumenou apodexasthai}.]

84 (return)
[ {atelein te kai proedrin}.]

85 (return)
[ vi. 92.]

86 (return)
[ {andra pentaethlon}.]

87 (return)
[ {oute daimonon oute theon}: heroes and in general divinities of the second order are included under the term {daimonon}.]

88 (return)
[ Most of the commentators (and following them the historians) understand the imperfect {ediokon} to express the mere purpose to attempt, and suppose that this purpose was actually hindered by the Lacedemonians, but for a mere half-formed purpose the expression {mekhri Thessalies} seems to definite, and Diodorus states that Artabazos was pursued. I think therefore that Krüger is right in understanding {eon} of an attempt to dissuade which was not successful. The alternative version would be "they were for pursuing them as far as Thessaly, but the Lacedemonians prevented them from pursuing fugitives."]

89 (return)
[ {akinakas}.]

90 (return)
[ Whether three tithes were taken or only one is left uncertain.]

91 (return)
[ "furniture furnished" is hardly tolerable; perhaps Herodotus wrote {skenen} for {kataskeuen} here.]

92 (return)
[ The connexion here is not satisfactory, and the chapter is in part a continuation of chapter 81: It is possible that ch. 82 may be a later addition by the author, thrown in without much regard to the context.]

93 (return)
[ "Whereas however the body of Mardonios had disappeared on the day after the battle (taken by whom I am not able to say....), it is reported with some show of reason that Dionysophanes, an Ephesian, was he who buried it." The construction however is irregular and broken by parentheses: possibly there is some corruption of text.]

94 (return)
[ {tous irenas}. Spartans between twenty and thirty years old were so called. The MSS. have {ireas}.]

95 (return)
[ {proxeinon}.]

96 (return)
[ "fill up more calamities," cp. v. 4.]

97 (return)
[ {es antilogien}.]

98 (return)
[ {antilogies kuresein}.]

99 (return)
[ {ten mesogaian tamnon tes odou}, cp. vii. 124: The expression seems almost equivalent to {tamnon ten mesen odon}, apart from any question of inland or coast roads.]

100 (return)
[ {limo sustantas kai kamato}, "having struggled with hunger and fatigue."]

101 (return)
[ {autos}: some MSS. read {outos}. If the text is right, it means Artabazos as distinguished from his troops.]

102 (return)
[ i.e. "leader of the army."]

10201 (return)
[ {en to Ionio kolpo}.]

103 (return)
[ Stein reads {para Khona potamon}, "by the river Chon," a conjecture derived from Theognostus.]

104 (return)
[ It is thought by some Editors that "the prophets" just above, and these words, "and they told them," are interpolated.]

105 (return)
[ {emphuton mantiken}, as opposed to the {entekhnos mantike} possessed for example by Melampus, cp. ii. 49.]

106 (return)
[ Or possibly "Calamoi."]

107 (return)
[ i.e. 60,000.]

10701 (return)
[ {ton Potneion}, i.e. either the Eumenides or Demeter and Persephone.]

108 (return)
[ {apistous toisi Ellesi}. Perhaps the last two words are to be rejected, and {apistous} to be taken in its usual sense, "distrusted"; cp. viii. 22.]

109 (return)
[ {neokhmon an ti poieein}.]

110 (return)
[ {pheme eseptato}.]

111 (return)
[ {eteralkea}, cp. viii. 11.]

112 (return)
[ {ton Perseon}: perhaps we should read {ek ton Perseon}, "appointed by the Persians to guard the passes."]

113 (return)
[ {ti neokhmon poieoien}.]

114 (return)
[ {ten kephalen smatai}: the meaning is uncertain.]

115 (return)
[ {Pou de kou me apolesas}: some Editors read {ko} for {kou} (by conjecture), and print the clause as a statement instead of a question, "not yet hast thou caused by ruin."]

116 (return)
[ {en to aduto}.]

117 (return)
[ {aphuktos}: many Editors adopt the reading {aphulakto} from inferior MSS., "they fell upon him when he was, as one may say, off his guard."]

118 (return)
[ {estergon ta pareonta}.]

119 (return)
[ {ekpheugonta}: many Editors have {ekphugonta}, "after he had escaped."]

120 (return)
[ {tarikhos eon}. The word {tarikhos} suggests the idea of human bodies embalmed, as well as of dried or salted meat.]

121 (return)
[ {oi}: some Editors approve the conjecture {moi}, "impose upon myself this penalty."]

122 (return)
[ {sanidas}: some read by conjecture {sanidi}, or {pros sanida}: cp. vii. 33.]

123 (return)
[ Or, "when he had heard this, although he did not admire the proposal, yet bade them do so if they would."]

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